IMAGE  EVALUATION 
TEST  TARGET  (MT-3) 


1.0 


I.I 


11.25 


US  Uii   12.2 
2.0 


us 


i 


U    11.6 


% 


r. 


7: 


'>> 


.^ 


*>\^- 

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7 


Photographic 

Sciences 

Corporation 


23  WEST  MAIN  STREET 

WEBSTER,  N.Y   14580 

(716)  872-4503 


.% 


CIHM/ICMH 

Microfiche 

Series. 


CIHM/ICIVIH 
Collection  de 
microfiches. 


Canadian  Institute  for  Historical  Microreproductions  /  Institut  Canadian  de  microreproductlons  historiques 


« 


V 


Tachnical  and  Bibliographic  Notas/Notet  tachniquas  at  bibliographiquaa 


Tha  Instituta  haa  attamptad  to  obtain  tha  baat 
original  copy  availabia  for  filming.  Faaturaa  of  thia 
copy  which  may  ba  bibiiographicaliy  uniqua. 
which  may  altar  any  of  tha  imagaa  in  tha 
raproduction.  or  which  may  significantly  changa 
tha  uaual  mathod  of  filming,  ara  chackad  balow. 


□    Colourad  covars/ 
Couvartura  da  coulaur 


I     I    Covars  damagad/ 


D 


D 


D 
D 


D 


D 


Couvartura  andommagia 


Covars  rastored  and/or  laminatad/ 
Couvartura  rastaurte  at/ou  palliculAa 


I      I    Covar  titia  missing/ 


La  titra  da  couvartura  manqua 


Hyi    Colourad  maps/ 


Cartas  gAographiquas  an  coulaur 

Colourad  ink  (i.a.  othar  than  blua  or  black)/ 
Encra  da  coulaur  (i.a.  autra  qua  blaua  ou  noira) 


I     I    Colourad  platas  and/or  illustrations/ 


Planchas  at/ou  illustrations  9n  coulaur 


Bound  with  othar  matarial/ 
RaliA  avac  d'autras  documants 


Tight  binding  may  causa  shadows  or  distortion 
along  intarior  margin/ 

La  re  liura  sarr6e  paut  causar  da  I'ombra  ou  da  la 
distortion  la  long  da  la  marga  intiriaura 

Blank  laavas  addad  during  rastoration  may 
appaar  within  tha  taxt.  Whanavar  possibia,  thasa 
hava  baan  omittad  from  filming/ 
II  sa  paut  qua  cartainas  pagas  blanchas  ajoutias 
lors  d'una  rastauration  apparaissant  dans  la  taxta, 
mais,  lorsqua  cala  6ta\t  possibia.  cas  pagas  n'ont 
pas  6t4  filmAas. 

Additional  commants:/ 
Commantairas  supplAmentairas: 


L'Institut  a  microfilm^  la  maillaur  axamplaira 
qu'il  lui  a  iti  possibia  da  sa  procurar.  Las  details 
da  cat  axamplaira  qui  sont  paut-Atra  uniquas  du 
point  da  vua  bibliographiqua.  qui  peuvant  modifier 
una  imaga  raproduita,  ou  qui  pauvant  axigar  una 
modification  dans  la  mAthoda  normala  da  filmage 
sont  indiquAs  ci-dassous. 


Tha 
toti 


r~n   Colourad  pagas/ 


n 


This  itam  is  filmad  at  tha  raduction  ratio  chackad  balow/ 

Ca  documant  ast  fiimi  au  taux  da  reduction  indiqu6  ci-dassous. 

10X  14X  18X  22X 


Pagas  da  coulaur 

Pagas  damagad/ 
Pagas  andommagias 

Pagas  rastored  and/oi 

Pagas  rastaurias  at/ou  palliculies 

Pages  discoloured,  stained  or  foxed/ 
Pages  dicolorias.  tacheties  ou  piqudes 

Pagas  detached/ 
Pagas  d6tach6es 

Showthrough/ 
Transparence 

Quality  of  prir 

Qualiti  inigala  de  I'impression 

Includes  supplementary  materia 
Comprand  du  material  supplimentaire 

Only  edition  available/ 
Seule  Mition  disponible 


I      I    Pagas  damaged/ 

r~l    Pagas  restored  and/or  laminated/ 


I      I  Pagas  detached/ 

[T^  Showthrough/ 

I      I  Quality  of  print  varies/ 

|~~1  Includes  supplementary  material/ 

r~|  Only  edition  available/ 


Tha 
po« 
of  tl 
film 


Ori| 
bag 
tha 
slot 

Oth4 

first 
sior 
or  11 


The 
shal 
TINi 
whi 

Maf 
diffi 
anti 
bag 
righ 
reqi 
mat 


Pages  wholly  or  partially  obscured  by  errata 
slips,  tissues,  etc.,  have  been  ref limed  to 
ensure  the  best  possible  image/ 
Les  pages  totalement  ou  partiellement 
obscurcies  par  un  feuillet  d'errata,  une  pelure. 
etc.,  ont  M  filmAes  A  nouveau  de  faqon  A 
obtenir  la  meilleure  image  possible. 


26X 


30X 


J 

12X 


16X 


20X 


24X 


28X 


32X 


'mm' 


ills 

du 

difier 

jne 

lage 


rata 

3 


lelure. 


3 


32X 


Th«  copy  filmed  h«r«  hat  b««n  r«produc«d  thanks 
to  the  ganarosity  of: 

Library  of  tha  Public 
Archlvat  of  Canada  . 

Tha  imagas  appearing  hara  ara  tha  Isast  quality 
posslbia  consldaring  tha  condition  and  laglbility 
of  tha  original  copy  and  in  kaaping  with  tha 
filming  contract  specif ications. 


Original  copiaa  in  printad  papar  oovars  ara  filmad 
beginning  with  tha  front  covar  and  ending  on 
tha  last  page  with  a  printed  or  illustrated  impres- 
sion, or  the  back  covar  whan  appropriate.  All 
other  original  copies  are  filmed  beginning  on  the 
first  page  with  a  printed  or  illustrated  imprea- 
sion,  and  ending  on  the  last  page  with  a  printed 
or  illustrated  impression. 


The  last  recorded  frame  on  each  microfiche 
shall  contain  the  symbol  — »•  (meaning  "CON- 
TINUED"), or  the  symbol  ▼  (meaning  "END"), 
whichever  applies. 

IMaps,  plates,  charts,  etc.,  may  be  filmed  at 
different  reduction  ratios.  Those  too  large  to  be 
entirely  Included  in  one  exposure  are  filmed 
beginning  in  the  upper  left  hand  corner,  left  to 
right  and  top  to  bottom,  as  many  frames  as 
required.  The  following  diagrams  illustrate  the 
method: 


1  2  3 


L'exemplaire  filmA  fut  reproduit  grice  A  la 
ginArosit*  de: 

l»  bibiiothAque  des  Archives 
publiques  du  Canada 

Las  images  suivantas  ont  AtA  reproduites  avac  la 
plus  grand  soin,  compta  tenu  de  la  condition  at 
de  la  nattetA  de  rexempleire  film*,  et  en 
conformity  avac  les  conditions  du  contrst  de  : 
filmage. 

Lea  exemplaires  originaux  dont  la  couverture  en 
pepier  est  ImprimAe  sent  filmto  en  commenpant 
par  la  premier  plat  at  en  terminent  soit  per  la 
dernlAre  pege  qui  comporte  une  empreinte 
d'Impression  ou  d'iliustretion,  soit  psr  le  second 
plat,  salon  la  cas.  Tous  las  autres  exemplaires 
originaux  sent  filmte  en  commenpant  par  la 
premiere  page  qui  comporte  une  empreinte    • 
d'Impression  ou  d'illustratlon  et  en  terminent  par 
la  darnlAre  page  qui  comporte  une  telle 
empreinte. 

Un  des  symboles  suivants  apparaltra  sur  la 
darnlAre  imege  de  cheque  microfiche,  selon  le 
cas:  le  symbols  —^  signifie  "A  SUIVRE".  le 
symbols  ▼  signifie  "FIN". 

Les  cartes,  planches,  tableaux,  etc.,  peuvent  Atre 
fiimAs  A  des  taux  de  rAductlon  diff Arents. 
Lorsque  le  document  est  trop  grand  pour  Atre 
reproduit  en  un  seul  clichA.  11  est  filmA  A  partir 
de  i'angle  supArieur  gauche,  de  gauche  A  droite. 
et  de  haut  en  has.  en  prenant  le  nombre 
d'images  nAcessaire.  Les  diagrammes  suivants 
illustrent  la  mAthode. 


1 

2 

3 

4 

5 

6 

^ 


l'^     •- 


xsou. 


WIMWW  W'IW''*''-'>»Ml»»im  ■■  I'  "III* 


'■■> 


'.< .  -- 


«« 


<« 


vS/'-a 


Oi^^rf^frS^l 


<^ 


s  S  J 


PSMI 


r  r  "3 


r?^ 


i/t-t] 


K*-' 


(U''^f' 


THE 


DOCUMENTAKY   HISTORY 


or  TBI 


tatt    of    ^Weto 


orfi. 


ARRANGED  UNDER  DIRECTION  OF  THE 

HON.  CHRISTOPHER  MORGAN, 

Beorotary  of  State. 


BY  E.  B.  O'CALLAGHAN,  M.  D. 


VOLUME  I. 


ALBANY: 

WEED,  PARSONS  &  CO.,  PUBLIC  PRINTERS. 

1850. 


f 


•»•  The  Map  facing  the  Title  page  of  this  Volume  is  taken  from  one  of  North  America,  engraved  by 
Lucim,  an  Italian  artist,  originally  on  four  sheets,  three  of  which  belong  to  the  Warden  Coller»ion  of  the 
State  Library. 

It  will  be  perceived  from  its  Title  that  it  is  a  Map  of  New  Belgium  (now  New- York,)  and  part  of  New 
England,  the  former  of  which  Provinces  was  claimed  at  the  time,  to  extend  from  Cape  Cod  to  the  Capes  of 
Delaware.  The  absence  of  any  date  renders  it  difficult,  however,  to  ascertain  precisely  the  year  it  was 
engraved  and  this  point  can  be  determined  only  by  other  evidence. 

Boston,  which  was  settled  in  1630,  is  found  laid  down,  but  there  is  no  mention  of  Maryland,  the  Province 
of  Virginia  forming  the  southern  Boundary  of  New  Belgium. 

As  Maryland  was  first  granted  in  1632,  it  is  evident  the  date  of  this  Map  must  be  some  year  between 
that  and  the  settlement  of  Boston.     Most  probably,  it  was  engraved  in  1631. 

In  point  of  time,  it  may  be  considered  the  third  oldest  Map  of  the  Province  extant,  having,  as  far  as  yet 
known,  been  preceded  by  only  two  Dutch  Maps,  one  of  1616  and  one  1618,  transcripts  of  which  are  in  tha 
office  of  the  Secretary  of  State,  and  of  one  of  which  this  Italian  Map  is  evidently  an  improved  copy. 


i 


CONTENTS. 


I.  Ptpen  reltting  to  the  Iroquois  and  other  Indian  tribes, 9 

11.  Papers  relating  to  the  first  settlement  at  Onondaga,  and  the  diseovery  of  the  Salt  Springs 

at  Salina, 97 

III.  Papers  relating  to  De  Courcelles'  and  De  Tracy's  expeditions  against  the  Mohawk  Indians, 

188fi-6,      .        • 41 

IV.  Govs.  NicoH  and  Andros'  reports  on  tho  Province  of  New* York,  1M9-1678,     ...  if 
V.  Papers  relating  to  M.  do  la  Bane's  expedition  to  Hungry  Bay,  1684,         ....  63 

VI,  Qovemor  Dongan's  report  on  the  state  of  the  Province,  1687, 93 

VII.  Papers  relating  to  Denonville's  expedition  to  the  Genesee  Country  and  Niagara,  1687,       •  110 

VIII.  Names  of  the  male  inhabitants  of  Ulster  Co.,  1689, 171 

IX.  Papers  relating  to  the  invasion  of  New- York  and  the  burning  of  Schenectady  by  the 

French,  1690, 177 

X.  Civil  list  of  the  Province  of  New- York,  1693, 197 

XI.  Papers  relating  to  Frontenac's  expedition  against  the  Onondagas,  1696,   ....  20ff 

XII.  New. York  army  list,  1700, fl97 

XIII.  Census  of  the  counties  of  Orange,  Dutchess  and  Albany,  1702,  1714,  1720,     ■        ■        •  237 

XIV.  Cadwaliader  Colden  on  the  lands  of  New* York,  1732, 247 

XV.  Papers  relating  to  the  Susquehannah  river,  1683-1767, 267 

XVI.  Papers  relating  to  Ogdensburgh,  1749, 276 

XVII.  Papers  relating  to  Oswego, 287 

XVIII.  Papers  relating  to  the  Oneida  Country  and  Mohawk  Valley,  1766,  1767,        •        •        ■  327 

XIX.  Papers  relating  to  French  Seigniories  on  Lake  Champlain, 346 

XX.  Boundary  line  between  the  whites  and  the  Indians,  1766, 377 

XXI.  Papers  relating  to  the  city  of  New- York, 383 

XXII.  Papers  relating  to  Long  Island, 409 

XXIII.  Statistics  of  population,  1647-1774, 466 

XXIV.  Statistics  of  revenue,  imports,  exports,  etc.,  1691-1768, 476 

XXV.  Papers  relating  to  trade  and  manufactures,  1706-1767, 483 

XXVI.  Report  of  Gov.  Tryon  on  the  state  of  the  Province,  1774, 601 

Index, 627 

Index  to  illustrations, 7 


■ry?PS^/T""" 


INDEX  TO  ILLUSTRATIONS. 


of  Nuova  Belgia, To  face  Title, 

Indian  Totums, To  face  page  13 

That  marked  Indian  Porinat,   do  14 

Map  of  the  head  waters  of  the  Susquehannr , do  274 

Plan  of  La  Presentation, do  281 

Oswego  in  1727, do  292 

English  Plan  of  Oswego  in  1756, do  312 

French  Plan  of  Oswego  in  1756, do  315 

View  of  Oswego, do  319 

Outline  Map,  showing  sites  of  Forts  Bull  and  Williams do  329 

French  Map  of  Lake  Champlain,  do  359 

English  Map  of  Lake  Champlain, do  368 

Boundary  Line  between  the  Whites  and  Indians,  1768 do  377 

Sauthier's  Map  of  the  Province  of  New  York  in  1779,  do  626 


i 


1 


PAPERS 


BELATINO  TO 


tl)e  Jr0r|ttoi0  mi  ot^er  3ntnan  trtbeo. 


»»»>• 


1 


1560—1675. 


[Vol.  l.J 


,1 


THE  NINE  IROQUOIS  TRIBES.    1666. 


[  Pull  Doo.  1.  ] 


The  Iroquois  Nation  consists  of  nine  tribes,  wliich  form  two  divisions;  one  of  four  tribes,  and  the 
otlier  of  five. 

Tliey  call  the  first  division  GuEY-NioxixESHESGuf ,  which  means  the  four  tribes;  and  the  second 
division  they  call  it  OuicHE-NioTixESHESGuf ,  whicli  means  the  five  tribes. 

The  first  is  tliat  of  tlie  Tortoise,  wliicli  calls  itseif  Miniathin.  It  is  the  first,  because  they  pretend, 
when  the  Master  of  Life  made  the  Earth,  that  he  placed  it  on  a  tortoise;  and  when  there  are  earth- 
quakes, it  is  the  tortoise  that  stirs. 

The  second  tribe  is  that  of  the  Wolf,  and  calls  itself  Enanthayonnij  or  Cahenhisenhonon^  and  brother 
of  the  Tortoise  tribe.  When  there  is  question  of  war  they  deliberate  together;  and  if  the  aflFair  is  of 
great  moment,  they  commimicate  it  to  the  other  tribes  to  deliberate  togetlier  thereupon;  so  of  all  the 
otlier  tribes.  Tliey  assemble  in  the  hut  of  a  war-chief  when  the  question  is  of  war,  and  in  tlie  hut 
of  a  council-chief  when  it  is  for  ordinary  matters  of  state. 

The  third  tribe  is  that  of  the  Bear,  wliich  they  call  Atinionguin. 

The  fourth  tribe  is  that  of  the  Beaver,  and  brother  to  that  of  the  Bear.  These  four  tribes  compose 
the  first  division,  wliich  they  call  Guey-niotiteshesgue. 


SECOND   DIVISION. 

The  fifth  tribe  is  that  of  the  Deer,  which  they  call  Canendeshe. 

The  sixth  is  that  of  the  Potatoe,  which  they  call  Schoneschioronon. 

The  seventh  is  that  of  the  Great  Plover,  which  they  call  OtinanchaM. 

Tlie  eighth  is  that  of  the  Little  Plover,  wliich  they  call  Jlsco,  or  JVicohes. 

The  n''atli  is  that  of  the  Kaliou  [Eagle],  which  tliey  call  Canon-chahonrmim.  They  call  these  five 
tribes  Ouiche-niotiteshesgue. 

These  nine  tribes  formerly  occupied  nine  villages,  which  were  finally  collected  together  in  order 
to  sustain  war  more  easily. 

The  ninth  tribe  derives  its  origin  from  a  cabin  that  was  in  the  interior  {dans  les  terres),  and  com- 
posed of  several  fires  or  establishments.  In  the  middle  of  the  cabin  was  a  partition  which  divided 
the  cabin  in  two. 

Weary  of  knowing  no  one,  and  consequently  unable  to  marry,  they  all  married  among  themselves; 
whicli  is  the  reason  tliat  their  name  signifies  two  cabins  united  together. 

Each  tribe  has  in  the  gable  end  of  its  cabin,  the  animal  of  the  tribe  painted;  some  in  black,  others 
in  red. 


12 


THE  IROQUOIS  AND  OTHER   INDIAN  TRIBES. 


When  they  assemble  together  for  consultation,  the  first  Division  ranges  itself  on  one  side  of  the 
fire  in  a  cabin;  and  the  other  Division  places  itself  on  the  other  side. 

When  the  matter  on  which  they  have  met  has  been  discussed  on  one  side  and  the  other,  they 
accompany  the  decision  with  much  ceremony. 

The  Division  which  decides  the  matter  gives  two  opinions,  so  that  the  best  may  be  adopted,  and 
ofTers  all  possible  opposition  in  proposing  its  opinions,  in  order  to  shew  that  it  has  well  considered 
what  it  says. 
They  adopt,  usually,  the  first  opinion,  unless  there  be  some  strong  motive  to  the  contrary. 
When  they  go  to  war,  and  wish  to  inform  those  of  the  party  who  may  pass  their  path,  they  make 
a  representation  of  the  animal  of  their  tribe,  with  a  hatchet  in  his  dexter  paw;  sometimes  a  sabre  or 
a  club;  and  if  there  be  a  number  of  tribes  together  of  the  same  party,  each  draws  the  animal  of  his 
tribe,  and  their  number,  all  on  a  tree  from  which  they  remove  the  bark.  The  animal  of  the  tribe 
which  heads  the  expedition  is  always  the  foremost. 

They  generally  have  a  rendezvous  when  they  propose  to  strike  a  blow,  where  in  case  of  pursuit, 
they  leave  a  part  of  their  clothes  and  ammtmition.  When  they  fight,  they  are  very  Molochs,  and 
have  merely  the  waistcloth  on,  with  a  pair  of  mocasins  on  the  feet. 

When  the  expedition  is  numerous  they  often  Ifcave  a  party  a  hundred  or  a  hundred  and  fifty 
leagues  {lieues,  qy.  paces?)  from  the  village  which  they  are  about  to  attack.  Wlien  they  have 
finished,  if  they  have  casse-tetes  or  clubs,  they  plant  them  against  the  corpse  inclining  a  little 
towards  the  village  of  the  slain. 

On  their  return,  if  they  have  prisoners  or  scalps,  they  paint  the  animal  of  the  tribe  to  which  they 
belong,  rampant,  {debout)  with  a  staff  on  the  shoulder  along  which  are  strung  the  scrips  they  may 
have,  and  in  the  same  number.  After  the  animal  are  the  prisoners  they  have  made,  with  a  cMchicm, 
(or  gourd  filled  with  beans  which  rattle),  in  the  right  hand.  If  they  be  women,  they  represent  them 
with  a  Cadenette  or  queue  and  ,a  waistcloth. 

If  there  be  several  tribes  in  the  war  party,  each  paints  the  animal  of  his  tribe  with  the  scalps  and 
prisoners  it  has  made,  as  before,  but  always  after  that  which  is  head  of  the  party. 

When  they  have  scalps  they  give  them  to  one  or  two  men  who  suspend  them  behind  them  to  their 
girdle. 

These  men  who  carry  these  scalps  follow  the  others  at  a  distance,  that  is  to  say,  at  a  quarter  of  a 
league,  because  they  pretend  that  when  they  retreat  and  have  scalps,  if  these  precede  the  others 
they  cannot  march  any  further  because  they  are  seized  with  terror  at  the  sight  of  the  dripping  blood. 
But  this  is  only  the  first  day,  sometimes  the  second  and  third  when  they  are  pursued. 

When  they  come  again  together,  they  proceed  to  notify  the  others  and  then  each  one  takes  his 
station  or  awaits  the  enemy.  When  night  falls  they  make  a  hole  in  the  earth  where  they  kindle  a 
fire  with  bark  to  cook  their  meat,  if  they  have  any,  and  that  during  three  or  four  days. 

Tliey  tie  the  prisoners  to  stakes  set  in  the  ground,  into  which  they  fix  their  leg  or  rather  foot,  and 
this  stake  is  closed  by  another  tied  together  at  a  man's  height.  They  place  a  man  at  each  side  who 
sleeps  near  them  and  who  is  careful  to  visit  the  prisoners  from  time  to  time  during  the  night. 

When  they  have  lost  any  men  on  the  field  of  battle  they  paint  the  men  with  the  legs  in  the  air, 
and  without  heads  and  in  the  same  number  as  they  have  lost;  and  to  denote  the  tribe  to  which  they 
belonged,  they  paint  the  animal  of  the  tribe  of  the  deceased  on  its  back,  the  paw-'  in  the  air,  and  if 
it  be  the  chief  of  the  party  that  is  dead,  the  animal  is  without  the  head. 

If  there  be  only  wounded,  they  paint  a  broken  gun  which  however  is  connected  with  the  stock,  or 
even  an  arrow,  and  to  denote  where  they  have  been  wounded,  they  paint  the  animal  of  the  tribe  to 
whicli  the  wounded  belong  with  an  arrow  piercing  the  part  in  which  the  woimd  is  located;  and  if  it 
be  a  gunshot  they  make  the  mark  of  the  ball  on  the  body  of  a  different  color. 


[..■ 


ii' 


J.ZXSi'- 


/ 


13 

the  same  number 

}ir  approach,  and 
ten  there  are  any, 

been  given  them, 
hem  sing,  dance, 

lel  near  and  keep 

at.  When  he  is 
was  left  hanging 
inies,  after  wliich 


in  and  a  woman 


i  brothers. 


1 
I 


he  is  conferring 


)  they  place  as 
ch  they  belong. 

Qg  ground  and 


or  rather  each 

who  is  distin- 

)aintred  calu- 
unt  how  oSten 


lii»i   11  il"    I   Mill  I  I   I 


■'■i^ 


riivedSi'rint.M  l.yffuvu  *l)ii,|i 


I'J'l.iKiy 


\i 


12 

i 

When  they  assemble  t 
fire  in  a  cabin;  and  the  < 
When  the  matter  on  i 
accompany  the  decision  ^ 
The  Division  which  di 
offers  all  possible  opposi 
what  it  says. 
They  adopt,  usually,  t 
When  they  go  to  war, 
a  representation  of  the  a 
a  club;  and  if  there  be  i 
tribe,  and  their  numberi 
which  heads  the  expedit 
They  generally  have  i 
they  leave  a  part  of  th« 
have  merely  the  waistck 
When  the  expedition 
leagues  (lieues,  qy.  pact 
finished,  if  they  have  < 
towards  the  village  of  1| 
On  their  return,  if  tly 
belong,  rampant,  (debout 
have,  and  in  the  same  ni 
(or  gourd  filled  with  bei 
with  a  Cadenetie  or  quel 
If  there  be  several  ti^ 
prisoners  it  has  made,  a 
When  they  have  seal] 
girdle. 

These  men  who  carry 
league,  because  they  pi 
they  cannot  march  any 
But  this  is  only  the  firsi 
When  they  come  aga 
station  or  awaits  the  en 
fire  with  bark  to  cook  t 
Tliey  tie  the  prisoner 
tills  stake  is  closed  by  i 
sleeps  near  them  and  n 
When  they  have  lost 
and  without  heads  and, 
belonged,  they  paint  tQ 
it  be  the  chief  of  the  p 
If  there  be  only  wouj 
even  an  arrow,  and  to « 
which  the  wounded  be] 
be  a  gunshot  they  mak 
\ 


u 


IBOQUl'        AJTD 


mttUM  n  aoEs. 


13 


^'y 


paint  lt*^«4i  {hm^i   >)  ot  the  same  number 


If  they  have  sick,  and  are  obliged  to  carry  theni 
aa  the  siclc,  because  they  carry  only  one  on  each  Ul<  f. 

When  they  are  thirty  or  forty  leagues'  from  th«i'  .llagc  they  ^-od  notice  of  tlieir  approach,  and 
of  what  has  happened  them.  Then  every  one  prei)itf t<8 1<  rect- i-  the  prisoners,  when  there  are  any, 
and  to  torment  each  as  they  deem  proper. 

Those  who  are  condemned  to  be  burnt  are  conveyed  to  the  cabin  which  lias  been  given  them- 
All  the  warriors  assemble  in  a  war  cabin  and  afterwards  send  for  them  to  make  them  sing,  dance, 
and  to  torment  them  imtil  they  are  carried  to  the  stake. 

During  tills  time  two  or  three  yoimg  men  are  preparing  the  stake,  placing  the  fUel  near  and  keep 
their  guns  loaded. 

When  every  thing  is  ready,  he  is  brought  and  tied  to  the  stake  and  finally  burnt.  When  he  is 
burnt  up  to  the  stomach  they  detach  him,  break  all  his  lingers,  raise  tlie  scalp  which  was  left  hanging 
behind  by  a  small  tongue  of  skin  to  the  head.  They  put  him  to  death  in  these  agonies,  after  which 
each  takes  Ills  morsel  and  proceeds  to  make  merry. 


Explanation  of  the  First  Dksions. 

A.  This  is  a  person  returning  from  war  who  has  taken  a  prisoner,  killed  a  man  and  a  woman 
whose  scalps  hang  from  the  end  of  a  stick  that  he  carries. 

B.  The  prisoner. 

C.  Chichicois  (or  a  gourd),  which  he  holds  in  the  hand. 

D.  These  are  cords  attached  to  his  neck,  arms  and  girdle. 

£.  This  is  the  scalp  of  a  man,  what  is  joined  on  one  side  is  the  scalp  lock. 

F.  This  is  the  scalp  of  a  women;  they  paint  it  with  the  hair  thin. 

G.  Council  of  war  between  the  tribe  of  the  Bear  and  that  of  the  Beaverj  they  are  brothers. 
H.  A  Bear. 

I.  A  Beaver. 

L.  Is  a  belt  which  he  holds  in  his  paws  to  avenge  the  death  of  some  one  and  he  is  conferring 
about  it  with  his  brother,  the  Beaver. 

K.  Ck)uncil  for  affairs  of  state. 

M.  The  Bear. 

N.  The  Council  fire. 

0.  The  Tortoisej  so  of  the  other  tribes,  each  ranges  at  its  own  side. 

P.  Canoe  going  to  war. 

Q.  Paddles.  They  know  hereby  how  many  men  there  are  in  the  canoe,  because  they  place  as 
many  paddles  as  there  are  men.    Over  these  is  painted  the  animal  of  the  tribe  to  which  they  belong. 

B.  The  Canoe. 

S.  This  is  a  man  returning  from  hunting  who  has  slept  two  nights  on  the  hunting  ground  and 
killed  three  does;  for  when  they  are  bucks,  they  add  their  antlers. 

What  is  on  his  back,  is  his  bundle. 

T.  Deer's  head.    This  is  the  way  they  paint  them. 

y.  This  is  the  manner  they  mark  the  time  they  have  been  hunting.  Each  mark  or  rather  each 
bar  is  a  day. 

T.  Fashion  of  painting  the  dead;  the  two  first  are  men  and  the  third  is  a  woman  who  Is  distin- 
guished only  by  the  waistcloth  that  she  has. 

As  regards  the  dead,  they  inter  them  with  all  they  have.  When  it  is  a  man  they  paint  red  calu- 
mets, calumets  of  peace  on  the  tomb;  some  times  they  plant  a  stake  on  which  they  paint  how  often 

1  Three  or  four  milei.— Coldbn. 


V 


14 


THE   HUMjUUII   AND  OTHER   INDIAN   TRIUKII. 


ho  has  hern  in  battle;  liow  many  prisuiien  he  lias  taken;  t)ie  post  ordinarily  is  only  tuur  or  flvo  feet 
lilgh  and  much  eml)elli8hcd. 

a.  These  arc  punctures  on  his  botly. 

b.  This  is  the  way  they  mark  when  they  Iiavo  U'en  to  war,  and  when  there  is  a  Imr  extending 
from  one  mark  to  the  otiier,  it  signifies  tiuit  alter  having  l)t>en  in  battle,  ho  did  nut  come  hack  to  Ids 
village  and  that  he  retumetl  with  other  parties  whom  he  met  or  formetl. 

0.  This  arrow,  which  is  broken,  denotes  tliat  they  were  woimiled  in  this  expedition. 

d.  Thus  they  denote  that  the  bi'Its  wldch  they  gave  to  raise  a  war  i)arty  and  to  avengu  the  death 
of  some  one,  belong  to  them  or  to  some  of  the  same  tribe. 

e.  He  has  gone  back  to  fight  without  having  entered  his  village. 

f.  A  man  whom  ho  kille<l  on  the  field  of  battle  who  hml  a  Im)w  and  arrows. 

g.  These  are  two  men  whom  ho  took  prisoners,  one  of  whom  hail  a  hatciiet,  and  tlie  otlier  a  gmi 
In  his  hand. 

g.  g.  Tlds  is  a  woman  who  Is  designated  only  by  a  species  of  walstcloth. 
h.  TlUs  is  the  way  they  distingulsli  her  from  the  men. 
Such  is  the  mode  in  which  they  draw  their  portraits. 


A.  This  is  the  manner  they  paint  the  tribe  of  the  Potatoe  and  not  as  it  is  on  the  other  plate. 

b.  Is  a  stick  set  in  the  ground  to  the  extremity  of  whicli  two  or  tliree  pieces  of  wood  are  attached, 
to  denote  the  direction  in  which  they  went  when  they  are  hunting;  and  on  the  nearest  tree  tliey 
paint  the  animal  of  the  tribe  to  which  they  belong,  with  the  numbers  of  gims  they  have;  that  is  to 
say  if  they  are  tliree  men,  they  paint  tliree  guns,  if  they  are  more  and  there  are  some  who  have  a 
bow  and  no  gun,  they  put  down  a  bow. 

When  they  return  fi-om  hunting  and  are  near  tlie  village  they  do  tlie  same  thing  and  add  the  num- 
ber of  beasts  they  have  killed— that  is  to  say,  they  paint  the  Deer,  and  tlie  Stag  from  the  head  to 
the  neck;  if  some  are  male  they  add  antlers;  they  paint  the  other  animals  entire;  if  they  are  some 
days  at  the  chase  they  mark  tlie  number  as  you  see  on  the  other  plate. 

c.  Club  which  they  use  to  break  the  skull  when  they  are  at  war. 


N*    /A  1 


y^-. 


# 


15 

hit 

of 

leg 

mo 

t- 
to 


i 
I 

I 


one 

con- 
side. 
;  itt 

{ora; 

»  30 

e,  on 


Itt  is 
I  and 
>  the 
they 
Tliey 

nott 

least 

ibout 

ibout 


•i  ,./'  <:^ 


o 


^  f 


r/n  Prrlraif  qfn  Srtvarf^  or,  ,f  hoard  in  7/,P,'r 
cffhh,  on  „/,h/,  ///,/  ordf„oHfyf,r,fnt./,owo/hff^ 
/fr  /ut.v  /u,„  fr  „ff,,  /ui^  mon r  f„r„  /„  /,„s  lohfft 
ft/iff  /{it/f  (I . 


••A  \  i-iiM..f  b.  I.  ,.ii .  t'.iiiMp  in.nnr 


14 

h9 

! 

fm 


<a4 


of! 


in] 


b 

tod 
pail 
say 
boM 

V 
ber 
the 
day 

o 


/■  ■■/^}- 


■  1  ' 


\i 


\  \ 


1 


■*i**irsc:SJ43i3S  r^^-  ■ 


-"■3^r.^w*Pri*v«iiw»ss'e*?i'*«w>ii  '"•■*■ 


THE  IROQUOIS  AND  OTHER  INDIAN  TRIBES. 


15 


•^^ 


I 


Stake  to  tie  the  prisoners.  They  place  his 
leg  between  these  two  posts  in  the  hollow  of 
the  larger — that  is  the  two  posts  catch  the  leg 
above  the  ankle,  and  they  afterwards  join  one 
to  the  other  and  tie  them  at  a  man's  height — 
sometimes  higher,  so  that  it  is  impossible  to 
_    withdraw  the  foot  without  untying  the  cords. 


\\ 


OBSERVATIONS  OP  WENTWORTH  GREENHALGH, 

IN  A  JOURNEY    FROM   ALBANY   TO   Y«   INDIANS,   WESTWARD;    BEGUN  MAY   20^   1G77,  AND   ENDED  JULY 

Y*   14,  FOLLOWING. 

[  Lond.  Doo.  III.  ] 

The  Maquaes  have  four  townes,  vict.  Cahaniaga,  Canj^ora,  Canajorha,  Tionondogue,  besides  one 
small  village  about  110  miles  from  Albany. 

Cahaniaga  is  double  stockadoed  round;  has  four  forts,  [ports  1]  about  four  foot  wide  a  piece,  con- 
teyns  about  24  houses,  and  is  situate  upon  the  edge  of  an  hill,  about  a  bow  shott  from  the  river  side. 

Canagora  is  only  single  stockadoed;  has  four  ports  like  the  former,  conteyns  about  16  houses;  itt 
is  situated  upon  a  fflatt,  a  stone's  throw  from  y«  waters  side. 

Canajorha  is  also  singly  stockadoed;  and  the  like  man'  of  ports  and  quantity  of  houses  as  Canagora; 
the  like  situacon;  only  about  two  miles  distant  from  the  water. 

Tionondogue  is  double  stockadoed  around,  has  four  ports,  four  foot  wide  a  piece,  contains  a^t  30 
houses;  is  scituated  on  a  hill  a  bow  shott  from  y«  River. 

The  small  village  is  without  ffence,  and  conteyns  about  ten  houses;  lyes  close  by  the  river  side,  on 
the  north  side,  as  do  all  the  former. 

The  Maquaes  pass  in  all  for  about  300  fighting  men. 

Their  corn  grows  close  by  the  River  side.     , 

Of  the  Situacbn  of  the  Oneydas  and  Onondagoes  and  their  Strength. 

The  Onyades  have  but  one  town,  which  lys  about  130  miles  westward  of  the  Maques.  Itt  is 
situate  about  twenty  miles  from  a  small  river  which  comes  out  of  the  hills  to  the  southward,  and 
runs  into  lake  Teshiroque,  and  about  30  miles  distant  from  the  Maquaes  river,  which  lyes  to  the 
northward;  the  towTi  is  newly  settled,  double  stockadoed,  but  little  cleared  ground,  so  thatt  they 
are  forced  to  send  to  the  Onondagoes  to  buy  come;  The  towne  consists  of  about  100  houses.  Tliey 
are  said  to  have  al>out  200  fighting  men.    Their  Corne  grows  round  about  tlie  towne. 

The  Onondagoes  have  butt  one  towne,  butt  itt  is  very  large;  consisting  of  about  140  houses,  nott 
fenced;  is  situate  upon  a  hill  thatt  is  very  large,  the  banke  on  each  side  extending  itself  att  least 
two  miles,  all  cleared  land,  whereon  the  corue  is  planted.  They  liave  likewise  a  small  village  about 
two  miles  beyond  thatt,  consisting  of  about  24  houses.    They  ly  to  the  soutliward  of  ye  west,  about 


J 


16 


THE  IBOQUOIS  AND  OTHER  INDIAN  TRIBES. 


36  miles  from  the  Onyades.    They  plant  aboimdance  of  Come,  which  they  sell  to  the  Onyades. 
Onondagos  are  said  to  be  about  350  fighting  men.    They  ly  about  15  miles  from  Tshiroqui. 


The 


Of  the  Caiougos  and  Senecques,  their  Situacdn  and  Strength,  fyc. 
The  Caiougos  have  three  townes  about  a  mile  distant  from  each  other;  they  are  not  stockadoed. 
They  do  in  all  consist  of  about  100  houses;  they  ly  about  60  miles  to  the  southward  of  y«  Onon- 
dagos; they  intend  the  next  spring  to  build  all  their  houses  together  and  stockade  them;  they  have 
abundance  of  Come;  they  ly  within  two  or  three  miles  of  the  lake  Tichero.  They  pass  for  about 
300  fighting  men. 

The  Senecques  have  four  townes,  vict.  Canagora,  Tiotohatton,  Canoenada  and  Keint-he.  Canagora 
and  Tiotohatton  lye  within  30  miles  of  y«  Lake  ffrontenacque,  and  y«  other  two  ly  about  four  or  five 
miles  apiece  to  y*  Southward  of  those.  They  have  abundance  of  Come.  None  of  their  towns  are 
stockadoed. 

Canagorah  lyes  on  the  top  of  a  great  hill,  and  in  that,  as  well  as  in  the  bignesse,  much  like  Onon- 
dago,  contayning  150  houses,  northwestward  of  Caiougo,  72  miles.  Here  y"  Indyans  were  very 
desirous  to  see  us  ride  our  horses,  vr'^  wee  did:  they  made  great  feasts  and  dancing,  and  invited  us 
yt  when  all  y  *  maides  were  together,  both  wee  and  our  Indyans  might  choose  such  us  lyked  us  to 
ly  with. 

Tiotohattan  lyes  on  the  brincke  or  edge  of  a  hill;  has  not  much  cleared  ground;  is  near  the  river 
Tiotehatton,  w<=''  signifies  bending,  it  lyes  to  Westward  of  Canagorah  about  30  miles,  containing 
about  120  houses,  being  y"  largest  of  all  the  houses  wee  saw,  y*  ordinary  being  50  @  60  foot  long 
with  12  @  13  fires  in  one  house.  They  have  good  store  of  come,  growing  about  a  mile  to  the  North- 
ward of  the  towne. 

Being  at  this  place  the  17  of  June,  there  came  50  prisoners  from  the  Southwestward.  They  were 
of  two  nations,  some  whereof  have  few  gims;  the  other  none  at  all.  One  nation  is  about  10  days 
Journey  from  any  Christians  and  trade  only  with  one  greatt  house,  nott  far  from  the  sea,  and  the 
other  trade  only,  as  they  say,  with  a  black  people.  This  day  of  them  was  bumt  two  women,  and  a 
man  and  a  child  killed  with  a  stone.  Att  night  we  heard  a  great  noyse  as  if  y«  houses  had  all  fallen, 
butt  itt  was  onely  y«  Inhabitants  driving  away  y«  ghosts  of  y«  murthered. 

The  18'h  going  to  Canagorah,  wee  overtook  y*  prisoners;  when  the  soudiers  saw  us  they  stopped 
each  his  prisoner,  and  made  him  sing,  and  cutt  off  their  fingers,  and  slasht  their  bodies  w">  a  knife, 
and  when  they  had  sung  each  man  confessed  how  many  men  in  his  time  hee  had  killed.  Thatt  day 
att  Canagorah,  there  were  most  cruelly  bumt  four  men,  four  women  and  one  boy.  The  cruelty 
lasted  aboutt  seven  hours.  When  they  were  almost  dead  letting  them  loose  to  the  mercy  of  y«  boyS, 
and  taking  the  hearts  of  such  as  were  dead  to  feast  on. 

Canoenada  lyes  about  four  miles  to  y"  Southward  of  Canagorah;  conteynes  about  30  houses,  well 
ftimished  with  Come. 

Keint-he  lyes  aboutt  four  or  five  miles  to  y«  Southward  of  Tietehatton;  oontayns  about  24  houses 
well  furnished  with  come. 

The  Senecques  are  counted  to  bee  in  all  about  1000  fightii^  men. 


THE  IROQVOIS   AND  OTHEB   INDIAN  TRIBES. 


The  French  call  the 


Maques 

\            / 

Les  Anniez 

Onyades 

)           f 

Les  Onoyauts 

Onondagos 

/            \ 

Les  Montagneurs 

& 

Ouondago  town 

(  By  the  J 
/  name  \ 

La  Montague 

Caiougos 

(      of      ) 

Les  Petuneurs 

Senecques 

V        J 

Les  Paisans 

Cangaro 

J         f 

St.  Jaques 

Tiotehatton 

La  Conception 

17 


Note.   The  above  paper  will  be  found  also  in  Chahners'  Political  Annals,  in  which,  however,  Green- 
halgh's  name  is  misspelt.    That  paper  differs  likewise  in  other  respects  from  the  MS.  now  followed. 


»>«»» 


ENUMERATION  OP  THE  INDIAN  TRIBES 

CONNECTED   WITH   THE   GOVERNMENT   OF   CANADA;   THE   WARRIORS   AND   ARMORIAL    BEARINGS   OF    EACH 

NATION.      1736. 

[  Pari!,  Doc.  VIII.  ] 

The  Eskimaux,  ^ 

The  Micraacs,  i  These  Nations  are  below  Quebec,  and  beyond  my  knowledge. 

The  Amaleates  or  rather  the  Maneus.  ) 

Jit  Quebec. 
TheHurons.        -        1  Village  60  a  70  men  bearing  arms, 60 

^t  the  River  St^  John,  n     •  the  English. 
The  Abenakis.  -  -  1  Village  called  PanaSamsket  towaixi.,  tlie  mouth  of  said  river.  Warriors.      200 

The  Hbenakis  at  the  head  of  said  River. 

1  Vilage  called  Narentch8an.    Warriors. 150 

Becancour.    The  Abenakis.    1  Village.    Warriors. 60 

The  abenakis.    At  St.  Francis.    1  Village.    War. igo 

including  those  of  Michikoui  and  those  who  migrate. 

The  armorial  bearings  (Totums)  of  this  Nation,  which  is  divided  into  two  sec- 
tions, are  the  Pigeon  {tmirtre)  and  the  Bear. 
There  are  besides  some  tribes  who  carry  the  Partridge,  the  Beaver  and  the  Otter.  

iv         1  «  650 

[Vol.  I.J  3 


J 


\  J 


t  i 


18 


The  Algonqulns. 


THE  IROQUOIS  AND  OTHER   INDIAN  TRIBES. 


^t  Three  Rivers. 
fifteen  men. 


See  Montreal. 


The  Tetea  de  Beule  or  Tribes  of  the  Interior. 
These  are  wandering  Savages  who  have  no  knowledge  either  of  the  order  or  form  of  vil- 
lages, and  those  who  evince  the  least  inteUect  {esprit) ;  they  inhabit  tlie  mountains  and  tlie 
lakes  from  Tliree  Rivers,  in  the  interior,  to  Lake  Superior.    Their  armorial  bearings  (To- 
tums)  are  unknown,  if  they  have  any. 

Boston  and  Orange. 
The  Loups  (Mohegans)  who  understand  the  Uabenakis  and  whom  the  Sbenakis  understand 
are  dispersed  from  Boston  to  Virginia,  wliich  is  equal  to  from  Lake  Cliamplain  to  the  head  of 
Lake  Erie — 300  leagues.    Tliis  nation  may  be  six  hundred  men,  imder  Britisli  rule.    No  per- 
son could  give  me  any  information  of  their  customs.    This  only  by  way  of  remark. 

Montreal. 
Algonquins.    They  are  twenty  men  settled  with  the  Iroquois  of  the  Two  Moimtains ;  this  is 
all  that  remains  of  a  nation  the  most  warlike,  most  polislied  and  the  most  attaclied 
to  the  French.    They  have  for  armorial  bearings  an  Evergreen  Oak  {chene  vert.)    - 

Jit  the  Lake  of  the  Two  Mountains. 

The  Nepissingues.    A  part  of  tliis  Tribe  is  incorporated  witli  the  Iroquois.    The  remainder 

has  its  village  at  the  lake  of  the  same  name.  There  are  here  fifty  men  bearing  arms. 

The  armorial  bearings  of  this  Nation  are  the  Heron  for  the  Achague,  or  Heron  tribe ;  the 

Beaver  for  the  Amekoves ;  the  Birch  for  the  Bark  tribe  {lafamille  de  PEcorce);  Blood  for  the 

Miskouaha  or  the  Bloody  people. 

Remark,  Sir,  if  you  please,  that  besides  the  bearings  of  the  principal  stocks  to  which  I  ex- 
clusively confine  myself,  leisure  not  permitting  me  to  obtain  thorough  details,  each  tribe 
distinguishes  itself  by  peculiar  devices.  The  Iroquois  who  are  masters  of  tliis  village,  amount 
to  no  more  than  sixty-three — I  mean  warriors.  

Jit  Sault  St.  Louis. 
The  Iroquois,  who  compose  exclusively  the  village  are  nearly  tliree  hundred  and  three 

bearing  arms. 

These  two  villages  proceeding  from  the  Iroquois  of  Lake  Ontario,  or  Frontenac,  have  the 
same  armorial  devices.    Tliree  principal  tribes  carry  the  Wolf,  the  Bear  and  the  Tortoise. 
Note. — Urgent,  to  the  Wolf  gules,  &c. 
They  usually  ornament  them  merely  with  charcoal. 

The  Great  River  of  the  Outawas. 
At  Lake  Nepissingue  there  is  one  small  village  of  tliirty  men,  who  bear  a  Squirrel,  JltchitamH. 

River  and  Lake  Themiscaming. 

The  Tabittibis  are  one  hundred  warriors. 

They  have  for  device  an  Eagle. 

At  the  mouth  of  the  Themiscaming  there  are  twenty  warriors.        .        -        -       - 

At  the  head  of  the  Lake  twenty  domiciled. 


650 
15 


20 


50 


60 


300 


30 


100 

20 
20 

1265 


] 


THE  IROQUOIS  AND  OTHER   INDIAN  TRIBES.  19 

These  savages  are  what  are  called  Tetes  de  Boule,  who  amount  to  over  six  hundred  in  the 

Northern  country. gOO 

I  shall  speak  of  them  hereafter  without  reference  to  their  numbers. 

^t  MissUimakinak. 
The  Outawas  of  this  village  amount  to  one  hundred  and  eighty  warriors ;  the  two  principal 

branches  are  Kiskakous  (1)  and  Sinago  (2) ;  the  Bear  (1)  and  Black  Squirrel  (2).      180 

River  MissisaguS. 

The  Missisagu^s  on  the  river  number  thirty  men,  and  twenty  men  on  the  Island  called  Mani- 

touatim  of  Lake  Huron. 50 

And  have  for  device,  a  Crane. 

Lake  Superior— ^t  the  Mouth. 
At  Sault  St.  Mary  are  the  Sauteurs,  to  the  number  of  thirty ;  they  are  in  two  divisions,  and 

have  for  devices,  the  Crane  and  the  Vine,  {la  Barlme.) 30 

North  of  this  Lake  is  Mlchlpicoton. 
The  Papinakois  and  those  of  the  interior ;  the  first  are  twenty  warriors,  and  have  for  device, 

a  Hare. , 20 

River  Ounepigon. 

The  Oskemanettigons  are  domiciled  there  to  the  number  of  forty  warriors.    -       -       -       -       40 
They  have  for  device,  the  bird  called  the  Fisher. 

The  Monsonies,  who  are  migratory,  estimate  themselves  two  hundred  men,  and  have  for  de- 
vice, the  Moose. 200 

The  Abettibis  and  the  Tetes  de  Boule  come  there  also.  Some  have  informed  me  that  the  first 
have  for  arms  the  Partridge  with  the  Eagle.  I  have  akeady  stated  that  they  are  in 
all  one  hundred  warriors. 

The  NameHilinis  have  one  hundred  and  fifty  fit  to  bear  arms.    They  have  for  device,  a 

Sturgeon.      -        - 150 

The  tribes  of  the  Savannas,  one  hundred  and  forty  warriors  strong,  have  for  armorial  device, 

a  Hare. I40 

Gamanettigoya. 
The  Ouac6  are  in  number  sixty  men,  and  have  for  device  a  Vine,  (mmc  Bariwe.)     -       -       -       60 

Tecamamimien,  or  Rainy  Lake — {Lac  d.  la  Pluie.) 
These  savages  are  the  same  as  those  who  come  to  Nepigon.    They  are  about  this  lake  to  the 

number  of  one  hundred  men.       .       .       .       .      " 100 

Lake  of  the  Woods — {Lac  des  Bois.) 
The  Cristinaux  are  scattered  hereabout,  to  the  number  of  two  hundred  warriors.    They  have 

for  device  the  Bustard,  {POutarde.) 200 

Lake  Ounepigon, 

The  Cristinaux  are  around  tills  lake  to  the  number  of  sixty  men, 60 

Assenipoels.    See  Scioux. 

3095 


1 


80 


THE  IBOqUOIS  A^0  OTHEK   INDIAN  THIBG8. 


I 


,      ! 


3095 


South  of  Lake  Superior. 
Klouanun.    In  tills  quarter  there  are  domiciled  forty  Suuteurs,  who  have  for  device  the  Crane 

and  the  Stag. 40 

The  Sauteurs  of  Point  Clmgouamlgon  are  one  hundred  and  fifty  warriors,     -        -       -        -      150 
The  Scioux  are  at  the  head  of  this  lake  in  the  woods  and  along  the  lakes.    Though  scattered 

they  are  computed  at  three  hundred  men, 300 

The  Scioux  of  the  Prairies  are,  in  the  opinion  of  voyageurs,  over  two  thousand  men,    -        -    2000 

Their  armorial  devices  are  the  Buifalo,  the  Black  Dog,  and  the  Otter. 
The  AsseniiHwls,  or  Pouons  according  to  others,  can  vie  with  the  Scioux,  from  whom  they 

formerly  si)rung.     They  number  one  hundred  and  fifty  to  the  south  of  Lake      150 

Ouneplgon,  and  have  Ibr  device,  a  Big  Stone  or  a  Rock. 
The  Puans  have  withdrawn,  since  1728,  to  the  Scioux,  to  the  nimiber  of  eighty ;  they  have 

for  armorial  bearings,  the  Stag,  the  Polecat  {Pichoux),  the  Tiger,     -       -       -        -        80 

The  head  of  Lake  Superior. 

The  Ayobols  are  settled  at  the  south  of  the  River  de  Missouris,  at  the  other  side  of  the  Missis- 

»ll)pl.    They  ate  no  more  than  eighty.    They  have  for  device  a  Fox.  80 

Lake  Michigan  with  its  dependancies. 

The  FoUes  Avolnes,  north  of  this  lake,  number  one  hundred  and  sixty  warriors.    The  most 

considerable  tribes  have  for  device,  the  Large  tailed  Bear,  the  Stag,  a  Kiliou — that  is      160 
a  species  of  Eagle  (the  most  beautiful  bird  ©f  this  country,)  perched  on  a  cross. 
In  explanation  of  a  cross  forming  the  armorial  bearings  of  the  savages,  it  is  stated  that 
formerly  a  Chief  of  the  FoUes  Avoines  finding  himself  dangerously  sick,  consented,  after 
trying  the  ordinary  remedies,  to  see  a  Missionary,  who,  cross  in  hand,  prayed  to  God  for  liis 
recovery,  and  obtained  it  in  in  his  mercy.    In  gratitude  for  this  benefit,  the  Chief  desired  that 
to  his  arms  should  bo  added  a  Cross  on  which  the  Kiliou  has  ever  since  been  e'.ways  perched. 
PouteSatanis.    In  1728  there  was  a  village  of  this  name  retired  on  an  island  to  the  number  of       20 
The  Bay.    At  the  head  of  this  Lake  is  the  sojourn,  or  rather  the  coimtry  of  the  Sakls.    This 
nation  could  i»ut  under  arms  one  limidred  and  fifty  men.  Others  do  not  count  but  one  himdred      1 50 
and  twenty.    They  Imve  for  device,  a  Crab,  a  Wolf,  and  a  She-Bear. 

Fox  River. 
Fox  river  discliarges  into  this  Lake.    This  nation  now  migratory,  consists,  when  not  sepa- 
rated, still  of  one  himdred  men  bearing  arms,     ---------      100 

They  have  for  device,  a  Fox. 
The  Klck<»iM)U8,  formerly  their  allies,  may  be  eighty  men.    They  l)ear  for  device  the  Pheasant 

and  the  Otter, 80 

The  Maskoutin  has  for  armorial  device  the  "Wolf  and  the  Stag.    This  nation  is  estimated  at 

sixty  men, 60 

River  St.  Joseph,  south  of  Lake  Michigan. 
The  PotteHatamlcs,  who  call  themselves  the  Governor's  eldest  sons,  compose  the  village  of  St. 

Josepli,  to  tlie  numlier  of  one  liundred  warriors,  1^0 

The  principal  families  liave  for  device  the  Golden  Carp,  tlie  Frog,  the  Crab,  tlie 
Tortoise. 

6505 


THE   IROQUOIS  AND  OTHER   INDIAN  TRIBES. 


21 


6505 
There  are  in  the  village  about  ten  Mianils  who  bear  in  their  arms,  a  Crane,       -        10 
Eight  Illinuis  Kaskakias  are  also  included  whose  device  is  a  feather  of  an  arrow, 
— ip^>v.i>..,„^   notclietl ;  ( X )  or  two  arrows  supported  one  against  the  other  in 
saltier  (like  a  St.  Andrew's  cross. 
These  are  tlie  nations  best  known  to  us  us  well  along  the  great  river  of  the  Outawus  us 
north  and  soutli  of  Lakes  Superior  and  Michigan.    I  propose  now  proceeding  again  from 
Montreal  by  wuy  of  the  Lakes  to  Missilimakinak. 
From  Montreal  on  the  Lake  route,  I  spoke  of  Suult  St.  Louis,  on  the  first  slieet. 

Toniata. 
Some  Iroquois,  to  the  number  of  eight  or  ten  men  have  retired  to  this  quarter.    Their  device 
is  without  doubt,  like  that  of  the  village  from  which  issue  the  Deer,  the  Plover,  &c., 
as  hereafter, 10 

Lake  Ontario,  or  south  of  Frontmac. 
There  are  no  more  Iroquois  settled. 
The  Mississugues  are  dispersed  along  this  lake,  some  at  Kente,  others  at  the  River  Toronto, 
and  finally  at  the  head  of  tlie  Lake,  to  tlie  number  of  one  huudi'ed  and  fifty  in  all, 

and  at  Matcheduch, 150 

Tlie  principal  tribe  is  that  of  the  Crane. 

JS'orth  of  Lake  Ontario. 
The  Iroquois  are  in  tlie  interior  and  in  five  villages,  about  fifteen  leagues  from  the  Lake,  on 
a  pretty  straight  line,  altho'  one  days  joiu-ney  distant  from  each  other.    This  nation, 
though  much  diminished,  is  still  powerful. 

South  of  Lake  Frontenac. 

Tlie  Onondagoes  number  two  hundred  warriors.    Tlie  device  of  the  village  is  a  Cabin  on  the 

top  of  a  mountain, 200 

The  Mohawks,  towards  New-England,  not  far  from  Orange  (Albany)  are  eighty  men,  and 

have  for  device  of  the  village  a  Battefeu  [  a  Steel  ]  and  a  flint,    -        -        -        -        80 

The  Oneidas,  their  neighbours,  number  one  liimdi'cd  men  or  a  liundred  warriors,  -        -      100 

Tliis  village  has  for  device  a  Stone  in  a  fork  of  a  tree,  or  in  a  tree  notched  with 

some  blows  of  an  axe. 

The  Cayugas  form  a  village  of  one  bundled  and  twenty  warriors.    Their  device  generally  is 

a  very  large  Calumet, 120 

T!ie  Senecas  form  two  villages  in  wliicli  are  tteee  hundred  and  fifty  men.    Their  device  is  a 

big  Mountain, 350 

Besides  tlie  arms  of  each  village,  each  tribe  has  its  own,  and  every  man  has  his 

particular  mark  to  designate  liiiu.     Thus  the  Oneida  designates  his  village  by  a 

Stone  [  in  J  a  fork — next  lie  designates  his  tribe  by  the  bird  or  animal,  and  finally 

he  denotes  himself  by  his  punctures.     See  the  designs  which  I  had  the  honor  to  send 

you  in  1732  by  Father  Francois,  the  Recollet. 

The  five  villages  which  belong  to  the  same  tribe,  have  for  tlieir  arms  in  common, 

tlie  Plover,  to  which  I  belong ; '  the  Bear,  the  Tortoise,  the  Eel,  the  Deer,  the  Beaver, 

the  Potatoe,  tlie  Falcon,  the  Lark,  and  the  Partridge.  

7585 

1  M.  DE  JoNCAiRE,  the  supposeil  author  of  this  Report,  is  here  thought  to  be  alluded  to.    He  was  adopted  at  an  earlv 
period  by  the    jnecas,  among  whom  he  had  much  influence. 


93 


THE   IROQUOIS   ANU  OTHKR    INDIAN   THIBU, 


I  doubt  not  but  the  other  nations  «re  as  well  distinguished,  but  our  voyagiieis, 

having  little  curiosity  lu  these  matters,  have  not  been  able  to  give  me  any  inlbrniation. 

The  Tusoarorens  have  a  village  of  two  hundred  and  fifty  men  near  the  Onoudagoes,  who 

brought  them  along.    I  know  not  their  hieroglyphics,  

The  Iroquois  have  some  cabins  at  the  Portage,  (Niagara,  Lake  Ontario.) 


7C>85 


350 


Lake  Erie  and  Dependaiicies,  on  the  South  Side. 

The  Chaouanons  towards  Carolina,  are  two  hundred  men,  200 

The  Flatheads,  Cherakis,  Chicachas,  Totiris,  are  included  under  the  name  of  Flathcails  by  tlie 

Iro<|Uois,  who  estimate  them  at  over  six  thousand  men,  in  more  than  thirty  villages. 

They  have  told  me  they  had  for  device  a  Vessel,  {un  Vaisseau.)  0000 

The  OntatiououO,  that  Is  those  who  speak  the  language  of  men ;  so  called  by  the  Inx^uois 

because  they  understand  each  other — may  be  fifty  men.    I  am  ignorant  of  them.    -        60 
The  Miamis  have  for  device  the  Hind  and  the  Crane.    These  are  the  two  principal  tribes. 

There  is  likewise  that  of  the  Bear.    Tliey  are  two  himdretl  men,  bearing  arms.      -      200 
The  Ouyattanons,  Peangulchias,  Petikokias,  are  the  same  Nation,  though  in  different  villages. 

They  can  place  under  arms  three  himdred  and  fifty  men. 350 

The  devices  of  these  savages  are  the  Seri)ent,  the  Deer,  and  the  Small  Acorn. 
The  Illinois,  Metcliigamias  at  Fort  Chartres,  number  two  hundred  and  fifty  men.  -        -      250 

Tlie  Kaskakias,  six  leagues  below,  have  a  village  of  one  hundred  warriors.  -        -      '-      100 

Tlie  Peorias,  at  the  Rock,  are  fifty  men.  -        - 50 

The  Kaokias,  or  Tamarois,  can  ftirnish  two  hundred  men,  200 

All  those  savages  comprehended  under  the  name  of  Illinois  have,  for  device,  the  Crane, 
the  Bear,  the  White  Hind,  the  Fork,  the  Tortoise, 

River  of  the  Missouris. 
The  Missouris. 

The  Okams  or  Kams^,  the  Sotos,  and  the  Pauls. 
This  only  as  a  note,  not  knowing  any  thing  of  these  Nations  except  the  name. 

Lake  Erie — The  Detroit. 

The  Hurons  at  present  are  two  hundred  men,  bearing  arms. 200 

They  mark  the  Tortoise,  the  Bear  and  the  Plover. 
The  Pouteouatamis  have  a  village  there  of  one  hundred  and  eighty  men.*    They  bear  lor  de- 
vice the  Golden  Carp,  the  Frog,  the  Crab,  the  Tortoise.    (See  South  of  Lake  Michigan  ; 

River  St.  Joseph.) 180 

The  Outawas  there  have  two  villages,  composed  one  of  the  tribe  of  Sinagos  j  the  other  of 

Kiskakous,  and  may  count  two  hundred  warriors. 200 

They  have  the  same  devices  as  those  of  Missilimakinac ;  that  is  to  say,  the  Bear 

and  Black  Squirrel.  

^  15815 

•  Not*  in  Orig.    Imtead  of  180,  ooly  100  meo  muit  be  eonated. 


THE   IROQVOIS  AND  OTHKR   INDIAN   TRIBES, 


23 


15815 


• 


60 


Lake  St.  Clair,  which  leads  to  Lake  Huron. 

At  the  end  of  the  Little  Lake  St.  Clair,  there  Is  a  small  village  of  Misslssaguts,  which  num- 
bers sixty  men. 

They  have  the  same  devices  as  the  Ml88ls8agu<!s  of  Manltouatin  and  of  Lake 
Ontario ;  that  Is  to  say,  a  Crane. 

Lake  Huron. 
I  have  spoken  before  of  the  Misslssagufis  who  are  to  the  North  of  this  Lake. 
I  do  not  know,  on  the  South  side,  but  the  Outawas,  who  have  at  Saguinan  a  village  of  eighty 

men,  and  tor  device  the  Bear  and  Squirrel. 80 

15955 
Less, 80 

15875 
Remark. 

All  the  Northern  Nations  have  this  In  common ;  that  a  man  who  goes  to  war  denotes  himself  as 
much  by  the  device  of  his  wife's  tribe  as  by  that  of  his  own,  and  never  marries  a  woman  who  carries 
a  similar  device  to  his. 

If  time  permitted,  you  would,  Sir,  have  been  better  satisfied  with  my  researches. 

I  would  have  written  to  the  Interpreters  of  the  Posts,  who  would  have  fUmlshed  me  with  more 
certain  information  than  that  I  could  obtain  from  the  Voyageurs  whom  I  questioned .  I  am  engaged 
at  the  history  of  the  Scioux,  which  you  have  asked  from  Monsieur  de  Llnerot. 

Missilimakiuak. 


TIIK    IHU«tUO|ll   AMU  OTIIKH    INUIAN    lUIUM. 


PRESENT  STATI']  OF  THE   NORTIIEKN  INDIANS 


IM  Tm  DI'.PAHTt  or  SIH  WILLIAM  JOIINNON  IIAKT.,  ('O.MI'HKIIKNDKII  INDKII  TIIK  NIX  NATIONN  AM)  OTTAWA 
OOWrCDKHACtCH,  ETC.,  CONTAININU  TIIK  NAMKb,  NUMBt^HH  ANU  HCII'l'ATION  ur  tAt'll  NATIdN,  WITH 
HKMAUKM.       NOV.     18,    1705. 

[  Lond.  Doe.  XXXVI.  ] 

BIX  NATION  CONFEDERACY  CUMPREIlCNDINn  THAT  OF  CANAOAi  OHIO^  ha. 


tfamu. 


Numb*r  I 

•>/Ar<A. 


SciiuatUm. 


Htmarkt, 


Mohocki, 


Onelilai, 


Tuiearorai, 
OnoniU(U| 

Cayugai,      . 
Benecai, 


Oswegachys, 


inticokei,       'v 
jnoyt,  / 

iitecoei,  r 

iponeyi,  ettc.  ) 


Caghnawagaa, 


adagai,) 
icks,      J- 


Canaiiadagai,'] 

Arundacks, 

Algonki: 


Abenaquii,  .        . 

fikaghquanoghronos, 
Huroni, 


IW 


20U 


140 


190 


200 


lUSO 


80 


atX) 


300 


ISO 


100 


40 


40 


Two  vlllBKCt  on  the  Mohock  river, 
with  a  law  emigrant!  at  Hnhoharn 
about  lU  niilea  from  Knrt  Hunter. 


Two  village!,  one  'i&  nillea  from  Fori 
Btanwix,  the  other  twelve  miles  weat 
of  Oneida  Lake,  with  emigrant!  in 
several  place!  towards  the  Susquehan- 
na river. 


One  village  6  niilei  from  the  Hrst  Unei- 
da!,  and  ii'voral  others  about  the  Hu!- 
quehanna. 


Una  large  village  (i  miles  from  the  lake 
of  their  name  (which  is  the  place  of 
Congress  for  the  confederates)  with  a 
smaller  at  some  distance. 


Una  largq  village  near  the  Lake  nf  tlieir 
name  with  several  others  from  thence 
to  the  Susquehanna, 


hocki,    Onondages 
ronsiiiered    as    the 


Ot  the  Six  Nations  the  Mohawks  or  Mo- 
and  Henecas  are 
the  chief  and  elder 
■■ranches.  The  Uncidas,  Cayugus  and 
TuBcarorasare  younger)  the  Ian!  men- 
tioned Nation  having  many  years  ago 
retired  from  the  South,  ami  were  ad- 
mitted into  the  confr(lorary  with  (he 
tlien  Five  Nations,  the  Oneidua  giv- 
ing them  land  and  they  now  enjoy  all 
prTviledges  with  the  real. 


Have  several  villages,  beginning  about  Of  the  Senecaa,  two  villagea  are  atill  In 
fit)  m.  from  Cayuga,  anif  from  thence     our  interest,    vizt.    Kanadaaero   and 
to  Chenussio,  tho  largest  about  70  ni.j    Kanaderueey,  the  rest  have  Joined  the 
from  Niagara,  with  others  thence  to     Western  Nations, 
the  Ohio. 


Emigrant!  from  the  Six  Nations  chiefly  Thcsci  are  at  peace  with  the  English. 
Unondagcs  settled  at  LaGalette  on  the 
river  St.  Lawrence. 


A  people  removed  from  the  Southward,  These  people  are  Immediately  under  the 
and  settled  on  and  about  tho  Susque-I    direction  of  the  Six  Nations,  and  at 
hanna  on   lands  allotted   by   the  Six     peace  with  tho  English. 
Nations.  I 


INDIANS  OF  CANADA  IN  ALLIANCE  WITH  THE  SIX  NATIONS. 


Emigrants  from  the  Mohocks,  settled  at 
Soult  St.  Louis  near  Montreal,  with 
emigrants  at  Aghqulssasne,  below  la 
Oalette  which  Is  the  seat  of  a  Mission 


These  three  Nations  now  reside  togeth- 
er, at  the  Lac  du  deux  Montagnes  at 
the  mouth  of  the  Ottawa  river  near 
Montreal. 


Their  village  having  been  burned  at  St, 
Francis  below  Montreal  during  the 
war,  they  have  since  lived  scattered 
except  a  few. 


Reside  at  Troia  Rivieres,  they  are  ori- 
ginally Algonkins. 


Reside  at  Loretto  near  Quebec,  a  very 
civilized  people. 


All  these  Nations  are  in  alliance  with 
the  Six  ^fations,  and  warmly  attached 
to  the  British  Interest,  as  arfa  all  the 
other  Indians  in  Canada.  Caghnawa- 
ga  is  the  scat  of  a  Mission,  as  is  the 
village  of  Lac  du  deux  Montagnes. 


These  Indians  are  originally  from  New- 
England:  if  they  were  all  collected 
they  would  amount  to  more  than  ia 
represented.  They  have  likewise  a 
Missionary  who  is  a  Jesuit. 


fThere  are  several  other  Nations  to 
the  Northward,  who  avoiil  any  con- 
nection with  the  white  people;  and 
as  they  have  no  lixcd  renidcnce,  their 
numbers,  though  consitlcrablc,  cannot 
be  ascertained.) 


Till:    IHOqi'OlH    ANU  OTIIUl    IMUIAN    TMIHM. 


!25 


MX  NATION  OONFCUBRAVV-coMTiNl7«n 

■ 

Numh4r 

MImMm. 

Htmartu, 

30U 
60U 

3UU 

INUIANH  <)!'  UIIIO. 

■hawanaii,        .... 

Ramotttl  lo  lh«  RIvar  Volott  mU  olhtr 
UrkDohai. 

Thata  panpla  ara  iraatly  InAuaneail  by 
tha  Hanacai.  anil  raililn  on  lamls  allot, 
tail   (ham   by   Iha   |iarnilii>l(iii  of  Iha 
Mix    Natloni.     Thay  ara  now  at  war 
with  Iha  Unfllah. 

DaUwtrMi          .       •       .       , 

In   »iiv*riil   vlllujtct  on  ami  «.b()iit  Ilia 
iiuiii|ui>h>nna,  Miiiklnghini,  •Ito.  anil 
thanea  to  Laka  Crla. 

WliniloU,aUo. 

Honia  vilUicaa  In  Iha  naigliburhood  of 
Maniluiky  t'n.  t  naar  I'Blia  Uria. 

ToUl, 

3iMU 

Thara  ara  alto  in  Iha  Hlx   Nation  Confailaraeyi  many    Inillani  whoia  num- 
ban  cannot  ba  eomputail  ai  thay  hava  nii  flxail  raililvnaa. 

tfamt; 


UTTAWA  CONFEOURACY  CUMPRKIIKNDINlt  THE  TWKIIITWEE!))  ETTO. 

Rimarki. 


Numbtr 
qfmtn. 


8cUuatUm, 


Wyaniluti  or  lluroni, 


Powtowaltmli, 
In  llio  ncl|{hbourhuoil  of  Oetrolt. 


Id  tha  nalghbourhood  of  St.  Joiaph. 

Uttawai, 

roaldliig  In  the  neighbourhood  of 
Uatrolt. 


In  the  neighbourhood  of  MiohilU 
maklnao. 


In  the  neighbourhood  of  Fort  St. 
Joaajih, 

Chlppowalsli*  nr  Mliiimagals!  in 
the  nelgliDoiirhood  of  Detroit. 

In  the  neighbourhood  of  Micbill' 

HM 


Mevnomenyt 
Fcilaavolna 
Puani 
Hakia    . 
f'oxe* 


Twightwoei, 

KIckHpiiii* 
Mu<(Mnili>nit 
Plunkaihaw^ 
Wuwiughtunol 


Ottuwnai 
Ohippeweighi,  ettc. 


•ibO 

too 

!HJU 
SOU 

4oa 


iiu 
iiu 

31)0 
3U0 
320 


23U 

18U 

90 

100 

200 


4000 


Reilde  oppoiite  Oolruil,  thrir  vlllaire  It 
Iha  leat  of  a  Jeiiilt  Million,  their 
lanKuage  beariainnlty  with  that  uf  the 
Hlx  Natluni. 


ReHlded  about  a  mile  below  the  Kort, 
but  abiimluneil  their  village  on  the 
oommrncement  of  hoitilitlri. 


A  little  bnluw  the  Kort. 


Reildt'il  about    Detroit,   but  with    the 
former,  form  a  flying  camp. 


ReiUled   In  dlHVirent   vlllagoi,  but  are 
now  probably  with  the  former.  Mlchl 
limakinac  ii  the  teat  of  a  Million. 


Reilcled  at  a  imall  dlitance  after  the  re- 
duction of  the  Fort  probably  Joined 
the  reil. 


Itoiided  above  the  Detroit,  now  proba- 
bly In  armi  with  the  reit. 


Had  levcral  dim-rent  viliaKei  In  that 
country,  and  the  envlroni  of  the  Lake 
Huron. 


All  theie  natloni  reiide  nn  the  west  lidc 
of  La  Daye  at  l^ake  Michigan  and  in 
the  neighborhood  of  the  Fort  there 


Thli  Nation  hai  a  great  Influence  over 
the  reit,  and  haa  been  greatly  initl- 
gati'il  by  the  neighbouring  French  lo 
commit  acta  of  hoitllity. 


With  theie  and  the  above  Indiana  are 
Joined  laveral  otheri,  who  form  a  fly- 
ing camp  under  Pondiac,  an  Ottawa 
Chief. 

The  Uttawai  In  Iha  neighbourhood  of 
Miehillmakinao  are  well  attached  to 
ui  for  the  moil  part. 


ThoNo  are  the  moit  numcroui  of  all  the 
Ottawa  Confederacy  and  have  many 
villagci  about  l.akeiSum^rior,  Huron, 
Krio,  ettc,  whoip  numncri  cannot  at 
preaent  be  aicerlained  w  1th  exactueia. 


Theie  natloni  are  at  preient  In  alliance 
with  the  Ottawa  Confederacy,  but  ap- 
pear inclined  to  our  Intereit,  nor  did 
they  take  the  Fort  at  La  Daye,  the 
ofllcer  abandoning  it  on  the  newi  of  the 
rupture,  tti  he  could  make  no  defence 


MIAMI8  OR  TW1GHTWEE8. 


Near  the  Fort  on  the  Miamii  river. 


These  natiunn  reside  in  tlie  nelitiibour- 
hood  of  the  Fort  at  Wawaighta,  and 
about  the  Walache  river. 


KeHiding  through  all  the  extent  of  coun- 
try from  the  Lakes  to  the  Ureal  Otta- 
wa river,  and  abt.  Lake  Superior,  ettc, 


(Vol.  l] 


The  Twightwccs  were  orlginallyA  ve- 
ry powerful  people,  wholiaving  been 
lubdued  by  the  Six  Nations  were  per- 
mitted to  pt^joy  tiicir  poiBcsslons. 
There  are  many  tribes  and  villages  of 
them,  but  thcNc  are  ail  who  arc  per- 
fectly known. 

This  is  the  moil  exact  computation  that 
can  be  made  of  these  numerous  peo- 

Rle,  who  arc  scattered  throughout  the 
orthern  Parta  and  who  havin;^  few 
places  of  flxed  residence,  subiisting 
entirely  by  hunting,  cannot  be  ascer- 
tained ai  those  ot  their  confederacy, 
residing  near  the  outposts. 


86 


THE   IROQUOIS  AND  OTHER   INDIAN  TRIBES. 


OTTAWA  CONFEDERACY— coNTmuED. 

Aom«». 

Ifumbtr 
of  m*n. 

SeUuation. 

Rtmorki. 

Ulinoii 
number  uncertain. 

Sioux 
number  uncertain 

t 

Reside  about   tlie   Illinois   River   and 
hence  to  ttie  Mississippi. 

Reside  in  the  country  westward  of 

[One  Htu  nU  qff  hire 
Mississippi,  they  are  much  addicted  to 
wandering  and  live  mostly  in  camps. 

We  have  hitherto  had  nothing  to  do 
with  these  people,  who  are  numerous 
and   variously  computed.     The  Six 
Nations  claim  their  country,  but  their 
right  of  conquest  thereto  does  not  ap- 
pear so  clear  as  to  the  rest,  as  repre> 
sented  in  the  letter  herewith. 

The  Sioux  who  are  the  most  numerous 
of  the  Northern  Indians,  are  little 
known  to  us,  they 

in  binding  the  oHginalA 
not  appear  well  affected  to  the  Wes- 
tern Indians,  and   promise   to   send 
Deputies  to  me  in  the  spring. 

Total, 

8020 

Ir 


jVovember  18U>,  1763. 


William  Johnson. 


h 


J 


IL 

P AP  E  E  S 


RELATING   TO 


®t)e  SitBl  Stnimml  at  CDnonioja, 


AND 


THE  DISCOVERY  OF  THE  SALT  SPRINGS  AT  SALINA. 


•*»*• 


anno  16551--S. 


T 

I 


t 


4 


VOYAGE  OF  FATHER  SIMON  LE  MOINE 

TO  THE  COUNTRY   OF  THE  IROQVOIS  ONONDAGOES,  IN  JULY,  AUGUST   AND  SEPTEMBER,   1654. 
[Relation  de  la  N.  France  6*  annges,  16S3  and  1664.] 

On  the  second  day  of  the  month  of  July,  the  festival  of  the  Visitation  of  the  Most  Holy  Virgin 
always  friendly  to  oux*  undertakings.  Father  LeMoine  departed  from  Quebec  on  a  voyage  to  the 
Iroquois  Onondagoes.  He  passed  Three  Rivers,  and  from  thence  by  Montreal,  where  a  young  man 
of  good  courage,  and  an  old  habitant,  joined  him,  with  much  piety.  I  shall  foE  .v  the  Father's 
Journal  for  greater  facility. 

On  the  17th  day  of  July,  St.  Alexis'  day,  we  left  home  with  this  great  and  holy  traveller,  and  de- 
parted for  a  land  unknown  to  us.  On  the  18th,  following  always  the  course  of  the  River  St.  Lawrence, 
we  met  nothing  but  breakers  and  impetuous  rapids,  all  strewed  with  rocks  and  shoals. 

The  19th.  This  river  grows  wider  and  forms  a  lake,  agreeable  to  the  view,  from  eight  to  ten 
leagues  in  length.  At  night,  an  army  of  troublesome  musquitoes  foreboded  the  rain  which  poxured 
down  on  us  the  whole  of  the  night.  To  be  in  such  circumstances  without  any  shelter  except  the 
trees,  wliich  Nature  has  produced  ever  since  the  creation  of  the  world,  is  a  pastime  more  innocent 
and  agreeable  than  could  be  anticipated. 

20th.  Nothing  but  islands,  in  appearance  the  most  beautiful,  which  intersect  here  and  there  this 
very  quiet  river.  The  land  on  the  north  bank  appears  to  us  excellent  j  there  is  a  range  of  high 
mountains  towards  the  east,  which  we  called  St.  Margaret's. 

21st.  Continuation  of  the  islands.  In  the  evening  we  break  our  bark  canoe ;  it  rains  all  night. 
The  naked  rocks  serve  us  for  bed,  mattrass  and  all.  Whoever  hath  God  with  him  reposes  quietly 
every  where. 

22d.  The  precipices  ol  water  which  for  a  while  are  no  longer  navigable  oblige  us  to  carry  on  our 
shoulders  both  our  baggage  and  the  canoe  which  carded  us.  At  the  other  side  of  the  rapid,  I  per- 
ceived a  herd  of  wild  cows  which  were  passing  at  their  ease  in  great  state.  Five  or  six  hundred  are 
seen  sometimes  in  tliese  regions  in  one  drove. ' 

23d  and  24th  of  the  month.  Our  pilot  being  hurt,  we  must  remain  a  prey  to  the  musquitoes,  and 
have  patience,  often  more  difficult  in  regard  to  the  inconveniences  which  have  no  intermission  neither 
niglit  nor  day,  than  to  behold  death  before  one's  eyes. 

25th.  The  river  is  so  very  rapid  that  we  are  obliged  to  throw  ourselves  in  the  stream  to  di-ag  our 
canoe  after  us,  amid  the  rocks,  as  a  cavalier,  dismounting,  leads  his  horse  by  the  bridle.  At  night 
we  arrive  at  the  entrance  of  Lake  St.  Ignatius,  in  which  eels  abound  in  a  prodigious  quantity. 

26th.  A  high  wind  with  rain  forces  us  to  debark,  after  having  made  four  leagues.  A  hut  is  soon 
built.  Tiie  neighboring  trees  are  stript  of  their  bark ;  this  is  thrown  on  poles  set  in  tlie  ground  on 
either  side,  bringing  them  togetlier  in  the  form  of  an  arbor ;  and  then  our  house  is  built.  Ambition 
finds  no  entrance  into  this  palace.  It  failed  not  to  be  as  agreeable  to  us  as  if  the  roof  was  all  covered 
with  gold. 


30 


FIRST   SETTLEMENT    AT   ONOKDAGA 


27tli.  We  coasted  along  the  shores  of  tlie  lake ;  they  are  rocks  on  one  side  and  the  other,  of  an 
immense  height,  now  frightlld,  now  pleasing  to  the  sight.  It  is  wonderful  how  large  trees  can  find 
root  among  so  many  rocks. 

28th.  Tiiunder,  lightning  and  a  deluge  of  rain  oblige  us  to  shelter  ourselves  uuder  our  canoe, 
which  being  inverted,  serves  us  for  a  house. 

29th  and  30th  July.  A  rain  storm  continues,  which  arrests  us  at  the  entrance  of  a  great  lake, 
called  Ontario.  We  call  it  the  Lake  of  the  Iroquois,  because  they  have  their  villages  on  tlie  south 
side  there.  The  Hurons  are  on  the  other  shore,  farther  on  in  the  interior.  This  lake  is  twenty 
leagues  wide ;  its  length  about  forty. 

31st.  St.  Ignatius'  day.  The  rain  and  storm  force  us  to  seek  for  lost  roads.  We  cross  long 
islands,  carrying  our  baggage,  provisions  and  canoe  on  our  shoulders.  The  road  seems  long  to  a 
poor  weary  man. 

On  the  first  day  of  the  month  of  August,  some  Iroquois  fishermen  having  perceived  us  from  a 
distance,  get  together  to  receive  us.  One  of  tliem  runs  towai-ds  us,  advancing  a  half  a  league  to 
communicate  the  earliest  news  and  the  state  of  the  coimtry.  It  is  a  Huron  prisoner,  and  a  good 
Christian,  wliom  I  formerly  instructed  during  a  winter  that  I  passed  among  the  savages.  Tliis  poor 
lad  could  not  believe  tliat  it  was  he  whom  he  never  lioped  to  see  again.  We  disembarked  at  a  little 
village  of  fishermen.  They  crowd  as  to  who  shall  carry  our  bagage.  But  alas!  they  are  apparently 
only  lliuwn  squaws,  and  for  the  most  part  Cliristian  women,  formerly  rich  and  at  their  ease,  whom 
captivity  has  reduced  to  servitude.  Tliey  requested  me  to  pray  to  God,  and  I  had  the  consolation 
to  confess  there  at  ray  leisure  Hostagehtak,  our  antient  host  of  the  Petun  Nation.  His  sentiments 
and  devotion  tlrew  tears  from  my  eyes ;  he  is  the  fruit  of  the  labors  of  Father  Charles  Garnier,  that 
liuly  missionary  wliose  death  has  been  so  precious  before  Gotl. 

Tlie  second  day  of  August.  We  walked  about  twelve  to  fifteen  leagues  in  the  woods.  We  camp 
where  the  day  closes. 

The  3d.  At  noon  we  find  ourselves  on  the  bank  of  a  river,  one  hundred  or  one  hundred  and 
twenty  paces  wide,  beyond  which  there  was  a  hamlet  of  fishermen.  An  Iroquois  whom  I  at  one  time 
had  treated  kindly  at  Montreal,  put  me  across  in  his  canoe,  and  through  respect  carried  me  on  his 
slioulders,  being  unwilling  to  suffer  me  to  wet  my  feet.  Every  one  received  me  with  joy,  and  these 
poor  people  eni'iched  me  from  their  poverty.  I  was  conducted  to  another  village  a  league  distant, 
where  there  was  a  young  man  of  consideration  who  made  a  feast  for  me  because  I  bore  liis  father's 
name,  Oudessonk.  The  Chiefs  came  to  harangue  us,  the  one  after  the  other.  I  baptized  little 
skeletons  who  awaited,  perhaps,  only  this  drop  of  the  precious  blood  of  Jesus  Christ. 

4th.  They  ask  me  why  we  are  dressed  in  black  1  and  I  take  occasion  to  speak  to  them  of  our 
mysteries  with  great  attention  They  bring  me  a  little  moribund  whom  I  call  Dominick.  The  time 
is  passed  when  they  used  to  hide  the  little  innocents  from  us.  They  took  me  for  a  great  Medicine- 
man, having  no  other  remedy  for  the  sick  but  a  pinch  of  sugar.  We  pursued  our  route — in  the 
middle  of  wliich  we  found  our  dinner  waiting  for  us.  The  nephew  of  the  first  Chief  of  the  country, 
who  is  to  lodge  me  in  his  cabin,  is  deputed  by  his  uncle  to  escort  us,  bringing  us  every  delicacy  that 
tlie  season  could  afford,  especially  new  corn  bread,  and  ears  (of  corn)  which  we  had  roasted  at  the 
fire.     We  slept  again  that  day  by  the  lieautiful  light  of  the  stai-s. 

5th.  We  had  to  make  four  leagues  before  arriving  at  the  principal  Onondaga  village.  There  is 
nothing  but  comers  and  goers  on  the  road  who  come  to  salute  me.  One  treats  me  as  brother ;  another 
as  uncle — never  did  I  have  such  a  number  of  relations.  A  quarter  of  a  league  from  the  village  I 
began  a  harangue,  whicli  gained  me  much  credit.  I  named  all  the  Chiefs;  the  families  and  persons 
of  note  in  a  drawling  voice  and  with  the  tone  of  a  chief.  I  told  them  that  Peace  walked  along  with 
me  ;  that  I  drove  War  afar  olf  among  tlic  distant  nations,  and  that  Joy  accompanied  me.    Two  Chiefs 


i 


* 


AND  DISCOVERY  OF  THE  SALT   SPRINGS. 


31 


4 


made  their  speech  to  me  on  my  arrival,  but  with  a  gladness  and  cheerfulness  of  countenance  wluch 
I  never  had  seen  among  savages.    Men,  women  and  children,  all  were  respectful  and  friendly. 

At  night  I  called  the  principal  men  together  to  make  them  two  presents.  The  first  to  wipe  their 
faces,  so  tliat  they  may  regai-d  me  with  a  kindly  eye,  and  that  I  may  never  see  a  trace  of  sorrow  on 
their  foreheads.  The  second  to  clear  out  the  little  gall  which  they  still  might  have  in  tlieir  hearts. 
After  several  other  discourses  they  retired  to  consult  together,  and  finally  they  responded  to  my 
presents  by  two  other  presents  richer  than  mine. 

6th.  I  was  called  to  divers  quarters  to  administer  my  medicine  to  weakly  and  hectic  little  things. 
I  baptized  some  of  them.  I  confessed  some  of  our  old  Huron  Christians,  and  found  Crod  every 
where,  and  that  He  pleased  to  work  liimself  in  hearts  where  faith  reigns.  He  builds  liimself  a  tem- 
ple there,  where  he  is  adored  in  spirit  and  truth.    Be  He  blessed  for  ever. 

At  night  ovu;  host  draws  me  aside  and  tells  me  veiy  affectionately  that  he  always  loved  us,  that 
finally  his  heart  was  satisfied,  seeing  all  the  tribes  of  his  nation  demanded  nothing  but  peace :  that 
the  Seneca  had  recently  come  to  exhort  them  to  manage  this  matter  well  for  peace,  and  that  with 
that  view  he  had  made  splendid  presents :  that  the  Cayuga  had  brought  three  belts  for  that  purpose, 
and  that  the  Oneida  was  glad  to  be  rid  of  euch  a  bad  affair  through  his  means,  and  that  he  desired 
nothing  but  peace :  that  the  Mohawk  would,  no  doubt,  follow  the  others,  and  thus  I  might  take 
courage,  since  I  bore  with  me  the  happiness  of  the  whole  land. 

7th.  A  good  Christian  named  Terese,  a  Huron  captive,  wishing  to  pour  out  her  soul  to  me  away 
from  noise  and  in  silence,  invited  me  to  visit  her  in  a  field  cabin  where  she  lived.  My  God !  Wliat 
sweet  consolation  to  witness  so  much  faith  in  savage  hearts,  in  captivity,  and  without  other  assistance 
than  that  of  heaven.  God  raises  up  Apostles  every  where.  This  good  Christian  woman  had  with 
her  a  young  captive  of  the  neutral  nation  (de  la  JVation  JVeutre),  whom  she  loved  as  her  own  daughter. 
She  had  so  well  instructed  her  in  the  mysteries  of  the  faith,  and  in  sentiments  of  piety,  in  the  pray- 
ers they  made  in  this  holy  solitude,  that  I  was  much  surprised.  Eh !  sister,  I  asked,  why  did  you 
not  baptise  her,  since  she  has  the  faith  like  you,  and  she  is  Christian  in  her  morals,  and  she  wishes 
to  die  a  Christian '?  Alas,  brother,  this  happy  captive  replied,  I  did  not  think  it  was  allowed  me 
to  baptise,  except  in  danger  of  death.  Baptise  her  now,  yourself,  since  you  consider  her  worthy,  and 
give  her  my  name.  This  was  the  first  adult  baptism  at  Onondago ;  we  are  indebted  for  it  to  the 
piety  of  a  Huron. 


GENERAL  COUNCIL  OF  PEACE  WITH  THE  FOUR  IROQUOIS  NATIONS, 


AND  THE  SUBSEQUENT  RETURN  OF  FATHER  SIMON  LE  MOINE  FROM  HIS  VOYAGE. 

[  From  the  Same.  1 

On  the  10th  day  of  August,  the  deputies  of  the  three  neighboiuing  Nations  having  arrived,  after 
the  usual  summons  of  the  Chiefs  that  all  should  assemble  in  Ondessonk's  cabin,  I  opened  the  pro- 
ceedings (says  the  Father,  continuing  his  Journal)  by  public  prayer,  wliich  I  said  on  my  knees  and  in 
a  loud  voice,  all  in  the  Huron  tongue.  I  invoked  the  Great  Master  of  heaven  and  of  earth  to  inspire 
us  with  what  should  be  for  his  glory  and  our  good ;  I  cursed  all  the  demons  of  hell  who  are  spirits 
of  division ;  I  prayed  the  tutelar  angels  of  the  whole  country  to  touch  the  hearts  of  those  who 
heard  me,  when  my  words  should  strike  their  ear. 


li""" 


82 


FIRST   SETTLEMENT  AT   ONONDAGA, 


I  greatly  astonished  them  when  they  lieard  me  naming  all  by  nations,  by  tribes,  by  families  and  each 
particular  individual  of  any  note,  and  all  by  aid  of  my  manuscript,  whicli  was  a  matter  aswunderfUl 
as  it  was  new.    I  told  them  I  was  the  bearer  of  nineteen  words  to  them. 

The  first :  Tliat  it  was  Oimonthio,  M.  de  Lauzon,  Governor  of  New  France,  who  spoke  by  my 
mouth,  and  then  the  Hurous  and  tlie  Algonquins  as  well  as  tlie  Frencli,  for  all  these  three  nations 
had  Onnonthio  for  their  Great  Chief.  A  large  belt  of  wam])um,  one  hundi-ed  little  tubes  or  pi;)es  of 
red  glass,  the  diamonds  of  the  country,  and  a  caribou's  hide  being  passed  :  these  three  presents  made 
but  one  word. 

My  second  word  was,  to  cut  the  bonds  of  the  eight  Seneca  prisoners,  taken  by  our  allies  and 
brought  to  Montreal,  as  already  stated. 

Tlie  third  was,  to  break  the  bonds  of  the  Mohegans  also,  captured  about  the  same  time. 

The  fourth  ;  to  thank  those  of  Onontago  for  having  brought  oui*  prisoner  back. 

The  fifth  present  was,  to  thank  the  Senecas  for  having  saved  him  from  the  scaflbld. 

The  sixth  for  the  Cayuga  Iroquois,  for  having  also  contributed. 

The  seventh,  for  the  Oneidas  for  having  broken  the  bonds  which  kept  him  a  prisoner. 

The  8tli,  9th,  lOtliand  11th  presents  to  be  given  to  tlie  Ibm-  Iroquois  Nations — a  hatchet  to  each — 
for  the  new  war  they  were  waging  against  the  Cat  Nation. 

The  twelftli  present  was  to  lieal  the  head  of  the  Seneca  who  had  lost  some  of  his  people. 

The  thirteenth,  to  strengthen  liis  palisades ;  to  wit,  that  he  may  be  in  a  state  of  defence  against 
the  enemy. 

The  fourteenth,  to  ornament  his  face :  for  it  is  the  custom  of  warriors  here  never  to  go  to  battle 
unless  with  the  face  painted,  some  black,  some  red,  otliers  with  various  other  colors,  each  having 
herein  as  if  particular  liveries  to  wliich  tliey  cling  even  unto  death. 

The  fifteenth  to  concentrate  all  their  thoughts.  I  made  tliree  presents  for  this  occasion ;  one 
wampum  belt,  little  glass  beads  and  an  elk  hide. 

The  sixteenth— I  opened  Annonclilasse's  door  to  all  the  Nations  ;  that  is,  they  would  be  welcome 
among  us. 

The  seventeenth.    I  exhorted  them  to  become  acquainted  with  the  truths  of  our  faith,  and  made 

three  presents  for  this  object. 

The  eighteenth.  I  asked  them  not  to  prepare  henceforward  any  ambushes  for  the  Algonquin  and 
Hui-ou  Nations,  who  would  come  to  visit  us  in  our  French  settlement.  I  made  three  presents  for 
this  purpose. 

Finally,  by  the  nineteenth  present  I  wiped  away  the  tears  of  all  the  young  warriors  for  the  death 
of  tlieir  great  Cliief  Annencraos,  a  short  time  prisoner  with  the  Cat  Nation. 

At  each  present  they  heaved  a  iwwerful  ejaculation  from  tlie  bottom  of  tlie  chest  in  testimony  of 
their  joy.  I  was  full  two  hours  making  my  whole  si^eecli,  talking  like  a  Cliief,  and  walking  about 
like  an  actor  on  a  stage,  as  is  their  custom. 

After  that  they  grouped  together  apart  in  nations  and  tribes,  calling  to  them  a  Mohawk  who  by 
good  luck  was  there.  They  consulted  together  for  the  space  of  two  liours  longer.  Finally  they 
called  me  among  them  and  seated  me  in  an  lionorable  place. 

The  Cliief  who  is  the  tongue  of  the  country,  repeats  faitlifully  as  orator  the  substance  of  all  my 
words.  Tlien  all  set  to  singing  in  token  of  their  gratification  ;  I  was  told  to  pray  God  on  my  side, 
which  I  did  very  willingly.  After  tliese  songs  he  spoke  to  me  in  the  name  of  his  Nation.  1.  He 
thanked  Onnontio  for  his  good  disposition  towards  them,  and  brought  forward  for  this  purpose  two 

large  belts  of  wampum. 
2.  He  thanked  us  in  the  name  of  the  Mohawk  Iroriuois  for  having  given  their  Uves  to  fiveot  tlieir 

allies  of  the  Mohegan  nation.    Two  other  belts  for  that. 


AND   DISCOVERY  OF  THE   SALT   SPRINGS. 


83 


3.  He  thanked  us  in  the  name  of  the  Seneca  Iroquois  for  having  drawn  Ave  of  their  tribe  out  of 
the  fire.    Two  more  belts.    Ejaculations  fVom  the  whole  RS!>embly  follow  each  present. 

Anotlier  Captain  of  the  Oneida  Nation  rises :  Onnontio,  said  lie — speaking  of  M.  de  L^uzon  our 
Crovernor — Onnontio  thou  art  tlie  i)illar  of  the  Earth  ;  thy  spirit  is  a  spirit  of  peace  and  thy  words 
soften  the  hearts  of  the  most  rebellious  spirits.  After  other  compliments  expressed  in  a  tone  ani- 
mated by  lovo  and  respect,  he  produced  four  largo  belts  to  thank  Onnontio  for  having  encouraged 
them  to  tight  bravely  against  tlieir  new  enemies  of  the  Cat  Nation,  and  for  having  exhorted  theui 
never  again  to  war  against  the  French.  Thy  voice,  said  he,  Onnontio  is  wonderful,  to  produce  in 
my  breast  at  one  time  two  effects  entirely  dissimilar ;  thou  a:'.matest  me  to  war,  and  softenest  my 
heart  by  the  thoughts  of  peace ;  thou  art  great  both  in  [leace  and  war,  mild  to  those  whom  thou 
lovest,  and  terrible  to  thine  enemies.  We  wish  thee  to  love  us,  and  we  will  love  the  French  for  thy 
sake. 

In  concluding  tneso  thanks,  the  Onontaga  Chief  took  up  the  word.  Listen  Ondessonk,  said  he  to 
me ;  five  entire  nations  si)eak  to  thee  through  my  mouth.  My  breast  contains  the  sentiments  of  the' 
Iroquois  Nations,  and  my  tongtie  responds  faithfully  to  my  breast.  Thou  wilt  tell  Onnontio  foiur 
things,  the  sum  of  all  oiu;  councils. 

1.  We  are  willing  to  acknowledge  Him  of  whom  thou  hast  spoken,  who  is  the  master  of  our  lives, 
who  is  unknown  to  us 

2.  Our  coimcil  tree  is  tliis  day  planted  at  Onnontaga — meaning  that  that  would  be,  henceforth,  the 
place  of  their  meetings  and  of  their  negotiations  for  peace. 

2.  We  conjure  you  to  select  on  the  llanks  of  our  great  lake  an  advantageous  site  for  a  French 
settlement.  Fix  yourself  in  the  heart  of  the  country,  since  you  ought  to  possess  our  hearts.  There 
we  shall  go  for  instruction,  and  from  that  point  you  will  be  able  to  spread  yourself  abroad  in  every 
direction.    Be  tuito  us  careful  as  fathers  and  we  shall  be  unto  you  submissive  as  children. 

4.  We  are  engi^ed  in  new  wars ;  Onnontio  encourages  us.  We  shall  entertain  no  other  thought 
towards  him  than  those  of  peace. 

They  reserved  their  richest  presents  for  these  last  four  words ;  but  I  can  assure  you  their  coun- 
tenances told  more  than  their  tongues,  and  expressed  joy  mingled  with  so  much  mildness  that  my 
heart  was  full.  What  appeared  to  me  most  endearing  in  all  this  was  that  all  oiu:  Huron  Christians  and 
the  captive  women,  lighted  this  tire  which  melts  the  hearts  of  the  Iroquois.  They  told  them  so  much 
good  of  us,  and  spoke  so  often  of  the  great  value  of  the  Faith,  that  tliey  prize  it  without  being  ac- 
quainted with  it ;  and  they  love  us  in  the  hope  that  we  shall  be  for  them  what  we  have  been  tor  the 
Indians.    To  return  to  the  Father's  Journal : 

The  11th  day  of  August.  There  is  nothing  but  feasts  and  rejoicings  every  where.  A  misfortune 
occurred,  however,  at  night.  A  cabin  catching  fire,  no  one  knew  how,  an  impetuous  wind  drove 
the  flames  to  the  others,  and  in  less  than  two  hours  more  than  t\i'enty  were  reduced  to  ashes,  and 
the  remainder  of  the  village  was  in  danger  of  being  burnt.  God  preserved  all  hearts  liowever  in 
the  joy  of  the  preceding  day,  and  their  dispositions  as  calm  towards  me  as  if  this  misfortune  had 
never  happened. 

The  12tli.  Our  Christian  captives  wishing  to  confess  before  my  departure  gave  me  employment, 
or  rather  repose  which  I  wislied  for.  I  baptized  a  little  girl  of  four  years  who  was  dying.  I  re- 
covered from  the  hands  of  these  barbarians,  the  New  Testament  of  the  late  Father  Jean  de  Brebouf, 
whom  tliey  put  to  a  cruel  deatli  five  years  ago,  and  a  small  book  of  devotion  which  was  used  by  the 
late  Father  Charles  Garnier  whom  they  also  killed  four  years  ago. 


The  13th.    Came  the  leave  taking.    Observing  the  custom  of  friends  on  similar  occasions,  having 
convoked  the  Council,  I  made  them  two  presents  to  console  them.    And  with  this  view  I  first 
[Vol.  I.]  5 


j 


84 


KIR8T    SETTLEMENT    A*^   ONONDAUA, 


! 


I    ! 


plantvd  In  tlie  naiuu  uf  Achieiuluss^  (wliich  is  the  appellation  of  the  General  Sui)eri<)r  of  all  our 
liiociety'ii  MisslonH  in  these  countries)  tlie  first  iM)8t  on  whicli  to  begin  a  cabin.  Tliis  is  lilce  laying 
tlie  first  Htonu  in  France  of  a  house  one  intends  to  build.  My  second  present  was  to  throw  down  tliv 
first  bark  that  is  tu  cover  the  cabin.  This  evidence  of  afiiection  satisfied  tlieni,  and  three  of  their 
Chlelk  thanked  me  publicly  in  speeches  wliich  one  could  not  be  persuaded  issued  from  the  lips  of 
men  called  savages. 

Nevertheless  tliey  seek  me  every  where  to  give  me  my  parting  least,  all  the  men  and  women  of 
consideration  being  invited  in  my  name  into  our  cabin,  according  to  the  custom  of  the  country,  in 
order  to  do  honor  to  my  depaiture.  We  pai-t  in  good  company.  After  the  public  cry  of  tlie  Chief, 
every  one  vies  to  carry  our  little  baggage. 

About  half  a  league  from  there  we  found  a  group  of  old  men,  all  Chiefs  of  the  Council,  who  waited 
to  bill  me  Adieu  hoi)ing  liir  my  return  for  whicli  they  ardently  testified  their  wishes. 

lOtli.  We  arrive  ut  tlie  entrance  of  a  small  lake  in  a  large  liaM'  dried  busin ;  we  taste  the  water  of 
a  spring  that  they  durst  not  drink,  saying  that  there  is  a  Demon  in  it  which  renders  it  Icetid ;  having 
iosted  it  I  lound  It  was  a  fountain  of  Suit  water ;  and  in  fact  we  made  Salt  from  it  as  natural  as  that 
(torn  the  sea ;  of  which  we  carried  a  sample  to  Quebec.  This  lake  abounds  in^flsh — in  salmon  trout 
and  other  fish. 

17th.  We  enter  their  river,  and  at  a  quarter  of  a  leagun  meet  at  the  left  the  Seneca  river,  whicli 
incr(!HHes  this  ;  it  lead.s,  tliey  say,  to  Cuyuga  (Onioen)  and  to  Seneca  in  two  sunsets.  At  three  leagues 
of  a  fine  road  IVom  there,  we  leave  the  river  Oneida  (Ondout)  whicli  appears  to  us  very  deep. 
Finally  a  gootl  league  lower  down  we  meet  a  rapid  which  gives  the  name  to  a  village  of  fisliermen. 
I  fomul  there  some  of  our  Christians  and  some  Huron  Christian  women  whom  I  had  not  yet  seen. 

19th.    We  proceed  on  our  journey  on  the  same  river  which  is  of  a  fine  width  and  deep*  through 
out,  except  some  slioals  where  we  must  get  into  the  water  and  draw  the  canoe  lest  the  rocks  I)reok  it. 

20.  We  arrive  at  the  Great  Lake,  Ontario,  called  the  Lake  of  the  Iroquois. 

21.  This  lake  Is  in  a  fury  in  consequence  of  the  violence  of  the  winds  after  a  storm  of  ruin. 

22.  Coasting  cjuietly  the  shores  of  this  Great  Lake,  my  sailors  kill  with  a  shot  from  a  gun,  a  large 
stag  :  my  companion  and  I  content  ourselves  looking  at  them  broiling  their  stakes,  it  being  Saturday, 
u  day  of  abstinence  for  us. 

2a.  We  arrive  at  the  place  which  is  fixed  on  for  our  house  and  a  French  settlement.  Beautiful 
prairies,  good  fishing ;  a  resort  of  all  Nations.  There  I  found  new  Christians  who  confessed  them- 
selves and  furnished  me  witli  devotion  in  their  sentiments  of  piety. 

24  and  25.  llelng  windbound,  one  of  our  canoes  foundered  on  the  2G,  our  sailoi-s  having  em- 
barked liefijre  the  tempest  had  abated,  and  we  thouglit  Ave  should  have  perished — finally  we  cast  our- 
selves on  an  Island  where  we  dried  ourselves  at  our  leisure. 

27.    In  the  evening  a  little  lull  afforded  us  time  to  regain  the  main  land. 

28  un<l  20.  The  chase  stops  our  sailors  who  are  in  the  l)est  possible  humor ;  for  flesh  is  tlie  para- 
dise of  the  man  of  llesh. 

30  and  last  of  Aiigiist.  The  rain  and  wind  seriously  inconvenience  poor  travellers,  who  having 
worked  all  day  are  badly  provided  for  at  night. 

I*'  day  of  S<'i>t.  I  never  saw  so  many  deer,  but  we  had  no  inclination  to  hunt.  My  companion 
kille«l  three  as  if  against  his  will.  What  a  pity!  for  we  left  all  the  venison  there,  reserving  the  hides 
and  some  of  the  most  deUcate  morsels. 

2d  of  the  montli.  Travelling  through  vast  prairies,  we  saw  in  divers  quarters  immense  herds  of 
wild  bulls  and  cows ;  their  horns  resemble  in  some  respect  the  antlers  of  the  stag. 


AND    DISCOVERV    OK   THE    SALT    SPRINGS. 


35 


3<>  ftnd  i*^.  Our  game  uoes  not  leave  us ;  it  seems  that  venison  and  game  follow  us  every  wliere. 
Droves  of  twenty  cows  plunge  into  the  water  as  ii'  to  meet  us.  Some  are  killed,  for  sake  of  amuse- 
ment, by  blows  of  an  axe. 

5.  In  one  day  we  travel  over  the  road  which  took  us  two  long  days  ascending  the  rapids  and 
breakers. 

6.  Our  Sault  St.  Louis  frightens  my  folks.  Tliey  land  me  four  leagues  above  the  settlement  of 
Montreal,  and  God  gave  me  sufQcient  strength  to  arrive  lieforc  noon,  and  to  celebrate  mass,  of  which 
I  was  deprived  during  my  whole  voyage. 

7.  I  proceed  and  descend  to  Three  Rivera  wliere  my  sailors  desire  to  go.  We  arrived  at  Quebec 
on  the  eleventli  day  of  the  month  of  September  of  tliis  year,  1654. 


JOURNAL  OF  WHAT  OCCURRED  BETWEEN  THE  FRENCH  AND  SAVAGES. 


[  Relation,  he.    1667  and  1668.  ] 

The  word  Onnota,  which  signifies,  in  the  Iroquois  tongue,  a  Mountain,  has  given  the  name  to  the 

village  called  Onnontae,or  as  others  call  it,  OnnontaguC,  because  it  is  on  a  mountain ;  and  tlie  people 

who  inhabit  it  consequently  style  themselves  Onnontae-ronnons,  or  Onnontagufironnons.    These 

people  have  for  a  long  time  and  earnestly  demanded  tliat  some  priests  of  our  Society  be  sent 

1655.  to  their  country.    Finally,  Father  Joseph  Chaumont  and  Father  Claude  Dablon  were  granted 
to  them,  in  the  year  1655.    They  embarked  on  the  19^  Sept.,  and  arrived  at  Onnontugue  the 

5th  November  of  tlie  same  year  1655. 

Tliese  two  good  latliers  finding  themselves  listened  to  with  'pproval  and  kindness,  Fatlier 

1656.  Dablon  left  Onnontagu<5  on  the  second  day  of  Marcli  of  the  following  year  1656,  to  look  for 
help  at  Quebec,  wliere  he  arrived  in  the  beginning  of  April,  and  departed  thence  on  the  17th 

May,  in  company  with  tliree  Fathers  and  two  brothers  of  the  Society,  and  a  good  number  of  French- 
men, who  all  proceeded  towards  tliis  new  country,  where  they  arrived  on  tlie  ll'i»day  of  July  of 
the  same  year,  1656. 

In  the  year  1657,  the  harvest  appearing  plentiful  in  uU  the  villages  of  the  upper  Irocjuois, 

1657.  the  common  people  listening  to  the  words  of  the  gospel  with  simplicity  and  the  Chiels  with  a 
well  disguised  dissimulation.  Father  Paul  Ragueneau,  Father  Francjois  Du  Teron,  some 

Frenchmen  and  several  Hurons,  departed  from  Montreal  the  26*'>  July,  to  aid  their  brethren  and 
compatriots. 

On  the  S<^  day  of  the  month  of  August  of  the  same  year  1657,  the  perfidy  of  the  Iroquois  began 
to  develop  itsell"  by  the  massacre  which  they  made  of  the  poor  Hurons  whom  they  brouglit  into  their 
country,  after  tliousands  of  protestations  of  kindness  and  tliousands  of  oaths,  in  their  style,  that 
they  should  treat  tliem  as  brothers.  And  had  not  a  number  of  Iroquois  remained  among  the  French, 
near  Quebec,  to  endeavor  to  bring  with  them  the  rest  of  the  Hurons,  who  distrusting  these  traitors, 
would  not  embark  with  the  others,  the  Fathers  and  the  Frenchmen  wlio  ascended  with  them  would 
have  then  been  destroyed ;  and  all  those  who  remained  on  the  banks  of  Lake  Ganantaa,  near  to 
Onnontague,  would  shortly  after  have  shared  the  same  late.  But  the  fear  that  the  French  would 
wreak  vengeance  on  their  countrymen,  staid  their  design,  of  which  oui'  fathers  had  had  secret  inte' 
ligence  immeiliately  on  their  arrival  in  the  country.    Even  a  captain  who  was  acquainted  w'^'i  the 


If  FIRST   BKTTLEMEMT   AT  ONONDAGA, 

secret  of  the  Chieft,  having  taken  some  liking  to  the  preachings  of  the  Gospel,  and  flnding  himself 
very  sick,  dcniande<i  B^iptixin ;  liaving  rrfeivt-d  it  with  sufflrit>nt  inj^truction,  he  discovered  the  evil 
-'  "^igns  of  his  rowntrynien  to  tliose  wlio  attended  him,  and  went  a  sliort  time  afterwards  u)  Heaven. 

T)ie  O'h  of  the  month  of  Septemher.     Our  fathers  at  Onnontagur  sent  two  canoes  to  Qiipbe<',  with 
intelligence  of  the  massacre  of  tiie  jioor  Him)n  Christians,  treacherously  put  to  dvatli  by  tlu-se  Iw- 

barians,  as  we  remarked  alxjve,  3  August  of  the  year  HJ57. 

•  •-•  •  •  •  *  •  • 

The  T*'  of  the  month  of  November.     Two  Mohawks  departed  from  Quebec,  and  took  a  third  at 

Three  Rivers A  number  of  letters  from  divers  quarters  were  given  to  tliem 

for  Father  Le  Mt)lne,  part  of  which  wert»  to  be  sent  to  our  Fathers  »ind  our  French  ui"  Onnoutagu6 
thro'  the  medium  of  the  Mohawks,  who  ol'ten  go  to  that  country. 


It  is  true  that  the  Mohawks  faithl'ully  deliveretl  the  letters  to  Ondessonk,  In-cause  they  teare<l  evil 
for  their  people  detained  by  the  FrtMicli.  But  I'or  the  letters  addressed  to  our  French  at  Onnontat;ut', 
the  Mohawk  who  was  the  bearer  thereof,  threw  them  in  the  river,  or  gave  them,  probably,  to  the 
chieik  of  the  country.  But  these  gixxl  fellows,  who  wished  to  rid  themselves  of  the  preachers  of 
the  gospel  and  of  those  win*  assisted  them,  threw  them  into  the  Are. 

The  Onnontagu6  sent  by  Monsieur  de  Maisomieuve  did  still  worse  :  lor  he  told  the  chiefs  of  the 
nation,  that  the  French  were  leaguetl  principally  with  tiie  Algonquins  to  make  wai*  on  them,  and 
that  they  had  killed  his  comrade.  It  was  an  Algonquin  killed  him  on  his  way  to  war  as  we  have 
remarked  on  the  S**  November.  Nothing  more  was  necessary  to  excite  these  furious  men,  wlio  had 
already  concluded  on  the  death  of  some  and  the  captivity  of  otiiers.  They  were  desirous,  how(!ver, 
to  act  in  concert  with  the  Mohawks,  wlio  could,  no  more  than  the  otliers,  reconcile  themselves  to 
the  detention  of  their  people,  believing  it  very  unjust. 

Our  poor  French  were,  meanwhile,  much  astonished  at  receiving  no  certain  news  eitlier  from 
Quebec,  Three  Rivers,  or  Montreal.  These  l)arbarians  had  entirely  cut  off  all  communication,  so 
that  Mons'.  de  Dailleboust's  orders  were  not  delivered  to  Mods'.  Du  Puis,  who  commanded  the  sol- 
diers, nor  a  letter  to  any  of  the  French  whomsoever. 


OF  THE  RETURN  OF  OUR  FATHERS  AND  OF  OUR  FRENCHMEN  FROM  THE  COUNTRY 

OF  THE  ONNONTAGUES. 

[  From  the  Same.  ] 

Though  it  be  true  that  tlie  Iroquois  are  subtle,  adroit  and  great  clieats,  I  nevertheless  caimot  per- 
suade myself  that  tliey  possess  so  much  intelligeuce,  so  much  tact,  and  that  they  are  such  great  pol- 
iticians as  to  have  had  recourse  to  the  ruses  and  intrigues  imputed  to  them  to  destroy  tlie  French, 
the  Hurons,  the  Algonquins,  and  their  abies. 

They  urgetl  for  many  years  witlx  incredible  persistence  ;  witl>  evidences  of  especial  attection  and 
even  with  threats  of  rupture  and  war,  if  tlieir  friendsliip  were  despised  and  their  demand  rejected  ; 
they  insisted,  I  say,  and  solicited  that  a  g«XHlly  number  of  French  should  accompany  tliem  into  their 
country,  the  one  to  instruct,  the  others  to  protect  them  against  their  enemies,  as  a  token  of  peace 
and  alliance  with  them. 


AND   DIHCOVICRY   OF  THK  SALT   HPRINGS. 


37 


Tlu«  Mohiiwkii  (lesiretl  to  tliwurt  tliis  scheme  ;  they  fought  the  one  against  the  other  even  unto 
poUuting  tiit^  earth  with  h'txMl  an«!  nuu^ler.  S«)nie  believed  that  all  that  wis  mere  feint,  tlie  l^ftter 
to  iniiHk  their  game  ;  hut  it  would  8eem  to  me  uot  a  very  pleasant  game  when  the  stakes  are  life  and 
I)1(mm1.  I  strongly  doubt  that  InHjuoy  itoliry  should  extend  so  lar  as  that,  and  that  fiarbarians  who 
reitosu  but  little  coutldence  in  each  other,  should  so  long  rxmceal  their  intrigues.  I  believe  rather 
that  the  ()iiiiont>igu<S  IrtKiuois  demanded  !!ome  Frenchmen  in  sincerity,  but  with  views  very  different. 
The  Clilets  tliiding  tiierust^lvcs  engagtHl  in  heuv'y  wars  against  a  nural>er  of  nations  whom  they  had 
provoked,  asked  lor  Hiu-oihs  as  reinloramients  to  their  warriors;  they  wished  for  the  French  to  ob- 
tain tlrearms  from  them,  anil  to  repair  those  which  might  be  broken.  Further,  as  the  Mohawks 
treated  them  sometimes  very  ill  when  ])assing  through  their  villages  to  trade  with  the  Dutch,  they 
were  anxious  to  rise  out  of  tliis  depeudenco  in  opening  a  trade  with  Mic  French.  This  is  not  all,  the 
fate  of  arms  l)eiug  fickle,  they  deman<led  that  our  Frttnchnien  should  erect  a  vast  fort  in  their  coun- 
try to  wrve  as  a  retreat  lor  them,  or  at  least  lor  their  wives  and  children  in  c«se  their  enemies 
jursaed  too  close  on  tliem.  Here  lu-e  the  views  of  the  Iro(;[Uoi8  politicians.  The  con'mon  people 
did  not  p<metrate  so  far  ahead  ;  curiosity  to  see  strangers  come  from  such  a  distance,  the  hope  of  de- 
riving some  little  profit,  creat«'d  a  desire  to  8«"3  tli^m ;  but  the  Christian  Hurons  and  captives  among 
the  jieople,  and  those  who  approveil  their  lives  and  conversations  which  they  sometimes  held  re- 
gtmling  our  belief,  breatlied  nijtiilug  In  the  world  so  much  as  the  coming  of  Preachers  of  the  Gospel 
who  had  brought  them  forth  unto  Jesus  Clirist. 

But  so  soon  as  the  Capbiins  and  Cliief's  became  mosters  f»f  their  enemies,  having  crushed  oil  the 
Nations  who  hiul  attacked  them  ;  so  soon  as  they  lielieved  that  nothing  could  resist  their  arms,  the 
recollection  ci  the  wrongs  tiiey  pretended  to  have  formerly  experienced  from  the  Hurons ;  the  glory 
of  triumphing  over  Eiu-opeans  as  well  as  Americans,  caused  thePi  to  take  the  resolution  to  revenge 
themselves  on  the  one  and  destroy  tlie  other  ;  so  that  at  the  very  moment  they  saw  the  dreaded  Cat 
Nation  subjugateil  by  their  arms  luid  by  the  ixjwer  of  the  Senecas,  their  allies,  they  would  have 
niassacred  all  tlie  Frencli  at  Ounontague,  were  It  not  that  they  pretended  to  make  use  of  them  as  a 
decoy  to  attract  some  Hurons  and  to  massacre  th«>m  as  they  had  already  done.  And  if  the  influence 
of  some  of  their  tribe,  then  resident  at  Quebec,  had  uot  staid  them,  the  path  to  Onnontague  had  be- 
come the  tomb  to  Frenchmen  as  well  as  to  Hurons,  as  will  be  seen  hereafter.  From  that  time  forth 
our  peoplt!,  liavlug  lUscovcred  their  conspiracy,  and  perceived  that  their  death  was  concluded  on,be- 
tlioiight  them  on  their  retreat,  whicli  shall  be  described  in  the  following  letter. 


FATHER  PAUL  KAGUENEAU 


TO  TUK  llEV.  KATIIKR  JACQUES  UENAULT,  PROVINCIAL  OF  THE  SOCIETY  OF  JESUS  IN  THE  PROVINCE  OF  FRANCE. 

Pax  Chiisti. 
My  R.  Father, 

The  present  is  to  inform  Y.  R.  of  our  retiu-n  from  the  Iroquois  mission,  loaded  with  some  spoils 
rescued  from  Hell.  We  bear  In  oiu-  hands  move  than  live  hundred  children  and  a  number  of  adults, 
the  most  part  of  whom  died  after  Btiptism.  We  liave  reestablished  Faith  and  piety  in  the  hearts  of 
a  poor  captive  churcli,  the  first  foundation  of  which  we  had  laid  in  the  Huron  Country.  We  have 
proclaimed  the  gospel  unto  all  the  Ii-oquois  Nations  so  that  they  are  henceforth  without  excuse,  and 
God  will  be  t\dly  justified  against  them  at  the  great  day  of  judgment. 


n  I'IMT   lETTLCMENT   AT   ONONDAUA, 

The  Devil  enragrd  at  iipclng  um  reup  »(>  line  h  lmrvt'»t  and  ei^oy  no  amply  the  fViilts  of  oiir  entfr- 
prlse,  raatle  use  of  the  Inoonstiinry  of  the  Irmiuols  to  drive  us  fi-oni  the  centre  of  his  e^tHtes  ;  for 
thetw  Biirhiirians,  without  other  motive  than  to  tollow  their  volatile  humor,  reiiewetl  the  war  ogalnHt 
the  French,  the  flrst  blows  t>f  which  were  (ilsohiu-Ke«l  on  «)Ur  worthy  Christian  JIurons,  who  went  up 
with  us  to  Onnontngu6  at  the  close  of  the  last  sunMuer,  and  who  were  cruelly  massacred  In  our  arms 
and  In  our  bosom  by  the  most  signal  tn>asou  imaginable.  They  then  miule  prls«>ners  of  their  |HH>r 
wives  and  even  burned  some  of  them  with  their  chlhiren  of  three  and  tbiu-  years,  at  a  slow  Hre. 

This  bloody  execution  was  titllowed  by  the  munler  of  three  Frenchmen  at  Montreal  by  the 
Oneldas,  who  scali)ed  them  and  carried  these  as  If  In  triumph  into  tlieir  villages  In  token  of  declared 
war.  This  act  of  hostility  having  obliged  M.  DaillelKmst,  then  commanding  In  this  country,  to 
cause  a  dozen  of  In>juols,ln  piu-t  Ounontagut's  and  mostly  Mohawks,  to  be  arrested  and  put  in  irons 
at  Montreal,  Three  Rivers  and  (Quebec,  where  they  happened  £;,  Im'  at  the  time,  both  Inxpiois  Na- 
tions became  irritated  at  this  detention  of  their  |»eopl«,  pretending  that  It  was  unjust ;  and  to  cruelly 
avenge  tiiemselves  convoked  a  secret  Council  where  they  formed  the  scheme  of  an  Implacable  wm* 
against  the  Fn«nch.  Yet,  they  judgetl  it  fitting  to  dissimulate  for  sonie  time  until  through  the  retimi 
of  Father  Simon  lie  Moine,  then  with  the  Mohawks,  they  should  have  oht<iiueil  the  delivery  of  their 
folks  who  were  in  irons.  In  that  Council  they  even  lookc<l  on  oiu*  iH>rsons  as  precious  hostages, 
either  for  the  exchange  of  some  of  their  tribe  wlio  were  In  pris«m,  or  obtalnment  of  whatever  pleased 
them  when  within  view  of  our  Frencli  settlements  they  should  make  us  leel  the  eft'ects  of  their 
cruelty ;  doubting  not  that  these  horrible  sjiectacles  and  the  lamentations  of  Ibrty  and  fil'ty  innocent 
French  would  touch  with  comiMission  and  distress  the  Governor  and  inhabitants  of  what  place  so 
ever. 

We  were  only  privately  ac(|uiiliited  with  these  disastrous  designs  of  the  Ir«)quois,  but  we  openly 
saw  their  spirits  i»repared  for  war  ;  ami  in  the  month  of  February  divers  bonds  took  the  Held  tor 
that  piU"iio8e,  200  Mohawks  on  the  one  sitle,  10  Oneldas  on  the  otiier ;  some  JnnontaguC  warriors 
ha<l  alreatly  gone  ibrwanl  whilst  tl>e  main  btnly  of  the  army  was  assembling. 

We  could  not  exfK'ct,  six-aking  liumanly,  U*  extricate  from  these  dangers,  by  which  we  were  sur- 
rounde«l  on  all  sides,  some  fifty  Frenclimen  wlio  hiul  entrustwl  to  us  their  lives  and  for  whom  we 
should  fipel  ourselves  responslMe  before  God  and  men.  What  distressed  us  the  most  was,  not  sf> 
much  the  flames  into  which  a  ]M»rt  of  our  Frenchmen  would  be  cast,  as  the  unfortunate  captivity  to 
wliicli  tlie  most  of  tliem  were  destined  by  the  Iro<|Uois,  in  which  the  salvation  of  tiieir  souls  was 
more  to  ix'  dreatle«l  than  tlie  loss  of  their  IxHlies.  Tliis  is  what  the  greater  numi»er  most  esiiecially 
apprehendetl,  who  already  seeing  themselves  pris<mers,  coveted  rather  the  stroke  of  the  hatchet  or 
even  the  flames,  than  this  cajitivity.  Tliey  were  iletermineil  in  t)rder  to  avoid  this  last  misfortiuie, 
even  to  risk  all  and  U>  fly  each,  liis  way  in  the  wihxIs,  to  iwrish  there  of  hunger  and  wretclietbiess 
or  to  attempt  to  reach  some  of  the  French  settlements. 

In  these  circumstances  so  jirecipitous,  our  Fatliers  and  I  and  a  gentleman  named  Monsieur  du 
Puys,  who  commanded  all  our  Frenclimen  and  u  giu-rison  of  soldiers,  nine  of  whom  had  already  of 
themselves  resolved  to  abandon  us,  concluded  that  it  would  be  lietter  to  withdraw  in  a  body,  either 
to  encourage  one  another  to  <lie  or  to  sell  life  more  dearlj^.  For  that  reason  it  became  necessary  to 
depart  witliout  breathing  a  syllable  about  it ;  S'i>r  the  least  suspicion  that  the  Irujuois  woukl  have  had  of 
our  retreat,  would  hurry  down  on  us  the  tlisaster  we  would  avoid.  But  how  hope  to  be  able  to  depart 
without  being  discovered,  being  in  the  heart  of  the  coiuitry,  and  always  beset  by  a  number  of  these 
Barbarians  who  left  not  our  iMJUse  so  as  to  watch  our  countenances  in  this  conjunctim5  ?  It  is  true  they 
never  imagined  that  we  should  have  had  tho  coiu-age  to  undertake  this  exj)loit,  knowing  well  that  we 
had  neither  canoes,  nor  sailors,  and  that  we  were  imacquainted  with  the  paths  topped  by  precipices 
where  a  dozen  Iro<]Uois  could  easily  defeat  us :  Besides,  the  season  was  insupportable  on  account  of 


AND   D1ICOVEXV   OV  TliK  «ALT  ■PKINOI. 


3d 


tlifl  colli  uf  tho  frozoii  water  through  which,  uuiler  all  clrcumstunccH,  tho  caiitM'S  were  to  be  dragged, 
throwing  oiu'Molvcti  into  the  river  und  rcniulniiig  tlicre  entire  liourii,  soinetitiieM  up  to  tlio  neck,  uud 
we  never  limi  undcrtulcen  mucIi  expeditionM  without  Imviiig  Huvugeii  lor  guides, 

Notwitlmtunding  tliew  ol)stucles  which  a])|>eured  insurniouiitablu  t<i  them  as  well  as  to  us,  Uul,  who 
lioldM  in  Kii*  liunds  uU  tiic  uiomcutH  of  our  lives,  so  happily  Inspired  us  with  all  that  was  necessary  to 
be  «[oue,  tliat  having  departed  on  tlie  20">  day  of  March  from  our  house  of  Ste.  Marir,  near  Onnon- 
tagu^>,  at  eleven  o'doek  at  night.  Ills  divine  providence  guitling  us,  as  If  by  a  continued  miracle,  iu 
the  midst  of  all  iiuaglnaljle  dangers,  we  arrived  at  (juel)ec  on  the  *l'i^  of  the  month  of  April,  having 
passed  Montreal  and  Thive  lilvers  before  any  canoe  could  be  Iaunche<l,  the  river  not  having  been 
open  l<)r  navigation  until  the  very  day  that  we  made  our  ai)pearance. 


Frmn  the  same  to  the  mme. 

Your  Itev.  will  be  glad  to  learn  the  particulars  of  our  departure  from  •SVr.  Marie  of  the  Iroquois. 
•  *  •  •  •  The  resolation  Iwing  taken  to  ipiit  that  country  where  GchI  took  through 
us,  tlie  small  nu;  \l)er  of  his  disciples .  the  dliHcuItles  appeared  insurmountable  in  their  execution  for 
which  every  thing  failed  us. 

To  supply  the  want  of  canoes,  we  had  built,  in  secret,  two  Batteaux  of  a  novel  and  excellent 
structure  to  pass  tho  rapids ;  these  batteaux  ilrew  but  very  little  water  and  carried  considerable 
freight,  fourteen  or  fifteen  n  i  each,  a  luntin^  to  fifteen  to  sixteen  hundred  weiglit.  We  had  more- 
over Ibiu'  Algon(]uiii  and  four  IroqU'  canoes,  which  were  to  compose  our  little  fleet  of  fifty-three 
Frenchmen. 

But  the  dIfUculty  was  to  "mbark  unperceiveti  by  the  Iroquois  who  constantly  beset  us.  The  bat- 
teaux, canoes  and  all  tiiee'^ui;.-  ge  could  not  b<)i,uuveyed  witliout  great  uoise,and  yet  without  secrecy 
there  was  nothing  to  be  e!.j)ecttd  save  a  general  massacre  of  all  of  us  the  moment  it  would  be  dis- 
covered that  we  entertained  the  least  tliought  of  withdra\.'in^. 

On  that  account  we  invited  all  the  savages  iu  oiu'  neigliborhood  to  a  solemn  least  at  which  we 
employed  all  t)ur  industry,  and  spared  neitlier  tlie  noise  of  drums  nor  instruments  of  music,  to  deceive 
them  by  harndess  device.  He  who  presided  at  tliis  ceremony  playetl  his  part  with  so  much  address 
antl  su<  cess,  that  all  were  v'xsirous  to  contribute  to  the  pid)lick  joy  :  Every  one  vied  iu  uttering  the 
most  piercing  cries,  now  of  war,  anon  of  rejoicing.  Tiie  savages,  througli  complaisance,  sung  and 
danced  after  the  French  fashion  and  the  French  in  the  Indian  styh;.  To  encourage  them  the  more  in 
tlUs  lino  itlay,  presents  were  distributed  among  tliose  who  acted  best  their  parts  and  who  made  the 
greatest  noise  to  ibown  that  caused  by  about  forty  of  our  people  outside  who  were  engaged  in  removing 
all  o«U'  eipiipage.  The  embarcation  being  completed,  tlie  feast  was  concluded  at  a  fixed  time ;  the 
guests  retii  '  'ind  sleep  having  soon  overwhelmed  them,  we  withdrew  from  our  house  by  a  back 
door  and  Ci; I  iked  with  very  little  noise,  witllout  bidding  adieu  to  the  Savages,  who  were  acting 
cuiudng  parts  and  were  thinking  to  amuse  us  to  the  hour  of  our  massacre  with  fair  appearances  and 
evidences  of  good  will. 

Uui  ilttlo  Lake  on  which  wo  silently  sailed  in  the  darkness  of  the  night,  froze  according  as  we 
ur.'auceil  anil  caused  us  to  fear  being  stopt  by  the  ice  after  having  evaded  tho  fires  of  the  Iroquois- 
0<xl,  however,  delivered  us,  and  after  having  advanced  all  uiglit  and  all  the  following  day  through 
frightful  precipices  and  waterfalls,  we  arrived  finally  iu  the  evening  at  tlie  great  Lake  Ontario,  twenty 
leagues  from  the  place  of  our  departuio.  This  first  day  was  the  most  dangerous,  lor  had  the  Iroquois 
observed  our  departure  they  would  have  intercepted  us,  and  had  they  been  ten  or  twelve  it  woidd 
have  been  easy  for  them  to  have  thrown  us  into  disorder,  the  river  being  very  narrow,  and  terminating 
after  travelling  ten  leagues  in  a  frightful  precipice  where  wo  were  obliged  to  land  and  carry  our 
baggp^e  and  canoes  during  tour  hours,  through  imknown  roads  covered  with  a  thick  forest  which 


40 


FIRST  SETTLEMENT  AT  ONONPACJA, 


could  have  served  the  enemy  for  a  Fort,  whence  at  each  step  he  could  have  struck  and  fired  on  us 
without  being  perceived.  God's  protection  visibly  accompanied  us  diu-ing  the  remainder  of  the  i-oad, 
in  wliicli  we  walked  through  perils  which  made  us  shudder  after  we  escaped  them,  liaving  at  night 
no  otlier  bed  except  the  snow  after  having  passed  entire  days  in  the  water  and  amid  tlie  ice. 

Ten  days  after  our  departiure  we  found  Lake  Ontario  on  which  we  floated,  still  frozen  at  its  mouth. 
We  were  obliged  to  break  the  ice,  axe  in  hand,  to  make  an  opening,  to  enter  two  days  afterwards  a 
rapid  where  our  little  fleet  had  well  nigh  foiuidered.  For  having  entered  a  Great  Sanlt  without 
knowing  it,  we  found  ourselves  in  the  midst  of  breakers  whicli,  meeting  a  quantity  of  big  rocks, 
threw  i:p  mountains  of  water  and  cast  us  on  as  many  precipices  as  we  gave  strokes  of  paddles.  Our 
batteaux  wliich  tlrew  scarcely  half  a  loot,  were  soon  filled  witli  water  and  all  our  people  in  such  con- 
fusion, that  their  cries  mingled  with  the  i-oar  of  the  torrent  presented  to  us  the  spectacle  of  a  dreadful 
wreck.  It  became  imperative,  however,  to  extricate  oxuselvcs,  the  violence  of  the  current  dragging 
us  despite  ourselves  into  tlie  large  rapids  and  through  passes  in  Avhlch  we  had  never  been.  Terror 
redoubled  at  the  sight  of  one  of  our  canoes  being  engulfed  in  a  breaker  wliicli  barred  tlie  entire  rapid 
and  which,  notwithstanding,  was  the  coiu^e  tliat  all  the  oihera  must  keep.  Tliree  Frenclimen  were 
drowned  there,  u  fourth  fortunately  escapetl,  having  lield  on  to  tlie  canoe  and  being  saved  at  tlie  foot 
of  the  Sault  when  at  the  point  of  letting  go  his  hold,  his  strength  being  exhausted.  *  *  * 
*        The  3d  of  April  we  landed  at  Montreal,  in  the  beginning  of  the  night. 


I 


You  noticed  above how  our  Fathers  and  our  Frenchmen  withdrew  from  their  habitation  built 

on  the  banks  of  Lake  Ganantaa,  near  Onnontaguo.  That  happened  at  night,  and  without  noise  and 
with  so  much  address,  that  the  Iroquois,  who  cabined  at  the  doors  of  our  house,  never  perceived  the 
removal  of  the  canoes  and  batteaux  and  baggage  wliich  were  launched,  nor  the  embarcatlon  of  fifty-three 
persons.  Sleep  in  which  they  were  deeply  enveloped,  after  considerable  singing  and  dancing,  deprived 
them  of  all  consciousness ;  but  at  length  night  having  given  place  to  day,  darkness  to  light,  sleep  to 
awaking,  these  Barbarians  left  their  cabins,  and  roving  round  our  well  locked  house,  were  astonished 
at  the  prolbund  silence  of  the  Frenchmen.  They  saw  no  one  going  out  to  work ;  they  heard  no  voice- 
They  thought  at  first  that  they  were  all  at  prayer,  or  In  council,  but  the  day  advancing  and  these  prayers 
not  getting  to  an  end,  they  knocked  at  the  door.  The  dogs,  which  our  Frenchmen  designedly  left 
behind,  answered  by  barking.  The  cock's  crow  which  they  heartl  in  the  morning  and  the  noise  of 
the  dogs,  made  them  think  that  the  masters  of  these  animals  were  not  far  off ;  they  recovered  the 
patience  which  they  had  lost.  But  at  length  the  sun  began  to  decline  and  no  person  answering 
neither  to  the  voice  of  men  nor  to  the  cries  of  animals,  they  scaled  tlie  house  to  see  the  condition  of 
our  jieople  in  this  terrible  silence.  Astonishment  now  gave  place  to  fright  and  trouble.  They  ojien 
the  door  ;  the  chiefs  enter  every  where  ;  ascend  the  garret ;  ilescend  to  the  cellar ;  not  a  Frenchman 
makes  his  appearance  dead  or  alive.  They  regard  one  another — terror  seizes  them  ;  they  Imagine 
they  have  to  do  with  Devils.  They  saw  no  batteau,  and  even  if  they  saw  it  they  could  not  imagine 
that  our  Frenclimen  would  be  so  rash  as  to  precipitate  themselvts  into  rapidr,  and  breakers,  among 
rocks  and  horrible  dangers  in  which  themselves  though  very  expert  in  passing  through  iS'a«//.v  and 
Cascades,  otlen  los«,'  their  lives.  They  persuatle  themselves  either  tliat  they  walked  on  the  waves, 
or  fled  through  the  air ;  or  as  seemed  most  probable,  that  they  conecaleil  themselves  in  the  wcmhIs. 
They  seek  for  them  ;  nothing  app«!ars.  They  are  cjuasi  coiiviiu'ed  that  they  rendered  themselves 
invisible  ;  and  as  they  suddenly  departed,  so  ;vill  they  poimce  as  suddenly  on  their  village. 


III. 
P APE  E  S 

REIiATING   TO      f 


Be  €ottmlle0'  anJr  Ele  ©tacg'a  (Bxipthxixom 


AGAINST 


THE  MOHAWK  IIDIAIS. 


'Tinm  1GG5~6. 


[Vol.  I.J 


OF    THE    FIKST    FORTS    ERECTED    ON    THE   IROQUOIS    RIVER. 

[  Relation  de  ce  qui  s'est  pati€  en  la  Mouvelle  France  in  annuel  1664  &  1666.  ] 

At  the  same  time  that  the  Outaouaks  embarked  to  return  to  theix  country,  the  wind  becoming 
more  favorable,  the  soldiers  who  had  been  obliged  to  stop  at  Three  Rivers  likewise  embarked ;  and 
after  having  navigated  Lake  St.  Peter  arrived  at  the  mouth  of  the  Hiver  Richelieu,  which  leads  to 
the  Iroquois  of  the  Mohawk. 

The  plan  entertained  at  this  first  campaign  was  to  erect  on  the  route  some  forts,  which  were  con- 
sidered absolutely  necessary  as  well  to  secure  the  passage  and  liberty  of  trade  as  to  serve  for  stores 
for  the  troops  and  retreats  for  sick  and  wounded  soldiers.  For  this  purpose  three  advantageous  posts 
were  selected.  The  first  at  the  mouth  of  the  Iroquois  River;  the  second  seventeen  leagues  higher 
up,  at  the  foot  of  a  current  of  water  called  the  Sault  de  Richelieu ;  the  third  about  three  leagues  above 
this  current. 

The  first  fort,  named  Richelieu,  was  built  by  Mons.  de  Chamblay,  who  commanded  five  companies 
which  Monsieur  de  Tracy  sent  there.  The  second  fort,  named  St.  Louis,  because  it  was  commenced 
the  week  of  the  celebration  of  the  festival  of  that  great  saint,  protector  of  our  Kings  and  of  France, 
was  built  by  M.  de  Sorel,  who  commanded  five  other  companies  of  the  Regiment  of  the  Carignan 
Salieres.  .  .  .  The  [third]  fort  was  fortunately  finished  in  the  month  of  October  on  St.  Theresa's 
day,  whence  it  derived  its  name.  From  this  third  fort  of  St.  Therese  we  can  easily  reach  Lake 
Champlain  without  meeting  any  rapids  to  stop  the  batteaux. 

This  Lake,  after  a  length  of  sixty  leagues,  finally  terminates  in  the  country  of  the  Mohawk  Iroquois. 
It  is  still  intended  to  build  there,  early  next  spring,  a  fourth  fort,  whicli  will  command  those  com?  • 
tries,  and  from  which  continual  attacks  can  be  made  on  the  enemy,  if  they  do  not  listen  to  reason. 

We  shall  give  at  the  end  of  the  next  chapter,  the  plan  of  these  three  forts,  with  the  map  of  the 
Iroquois  country '  which  has  not  been  as  yet  seen,  after  having  given  some  particular^)  of  those  peoplej 
who  thwart  us  so  long  a  time,  because  they  have  never  been  efficiently  attacked. 


OF  THE  IROQUOIS  COUNTRY  AND  THE  ROUTES  LEADING  THITHER. 

It  must  be  premised  t!i.it  the  Iroquois  are  composed  of  five  Nations,  of  which  the  nearest  to  the 
Dutch,  is  tliat  of  the  Mohawk  consisting  of  two  or  three  villages  containing  about  three  to  four  hun- 
dred men  capable  of  bearing  ai-ms.  These  have  always  been  at  war  with  us,  though  they  sometimes 
pretended  u»  sue  for  peace. 

}  For  the  Map  above  referred  to>  see  the  Vol.  of  Relationi  in  the  State  Library. 


iMi 


44 


FRENCH    EXPEDITIONS  AGAINST   THE   MOHAWKS. 


I       1 


i      I 


Proceeding  towards  the  West,  at  a  distance  of  tbrty-live  leagues,  is  Ibuud  the  second  Nation,  called 
Oneida,  whi«h  has  no  more,  at  most,  tlian  one  liundred  and  forty  warriors,  and  has  never  wished  to 
listen  to  any  negotiations  for  peace ;  on  the  contrary  it  has  always  embarrassed  allairs  when  they 
appeared  about  to  be  arranged. 

Fifteen  leagues  towards  sunset  is  Ounontagut',  wliich  has  full  three  hundred  men.  We  have  been 
Ibrmerly  i-eccived  there  as  friends  and  treated  as  enemies,  wliich  obliged  us  to  abandon  that  post, 
where  we  remained  two  years,  as  if  in  the  centre  of  all  tlio  Iroquois  Nations,  whence  we  jiroclaimed 
the  gospel  to  all  those  poor  people,  assisted  by  a  garrison  of  Frenchmen  sent  by  Monsieiu-  de  Lauzon, 
then  Governor  of  New  France,  to  take  possession  of  those  countries  in  his  Majesty's  name. 

At  twenty  or  thirty  leagues  from  there  still  towards  the  West  is  the  village  of  Cayuga,  of  three 
hundred  warriors,  where  in  the  yeai- 1657,  we  had  a  mission  which  Ibrmed  a  little  church  tilled  with 
piety  in  the  midst  of  these  Barbai-ians. 

Towards  the  termination  of  the  Great  Lake,  called  Ontario,  is  located  tlie  most  numerous  of  the 
Five  Iroquois  Nations,  named  the  Senecijs,  which  contains  full  twelve  hundred  men  in  two  or  three 
villages  of  which  it  is  composed. 

Tliese  last  two  nations  have  never  openly  made  war  on  us,  and  have  always  remained  neuter. 

All  that  extent  of  country  is  pai-tly  south,  partly  west  of  the  French  settlements,  at  a  distance  of 
li-om  one  hundred  to  one  hundred  and  fifty  leiigues.  It  is  ibr  the  most  part  fertile,  covered  witli  fine 
timber;  among  the  rest  entire  ibrests  of  chestnut  and  hickory  {noycr,)  intersected  by  numerous  lakes 
and  rivers  abounding  in  fish.  The  air  is  temjierate ;  the  seasons  regular  as  in  France,  capable  of 
bearing  all  the  fruits  of  Toui-aine  and  Provence.  The  snows  ai-e  not  deep  nor  of  long  duration. 
The  tluee  winters  whicli  we  passt!d  there  among  the  OnnontaguOs,  were  mild,  compared  with  the 
winters  at  Quebc  where  the  ground  is  covered  five  months  with  snow,  thi-ee,  tour  and  five  feet  deep. 
As  we  inhabit  the  Northern  part  of  New  France  and  the  Iroquois  the  South,  it  is  not  surjirising  that 
their  lands  are  more  agreeable  and  more  capable  of  cultivation  and  of  bearing  better  fruit. 

There  are  two  principal  rivers  leading  to  the  Iroquois  ;  one  to  those  which  ta-e  near  New  Nether- 
land  and  this  is  the  Richelieu  river  of  which  we  shall  speak  hereafter ;  the  second  conducts  to  the 
other  Nations  more  distant  from  us,  always  ascending  our  great  river  St.  Lawrence  which  divides, 
above  Montreal,  as  if  into  two  liranchos,  whereof  one  goes  to  tlie  antient  country  of  the  Hurons,  the 
other  to  tliat  of  the  Iro<|Uois. 

Tliis  is  one  of  the  most  important  rivers  that  can  be  seen,  wliether  we  regard  its  l)eauty  or  its  con- 
venience ;  for  we  meet  there  almost  tliroughout,  a  vast  niunber  of  beautiful  Islands,  some  large 
others  small,  but  all  covered  with  fine  timlier  and  full  of  deer,  bears,  wild  cows  wliicli  supply  abun- 
dance of  provisions  necessary  for  tlie  travellers  who  find  it  every  wliere,  and  some  times  entire  herds 
of  lallow  deer.  The  banks  of  tlie  main  land  are  ordinarily  shaded  by  huge  oaks  and  other  lofty 
timljer  covering  a  good  soil. 

Belbre  arriving  at  the  Great  Lake  Ontario,  two  otliers  are  traversed,  one  of  wliich  adjoins  the 
Island  of  Montreal,  the  other  is  amidway.  It  is  ten  leagues  long  l)y  six  wide.  It  is  terminated  by 
a  great  many  little  islands  very  pleasing  to  tlie  sight,  and  we  have  named  it  Lake  St.  Francis.' 

But  what  renders  this  river  inconvenient  is  the  water  falls  and  ra]iids  wliioli  extend  for  tlie  space 
of  tbrty  leagues,  to  wit  from  Montreal  to  the  entrance  of  Lake  Ontario,  there  being  only  tlie  two 
lakes  just  mentioned  of  easy  navigation.  To  surmount  these  torrents,  we  must  (jften  debark  Ironi 
the  «moe  imd  walk  in  the  river  wliose  waters  are  sulliciently  low  in  these  (quarters,  cliiefly  towaiils 
the  banks.  We  take  the  canoe  in  hand  dragging  it  after  us.  Ordinarily  two  men  sulfice,  one  for- 
wai'd  at  the  IxiW,  the  other  behintl  at  the  stern  ;  and  as  the  canoe  is  very  liglit,  being  made  merely 
of  the  bark  of  trees,  and  as  it  is  not  loaded,  it  glides  more  smoothly  over  the  water,  not  meeting 
great  resistance.    Some  times  the  canoe  is  to  be  iandeil  antl  carrie<l  some  distance,  <nie  man  in  front, 


FRENCH   EXPEDITIONS  AGAINST   THE   MOHAWKS. 


45 


tlio  other  in  tlie  rear ;  the  first  cjuTying  one  end  of  the  canoe  on  the  right  shoulder,  the  second  carry- 
ing tlie  other  end  on  the  left.  It  becomes  necessary  to  do  tliis  either  on  nie»'ting  cascades  and  entire 
rivers  whicli  lall  some  times  perpemUcularly  from  a  prodigious  height  or  when  the  current  is  too 
rapid  j  or  when  the  water  thereabout  being  too  deep,  we  cannot  walk,  dragging  the  canoe  along  by 
tlie  hand  ;  or  wlien  the  country  is  to  be  crossed  from  one  river  to  tlie  other. 

But  wlien  the  moutli  of  tho  Great  Lalie  is  reached,  the  navigation  is  easy,  wlien  the  waters  are 
tranquil,  l)ecomiug  insensibly  wider  at  first ;  then  about  two-thirds,  next  one  half  and  finally  out  of 
siglit  (of  land) ;  especially  after  one  has  passed  an  infinity  of  little  islands  which  are  at  the  entrance 
of  the  Lalcc,  in  sucli  great  number  and  in  such  a  variety  that  tlie  most  experienced  Iroquois  Mots 
sometimes  lose  tliemselves  there,  and  experience  considerable  difiiculty  in  distinguisliing  tlie  course 
to  be  steered,  in  the  confusion  and  as  it  were  in  the  labyrinth  formed  by  the  islands,  which  otherwise 
have  nothing  agreeable  beyond  their  multitude.  For  these  are  only  luigc  rocks  rising  out  the  water, 
covered  merely  by  moss,  or  a  few  spruce  or  other  stmited  wootl  wliosc  roots  spring  from  the  clefts  of 
the  rocks  whicli  can  supply  no  other  aliment  or  moistui-e  to  these  barren  trees  than  what  the  rains 
fimiish  them. 

After  Iwiving  this  melancholy  abode,  the  Lake  is  discovered  appearing  like  unto  a  sea  without 
islands  or  bounds,  where  bai'ks  and  ships  can  sail  in  all  safety ;  so  that  the  communication  would  be 
easy  between  all  the  French  colonies  that  could  be  establislied  on  the  borders  of  this  Great  Lake- 
which  is  more  than  a  hundred  leagues  long  by  thii'ty  to  Ibrty  wide. 

It  is  from  this  point  that  all  the  Iroquois  Nations  can  be  reached,  by  various  directions,  except  the 
Mohawks,  tlie  route  to  whom  is  by  the  River  Richelieu,  of  wliich  we  can  safely  say  two  words  since 
they  regard  it,  that  oiu-  troops  have  already  constructed  t}\e  three  forts  of  which  we  have  spoken. 

It  is  called  the  RicheUeu  River  because  of  the  fort  of  the  same  name  which  was  erected  there  at  its 
mouth  at  the  commencement  yf  the  wars;  and  which  has  he-sn  rebuilt  anew  to  secure  the  entrance 
of  tliat  river.  It  Ukewise  besu's  the  name  of  the  River  of  the  Iroquois,  because  it  Is  the  route  which 
leads  thither,  and  it  is  by  it  these  Barbarians  used  most  ordinarily  come  to  attack  us.  The  bed  of 
this  river  is  one  hundred  to  one  hundred  and  fifty  paces  wide  almost  throughout,  though  at  its  mouth 
it  is  somewhat  narrower :  its  borders  are  decorated  with  beautiful  pines  through  which  we  can  walk 
with  ease ;  as  in  fact  fifty  of  our  men  have  done  a  foot  by  land  nearly  twenty  leagues  of  tlie  way 
from  the  mouth  of  the  river  to  the  SauU,  which  is  so  called,  though  it  is  not  properly  a  waterfall  but 
only  an  impetuous  rapid  full  of  rocks,  that  arrest  its  course  and  render  the  navigation  almost  im- 
possible lor  tiiree  quarters  of  a  league.  In  time  however  its  passage  may  be  lacilitated.  The 
remainder  of  the  river  has  from  the  beginning  a  very  fine  bottom ;  as  many  as  eight  islands  are  to 
be  met  with  before  arriving  at  tlie  basin,  which  is  at  the  foot  of  the  Sault.  This  basin  is  hke  a  little 
lake,  a  league  and  a  half  in  circumference  and  six  to  eight  feet  deep,  where  fish  abounds  almost  at 
all  seasons. 

To  the  right  of  this  basin  in  going  up,  is  seen  Fort  Saint  Louis,  built  quite  recently  here,  which  is 
very  convenient  for  the  design  entertained  against  the  Iroquois,  since  its  position  renders  it  almost 
impregnable  and  causes  it  to  command  the  whole  river. 

After  passing  the  i-apids  of  the  Sault  wliich  extend  three  leagues,  the  third  fort  is  visible  that 
terminates  all  these  rapids :  for  the  river  afterwards  is  very  beautiful  and  quite  navigable  to  the  Lake 
called  Champlain,  at  tlie  extremities  of  wliich  we  enter  on  the  lands  of  the  Mohawk  Iroquois. 


iT"*" 


i 


46 


FRENCH   EXPEDITIONS  AGAINST   THE  MOHAWKS. 


OF  THE  WAR  AND  THE  TREATIES  OF  PEACE  OF  THE  FRENCH  WITH  THE  IROQUOIS. 

[  Relation,  &c.,  it  ann^et,  1669,  1666.  ] 

The  great  varieties  of  Natious  wliicli  are  in  these  countries,  the  cliangeable  and  perfidious  dis- 
position of  tlie  Iroquois  and  the  barbarism  of  all  these  tribes  not  permitting  us  to  hope  for  any 
stable  peace  with  tiiem  except  inasmuch  as  it  can  be  maintained  by  the  terror  of  the  king's 
arms,  it  is  not  to  be  wondered  at  that  peace  succeeds  war  so  easily,  and  that  wars  terminate  so 
quickly  in  peace. 

The  ambassadors  of  five  different  Nations  were  seen  in  one  yeai*  at  Quebec,  who  came  tliere 
to  solicit  peace;  yet  these  did  not  prevent  us  punishing  by  a  good  war  those  who  answered 
badly  by  their  conduct  the  promises  of  their  deputies. 

The  first  of  these  Ambassadors  who  came  from  the  Upper  Iroquois,  were  presented  to  M.  de 
Tracy  in  the  month  of  December  of  the  year  ]<;oa,  and  the  most  influential  among  them  was  a 
famous  Captain,  called  Garacontie,  wlio  always  signalized  his  zeal  for  the  French,  and  employed 
the  credit  which  he  has  among  all  these  tribes,  in  extricating  our  prisoners  Irom  tlieir  hands,  as 
he  has  liberated  very  recently  Sieur  Le  Moine,  an  inhabitant  of  Montreal,  wi'o  had  been  cap- 
tured three  months  ago  by  these  Barbarians. 

M.  de  Trrty  having  notified  him  by  the  usual  presents  tliat  he  would  give  him  a  friendly  audience, 
he  pronoimced  a  harangue  full  of  good  sense  and  an  eloquence  evincing  no  trac«  of  the  barbarous. 
It  contained  nothing  but  courtesies  and  ofl'ers  of  friendship  and  service  on  the  pai-t  of  all  his  tribe  • 
wishes  for  a  new  Jesuit  Mission,  and  expressions  of  condolence  on  the  death  of  the  late  Father  Le 
Moine,  the  intelligence  of  wliicli  he  had  just  received. 


I 


However  as  no  advantage  can  be  expected  from  these  Nations  except  in  so  far  as  we  <ipi)ear  able 
to  injure  them,  prepai-atious  were  made  lor  a  military  expedition  against  those  witli  whom  no  peace 
could  he  concluded.  Monsieur  de  Courcelles,  wlio  commanded,  used  every  jwssible  diligence  so  that 
he  was  ready  to  start  on  the  9tli  January  of  tlie  yeai-  16G6,  accompanied  by  M.  du  Gas,  whom  he 
took  lor  his  Lieutenant ;  by  M.  do  Salamper,  Gentleman  Volunteer ;  by  Father  Pierre  Kafleix 
Jesuit ;  by  300  men  of  the  Jiegiment  of  Carignan  Salieres  and  200  Yohmteers,  habitmis  of  the  French 
Colonies.  This  march  could  not  but  be  tedious,  every  one  having  snow  shoes  on  his  leet,  to  tlie  use 
of  wiiich  none  were  accustomed,  and  all,  not  excepting  the  officers  uur  even  M.  de  Courcelles  him- 
self, being  loaded,  each  witli  Irom  25  to  30  pounds  of  biscuit,  clothing  and  other  necessary  sui)j)lies. 

A  more  difficult  or  longer  march  tlian  that  of  this  little  army,  can  scarcely  be  met  witli  in  any 
history,  and  it  ret|uired  a  French  courage  and  the  perseverance  of  M.  de  Courcelles,  to  undertake  it. 
In  addition  to  the  embarrassment  caused  by  tlie  snow  shoes,  wliich  is  a  species  of  great  inconve- 
nience and  that  of  the  burthen  which  eacli  one  was  obliged  to  carry,  it  was  necessai-y  to  walk  three 
hundred  lea'];us  on  the  snow  :  cross  lakes  and  rivers  continually  on  tiie  ice  in  danger  of  making  as 
many  falls  as  steps  ;  sleep  only  on  the  snow  in  the  midst  of  the  Ibrest  and  endure  a  cold  surpassing 
by  many  degrees  in  severity  that  of  the  most  rigorous  European  winters. 

Oiir  troops,  however,  having  gone  the  first  day  to  Sillery  to  recommend  the  success  of  tlieir  enter- 
prize  to  St.  Michael  the  Archangel  tlie  patron  of  that  place  ;  many  had,  as  early  as  the  third  day, 
the  nose,  tlic  ears,  the  knees  ami  the  fingers  or  other  parts  entirely  frozen  and  tlie  remainder  of  the 
bcxly  covercil  with  cicatrixes,  and  some  otiiers  wliolly  overcome  and  benumbed  by  tiie  cold  would 
have  perished  in  the  snow,  had  they  not  been  carried,  though  with  considerable  difficulty,  to  the 
place  where  they  were  to  pass  the  night. 


lb 


VRENCH   EXPEDITIONS  AGAINST  THE   MOHAWKS. 


47 


Sieurs  Do  la  FouiUe,  Maximin  unci  Lobiac,  Captains  in  the  Carignan  regiment,  having  joined  this 
little  army  on  the  24th  January,  each  with  20  soldiers  of  tlieir  companies  and  some  habilans  of  the 
place  were  treated  by  the  cold,  on  the  day  following,  worse  than  any  had  previously  been,  and  many 
soldiers  were  obliged  to  Imj  In'uuglit  back,  of  whom  some  had  the  legs  cut  by  tlie  ice  and  others  the 
hands  or  the  arms  ov  other  parts  of  tiie  body  altogether  frozen.  These  losses  were  repaired  by 
Sieurs  de  Cliambly,  Petit  and  liogemont,  Captainb  of  the  same  regiment,  and  by  the  Sieurs  Mignardi, 
Lieutenant  of  the  Colonel's  company  which  was  withdi-awn  from  Forts  St.  Louis  and  St.  Tlierese, 
where  tlie  troops  rendezvoused  on  the  30tli  of  tlie  same  month.  So  that  the  army  being  still  500 
men  strong  finally  arrived  on  the  14th  of  February,  with  the  same  difficulties  and  tlie  same  dangers, 
as  before,  in  the  enemy's  country,  at  20  leagues  distance  from  their  villages.  The  journey  yet  to  be 
travelled,  was  very  long  in  consequence  of  the  prodigious  depth  of  the  snow  and  the  delay  of  the 
Algonquin  guides,  in  whose  absence  unknown  routes  were  to  be  tried  and  continual  mistakes  ex- 
perienced. 

Finally  inlbrmation  was  received  from  prisoners  who  were  taken  in  some  detached  cabins,  and 
from  the  Commandant  of  a  hamlet  inhabited  by  the  Dutch  of  New  Netlierland,  that  the  greater  part 
of  the  Mohawks  and  Oneidas  having  gone  to  a  distance  to  make  war  against  other  tribes  called  the 
Wampum  Makers,  {les  fuismrs  de.  porcelaine)  had  left  in  tlieir  villages  only  the  children  and  the 
helpless  old  men ;  and  it  was  considered  useless  to  push  farther  forward  an  expedition  wliich  had  all 
the  effect  intended  by  tlie  terror  it  spread  among  all  tlie  tribes,  who  were  haughty  and  perfidious 
only  because  they  considered  themselves  inaccessible  to  our  troops.  Before  returning  however  we 
killed  several  savages  who  from  time  to  time  made  their  appearance  along  the  skirts  of  the  forest 
for  the  purpose  of  skirmishing  with  oiur  people.  Sieur  Aiguemorte  and  some  of  our  soldiers  were 
also  killed  pursuing  them. 

The  effects  of  the  terror  produced  by  his  Majesty's  arms  on  the  hearts  of  these  savages  were  appa- 
rent at  Quebec  in  the  month  of  May  following,  by  the  arrival  of  ambassadors  from  the  Senecas, 
{Sonnontouaeronnons)  who  demanded  the  King's  protection  for  their  nation  and  the  continuation  of 
peace,  which  they  pretended  they  never  violated  by  any  hostile  act.  M.  de  Tracy  had  already  re- 
fused 34  presents  that  they  had  tendered  him,  but  perceiving  that  it  affected  them  sensibly  and  that 
they  considered  it  the  greatest  insult  that  could  be  offered,  he  finally  accepted  their  wampum  belts, 
repeating  to  them  that  it  was  neither  their  presents  nor  their  goods  that  the  King  desired,  but  their 
true  happiness  and  salvation ;  that  they  would  derive  all  sorts  of  advantages  from  their  confidence 
in  his  goodness  which  should  be  extended  to  the  other  Nations  also,  that  they  might  experience  its 
most  favorable  effects,  if  they  took  the  same  care  in  imploring  it  by  sending  their  ambassadors 
forthwith. 

These  were  soon  succeeded  by  those  of  other^  tribes  ;  among  the  rest  by  those  from  the  Oneida 
and  even  by  those  from  the  Mohawk,  so  that  tlie  deputies  from  the  Five  Iroquois  Nations  were  almost 
at  the  same  time  at  Quebec  as  if  to  confirm  by  one  common  accord  a  durable  peace  with  Fiance. 

In  order  the  better  to  accomplish  this  it  was  deemed  proper  to  send  some  Freuelmien  with  the 
Oneida  Ambassadors,  who  were  also  responsible  for  the  conduct  of  the  Mohawks,  and  even  gave 
hostages  for  them.  The  Dutch  of  New  Netlierland  had  likewise  written  in  tlieir  belialf  and  went 
secui'ity  for  the  faithful  observance  by  all  those  Barbarians  of  the  ai-ticles  of  peace  entered  into  with 
them.  These  French  delegates  had  orders  to  inform  tliemselves  of  every  thing  cai-efully  on  the 
spot,  and  to  learn  if  it  were  sale  to  confide  again  on  the  Savages,  so  that  His  Majesty's  arms  sliould 
not  be  retarded  by  an  illusive  hope  of  peace. 

But  scarcely  were  the  Ambassadors  two  or  three  days  jom-ney  from  Quebec,  when  news  came  of 
the  surprisul  by  the  Mohawks  of  some  Frenchmen  belonging  to  Fort  St.  Anne  who  had  gone  to  the 
chase,  and  of  the  murder  of  Sieur  de  Traversy,  Captain  in  the  Cai-iguan  Regiment  and  Sieur  de 


48 


KHENCH   F.XPF.DITIONS   AGAINST  THE   MOHAWKS. 


I      i 


M 


Chnsy,  aiul  tlmt  some  voliintwrs  hml  lieon  taken  prisoners.  Tlie  French  delogiites  were  at  once  re- 
culled,  un*l  the  Oneida  savages  who  remained  as  liostages  wliose  lieoils  could  have  l»een  at  once  split 
by  axes  according  to  the  laws  of  war  in  this  country,  were  ini])ri8oned.  But  without  having  recourso 
ti»  tliese  harbarouM  laws,  means  were  adopted  to  derive  greater  advantage  from  this  trencliery ;  and 
M.  <le  Sorel,  Captain  in  the  Carignan  Regiment,  immediately  collected  a  party  of  three  hundred 
men,  whom  he  led  by  lorced  mai-ches  into  the  enemy's  country,  resolved  to  put  all,  every  where,  to 
tin'  sword.  But  when  only  20  leagues  distant  from  their  villages  he  encountered  new  Ambassadors 
bringing  Imck  the  Frenchmen  taken  near  Fort  St.  Anne,  and  who  were  coming  to  offer  every  satis- 
liiction  for  tlie  muriler  of  those  who  were  slain  and  new  guarantees  fo'-  peace,  so  that  tliis  Captain 
having  returned  with  his  troops,  there  was  no  more  talk  but  of  peace,  v  hich  tliey  pretended  to  con- 
clude by  a  geniTal  council  of  all  the  Trit)es  who  had  at  the  time  delegates  at  Quebec. 

These  IW'atieH  had  not,  however,  all  the  success  which  V33  expected  from  them,  and  M  d© 
Tracy  condudtHl  that,  to  ensure  their  success,  it  was  necessary  to  render  the  Mohawks  by  force 
of  arms  more  tractable,  lor  they  always  opposed  new  obstacles  '  the  publick  tranquillity.  He 
wislied,  despite  liis  advanced  age,  to  lead  in  jwrson  against  tliese  Barbarians,  an  army  composed 
of  (iOO  soldiers  drafted  from  all  the  companies,  of  six  hundred  habitam  of  the  country  and  one 
hundred  Huron  and  Algonquin  savages.  Througli  the  exertions  of  M.  Talon,  nil  the  prepara- 
tions Jbr  this  war  were  completed  by  the  l-l'h  Sepf,  the  day  fixed  on  for  departure,  being  that 
of  the  (>xaltation  and  triumph  of  the  Cross,  lor  whose  glory  this  expedition  was  determined  on. 
The  general  ren«lezvous  was  fixed  for  the  28'h  of  Sept.,  at  Fort  St.  Anne  recently  constructed 
by  Sleur  La  Mothe,  Captain  in  the  Carignan  Regiment,  on  an  Island  in  Lake  Champlain.  Some 
of  the  tr<M>p8  not  lieing  able  to  come  up  in  sufficient  time,  M.  de  Tracy  would  not  proceed 
U'lore  the  3<i  of  October,  with  the  main  body  of  the  army.  But  M.  de  Courcelles  impelled  by 
his  characteristic  impatience  for  the  fight,  started  some  days  ahead  with  400  men,  and  Sieui-s 
Do  Chambly  and  Berthier,  commandants  of  the  Forts  St.  Louis  and  Assumption  were  left  to 
follow  M.  de  Tracy,  four  days  afterwards,  with  the  rear  guard.  As  it  was  necessary  to  march 
one  hundred  and  twenty  leagues  into  the  interior  to  find  the  enemy's  villages,  and  as  several 
large  lakes  and  many  considerable  rivers  were  to  be  crossed  before  arriving  there,  it  was  neces- 
sary to  Ik*  ])rovided  with  conveniences  for  land  and  water.  Vessels  requisite  tor  this  expedition 
hod  Jj<'en  prepared.  Three  hundred  were  rea  ,  consisting  partly  of  very  light  batteaux,  and 
l)artly  oi"  bark  canoes,  each  of  which  carried  at  most  five  or  six  hundred  persons.  On  crossing 
a  river  or  lake,  eacli  was  obliged  to  take  charge  of  his  own  canoe  and  to  carry  the  batteaux  by 
main  strength.  This  caused  less  labor  than  two  small  pieces  of  artillery  which  were  conveyed 
even  to  llie  llirthcst  Iroquois  villages,  to  force  more  easily  all  the  fortifications. 

Notwithstanding  the  care  taken  to  accomplish  this  march  with  little  noise,  we  could  not  pre- 
vent some  IroijUois,  despatched  from  30  to  40  leagues  to  discover  our  troops,  seeing  from  tlie 
mountain  tojis  this  little  naval  expedition,  and  running  to  warn  the  first  village  of  it;  so  that 
the  alarm  spreading  afterwards  from  village  to  village,  our  troops  found  them  abandoned,  and 
tlieso  biirbarliins  were  only  seen  on  the  mountains  at  a  distance  uttering  great  cries  and  firing 
some  rajidom  shots  at  our  soldiers. 

Our  army  halting  only  for  refreshment  at  all  these  villages,  which  were  fotmd  void  of  men 
but  M]  of  grain  and  provisions,  expected  to  meet  with  a  vigorous  resistance  at  the  last  which 
we  jirejiared  to  attack  in  regular  form,  because  the  barbarians  evinced  by  the  great  firing  they 
nimh;  tliere,  and  the  fortifications  they  had  erected,  every  disposition  tor  a  desperate  defence. 
But  otir  jMfople  were  again  disappointed  in  their  hope;  for  scarcely  had  the  enemy  seen  the 
vanguard  ajiproach,  when  they  immediately  fled  to  the  woods  where  night  prevented  our  troops 
pursuing   them.      A  triple  palisade,  surrounding  their  stronghold,  twenty  feet  in  height  and 


FKENCH  EXPEDITIONS   AOAlMST  THE  MOHAWKS. 


40 


flanked  by  four  bastions,  their  prodigious  quantities  of  provisions  and  the  abundant  supply  of 
water  they  had  provided  in  bark  tanks  to  extinguish  fire  when  necessary,  afforded  sufficient 
evidence  that  their  first  resolution  liad  been  quite  different  lh>m  that  which  the  terror  of  our 
arms  had  caused  them  so  suddenly  to  adopt.  A  few  persons  whom  their  advanced  age  had 
prevented  withdrawing  from  the  village  two  days  previously  with  all  the  women  and  children, 
and  the  remains  of  two  or  three  savages  of  another  tribe  whom  they  had  half  roasted  at  a  slow 
fire  with  their  accustomed  fury,  were  all  that  were  found.  After  having  planted  the  Cross  and 
celebrated  Mass  and  sung  the  Te  Deum  on  the  spot,  all  that  remained  was  to  fire  the  palisades 
and  cabins  and  to  destroy  all  the  stores  of  Indian  corn,  beans  and  other  produce  of  the  country 
found  there.  The  other  villages  were  again  visited  where  as  well  as  throughout  the  whole 
country,  the  same  devastation  was  committed ;  so  that  those  who  are  acquainted  with  the  mode 
of  living  of  these  barbarians  doubt  not  but  famine  will  cause  as  many  to  perish  as  would  have 
been  destroyed  by  the  arms  of  our  soldiery  had  they  dared  to  await  them,  and  that  those  who 
survive  will  he  reduced  by  terror  to  peaceAil  conditions  and  to  a  demeanor  more  difficult  to  be 
obtained  from  them  by  mere  sanguinary  victories. 

The  return  route  of  our  troops  was  more  disagreeable  than  that  taken  in  going,  because  the 
rivers  being  swollen  some  seven  or  eight  feet  by  the  rains,  were  found  much  more  difficult  to 
cross,  and  a  storm  wliich  arose  on  Lake  Ghamplain  wrecked  two  canoes  with  eight  persons, 
amongst  whom  was  to  be  particularly  regretted  Sieur  de  Lugues,  Lieutenant  of  a  company,  who 
made  frequent  displays  of  his  valour  in  France  as  well  as  in  Canada. 

The  courage  of  our  troops  was  ever  wonderfully  excited  in  the  hardships  of  this  expedition 
and  in  the  face  of  danger,  by  the  examples  of  M.  de  Tracy,  M.  de  Courc«lles  and  M.  de  Salli^re, 
Quarter  Master  {Mestre  de  Camp)  of  the  regiment  and  of  Chevalier  de  Chaumont  who  desired 
always  on  approaching  the  villages  to  be  of  the  forlorn  hope ;  and  their  generosity  was  animated 
by  the  zeal  and  pious  sentiments  with  which  Messrs.  du  Bois  and  Cosson,  secular  Priests,  and 
Fathers  Albanel  and  Rafaix,  Jeruits,  endeavored  to  inspire  them. 

Our  excellent  Prelate  who  had  his  hands  ever  raised  to  Heaven  and  had  called  every  one  to 
prayers,  drring  the  absence  of  our  troops,  caused  thanks  to  be  given  to  God  and  the  Te  Deum 
sung  on  tlieir  return.  Every  body  here  has  conceived  renewed  hopes  in  consequence  of  the 
King's  goodness  towards  the  country  ar.!  of  the  manner  in  which  the  West  India  Company,  to 
wliom  liis  Majesty  has  confided  it,  if  affected  towards  it.  So  that  we  doubt  not  but  we  shall 
very  soon  see  most  populcjs  towss  in  the  place  of  these  extensive  forests,  and  Jesus  Christ 
worshippeil  in  all  these  vast  countries. 

END. 


[Vol.  I.] 


!S 


60  rRKNCII    CXPEDITIONH  AUAINMT   THE   MOHAWKS. 


A  RELATION  OF  THE  fiOVERNO«  OF  CANNADA 

HIS    MARCH  WITH  600  VOLUNTEIBH    INTO    V«   TKRHIT0RVK8  OK  HI8    HOYALX    IIKillNESllV:  THK  DUKK.  OK  VOHICE 

IN   AMERICA. 

[  LonU.  Doe.  II.  ] 

L'jwn  tJie  29«'>  of  Xber  last,  Monsicr  Coarsell  tlie  Governour  of  ranadn,  in  Nova  tfrancia  iM'gini  liis 
march  with  near  600  men,  to  seeke  out  their  Inveterate  enneniyes  called  the  Mahauko  IndiniiH  in  tlieir 
owue  country  and  forts,  there  to  take  reuengo  upon  them  for  the  seucrall  nmrtherm  and  si>oylc9  which 
the  Barlmrians  had  for  many  yeares  excrciseil  in  (^'aiuiada  uimn  the  French,  ami  the  Indians  of  those 
parts  even  to  the  luiiie  of  most,  but  to  tlie  insufferable  discouragement  of  all  those  Inhabbitants, 
who  l)einfi;  taken  alive  were  usually  tortured  and  eaten,  or  burnt  by  the  Mauhaukes  ;  If  not  taken, 
yet  liv*  in  peri^tuall  alarums  to  see  their  dwelling  houses  burnt,  their  Cattfll  and  Corne  destroyc.'d. 
All  which  iK)werfull  arguments  furnish't  y*  french  with  lieat«i  enough  to  marcjj  over  the  IVrozcn  lake 
of  Canada,  lying  in  the  60th  degree  of  northerne  latitude,  ami  taking  their  (yme  that  the  snow  upon 
the  groimd  was  hard  frozen  (though  in  most  places  4  footc  deep)  made  use  of  Indian  snow  shoes  w ' '' 
hatli  tlie  very  form  of  a  Huckett  tyed  to  each  Ibote,  whereby  y*'  body  and  leet  lU'e  kept  fi-om  sinking 
into  tlie  snow,  and  because  it  was  not  possible  lor  horses  to  pass,  or  subsist  in  the  snow,  or  l!»r  the 
sokliers  to  carry  their  necessary  provisions  on  tlieir  backes,  ami  had  lesse  exi)ectation  to  meete  w"' 
any  reliete  In  the  vaste  wilderaess,  the  Governo'  cau^i'd  slight  sle  'ges  to  be  made  in  good  nunil)er, 
laying  provisions  uiH)n  them,  drew  them  over  the  snow  with  mastive  doggs,  all  these  diflicultyes  put 
together  impeded  his  march,  and  by  the  mistake  of  his  guides  hapned  to  fall  short  of  the  castles  of 
the  Mauhaukes,  and  to  take  up  his  quarters  or  rather  incamp  upon  the  9'*>  of  February  within  2  niyles 
of  a  small  village  called  Schonectade,  lying  w"'  in  the  wooils  In-yond  Ibrt  Albany  in  y"  territoryes  of 
his  Royall  highness,  and  3  dayss  march  from  the  first  castle  of  the  Mahaukes. 

The  French  suposed  they  were  then  come  to  their  designed  place,  and  the  rather  because  y'  even- 
ing they  did  rancounter  w""  a  party  of  the  Mohaukes  \vl  >  made  appearance  of  retreating  from  the 
French,  whereupon  a  party  of  60  of  their  best  Fuzileeis  after  them,  but  that  small  party  drew  the 
French  into  an  ambuscade  of  neare  200  Mohaukes  ])lantetl  Ixihind  trees,  (who  taking  their  ml  vantage 
as  it  fell  into  their  hands,)  at  one  volley  slew  eleuen  French  men  whereof  one  was  a  Lieuten'.  wounded 
divers  others,  the  french  party  made  an  honorable  retreit  ti)  their  Ijody,  w^*"  was  mai-ching  al'ter  them 
close  at  hand,  w=»»  gave  the  Mohaukes  tyme  and  opjmrtunity  to  march  oft"  w**"  the  loss  of  only  3  slaine 
UjK)!!  the  plaice  and  0  wounded,  the  report  whereof  was  soone  brought  to  Schonecktade  by  those 
Indians,  with  the  heads  of  4  of  the  fl'rench  to  the  Commissary  of  the  Village  who  immediately  des- 
patched the  newes  to  Fort  Albany,  from  whence  the  next  day  3  of  the  princii)le  inhabitiints  were  sent 
to  Monsier  Coursell  the  Gfoverno'  of  Caunada  to  incjuire  of  his  intention  to  bring  sm-h  a  body  of 
armed  men  into  the  dominions  of  his  Ma''«  of  Great  lirittaine,  w"'out  accquainting  the  Govi'mof  of 
these  parts  w'»>  his  designes.  The  Governor  reply*  tiiat  he  come  to  seekt  out  and  destroy  his  enne- 
niyes the  Mohaukes  without  intention  of  visiting  their  plantations,  or  else  to  molest  any  ol"  his  Ma'''-" 
subjects,  and  that  [he)  had  not  heard  of  the  reducing  those  pai-ts  to  his  Ma»i«^  obedience,  but  desired 
that  liee  and  his  soldiers  might  bee  supplied  with  provisions  for  their  nii  'iity,  and  that  his  wounded 
men  might  be  sucoured,  and  taken  care  fbr  in  Albany ;  To  all  which  the  Emissaryes  freely  consented 
and  made  a  small  but  acceptable  present  o'*  wine  and  provisions  to  him,  further  (jtlering  tlie  best 
accommodations  y«  poore  village  afforded,  w^h  was  civilly  refus'd,  in  regard  there  was  not  accom- 
madac.in  for  his  soldyers,  with  whom  he  had  marclit  and  campt  under  the  blew  canopye  of  the  heavens 
full  six  weekes,  but  hee  prudently  foresaw  a  greater  inconvenience  if  bee  had  brought  his  weary  and 


FHF.Nril    KXPEOITIONII  AOAIMNT   THE   MOHAWKH. 


r.i 


hftU"  stnrv'il  fx-ople  within  th«  »moll  of  a  clilraney  w»mer,  whom  hw  now  cohl  kwp*'  from  ntraffUnt; 
or  running  nwiiy,  not  knowing  wliltiier  to  ninn  for  leare  of  y«  Indluns  ;  Tlie  next  Any  Monsieur 
Corsi'll  sent  liis  men  to  the  vllliige  wlirro  they  were  onn'ftilly  tirest  and  sent  to  Albany,  being  senven 
In  number,  the  Dutch  lK)res  carryed  to  the  camp  such  provisions  us  tliey  hnd,  and  were  too  well 
paytl  l()r  it ;  Especially  peaz  an<l  brt>ad,  of  w*'''  a  gootl  ({uantity  was  brtjught ;  y"  Mohaukes  were  all 
gone  to  their  Castles,  with  resolution  to  flglit  it  out  against  the  french,  who  being  refreslit  and  sup- 
plyed  w"'  the  aforesaid  provisions  made  a  shew  of  murcliing  towards  the  Mohaukes  Castles,  but  with 
faces  about  and  great  sylenco  and  dllligencft  return'd  towards  Cnnnada. 

Upon  tl>e  12"'  of  February,  whetiier  a  Panlck  feure,  some  mutiny,  or  y"  probiblllty  of  the  thawing 
of  the  lake,  caus'd  this  sudden  (w*i>  the  Indians  call  a  disliono  able  retreit)  I  cannot  learne,  but  surely 
so  1m)uUI  am'  hardy  an  attempt  (circumstances  considered)  hath  not  liapned  In  any  age.  All  w<>>« 
vanislit  like  uise  fycr,  anil  hatli  given  new  courage  to  their  old  eneinyes  y"  Mauhaukes  w  ho  by  their 
spyes  hearing  of  y"  retreat  of  y«  French  pursued  them  Imck  to  the  Lake,  but  the  French  making 
more  siw'ed  to  them  from  Canada,  the  Mohaukes  did  noe  considerable  prejudice  to  them,  onely  took 
3  one  of  vv'i"  at  his  own  request  they  slew,  not  beijig  able  to  march,  tlie  otlier  they  kept  prisoners,  they 
Ibund  5  others  detul  in  the  way  witli  hunger  and  cold,  but  according  to  their  manner  brought  the 
crownes  of  their  heads  away,  those  who  observed  the  words  and  countenance  of  Monsieur  Coursell, 
saw  him  disturbed  in  minde  that  the  king  was  Master  of  these  parts  of  the  Country,  where  hee  ex- 
pected to  have  found  the  Dutcli  interest  upermost,  saying  tliat  the  king  of  England  did  gras])e  at  all 
America,  but  hee  did  not  beleive  to  see  the  Dutch  the  masters  ere  long  ;  he  enquiird  what  garrison 
or  what  fort  was  at  Albany,  'twas  told  him  a  Captain  and  60  English  soldyers  with  I)  peece  of  ordi- 
nance in  a  small  fort  of  fouro  Bastions,  and  tliat  the  Capt  thereof  Cup<  Baker  had  sent  lor  2U  men 
from  annother  garrison  of  the  Kings  at  the  Sopes,  who  probably  might  bo  arrived  at  Albany  the  same 
bower,  thus  finding  his  men  tyr'd,  the  Mohaukes  resolute,  and  something  doubtfull,  without  tryall 
of  the  good  will  of  the  English  Goi-rison,  because  y  reports  were  strong  that  the  French  King  and 
States  of  Holland  Avere  united  against  His  Ma''«  of  England,  Monsieur  Coursell  found  it  reosonablo 
to  retunie  home  nothing  eftected,  the  2  prisoners  taken  by  the  Mohaukes  in  the  retreate  tt-U  them  yt 
this  summer  another  attempt  will  be  made  upon  their  country  with  a  greater  force  and  supplyes  of 
men,  the  truth  or  success  of  which  I  shall  not  now  discourse  upon,  having  given  y*  trew  relation  of 
what  past  from  y"  SO""  December  to  the  IS""  of  February. 


[  From  Pari!  Doc.  I.  ] 

On  the  seventh  of  the  mouth  of  Jidy  of  the  year  1666,  the  Iroquois  of  the  Oneida  Nation,  having 
learned  from  the  Moliawks,  their  neighbors  and  allies  and  by  the  Dutch  of  Fort  Orange  that  the 
troops  of  I.ouis  the  Iburteenth  by  the  grace  of  God  Most  Christian  King  of  France  and  Navarre,  had 
in  the  montli  of  February  of  the  said  year  carried  his  Majesty's  arms,  over  the  snow  and  ice  near 
unto  Fort  Orange  in  New  Netherland,  under  the  command  of  Messire  Daniel  de  Courcelle,  Lieutenant 
General  of  liis  armies,  pui-suant  to  orders  which  they  received  from  Messire  Alexandre  de  Prouville 
knight.  Lord  do  Tracy,  member  of  his  Majesty's  councils  and  Lieut.  Genl.  of  his  armies,  both  in  the 
islands  and  nminlaml  of  South  and  North  America,  as  well  by  sea  as  by  land,  to  fight  and  desti-oy  the 
Mohawks,  which  probably  they  would  have  accomplished,  had  not  the  mistake  of  their  guides  caused 
them  to  take  one  road  for  the  other,  came  down  to  Quebec  to  solicit  peace  as  well  in  their  own  name 
as  in  that  of  the  Mohawks  by  ten  of  their  Ambassadors,  by  name  Soenres,  Tsoenserouanne,  Gan- 


I 

1 

i 

i 

1 

i 

1 

■ 

M  rRKMCM    EXPCOITIONB  AUAIMIT    Tilt.   MO.H/'-V"'«. 

Doukuueuloton,  Asareguuciiiuton ,  Asaregoituuno,  Taendlagou,  Aohinnhb.    'I'.^ruukouariia,  Oskuraquets, 
Akouehen,  And  after  having  coniiuutilcated  by  the  mouth  of  their  Orator  and  Chief  Soenred,  the 
object  of  their  £iul>aMy  by  ten  tulks  expressetl  by  m  many  presents,  and  having  lianded  to  us  the 
letters  from  tiic  officers  of  New  Netherland,  have  unanimously  requested,  acknowledging  the  tbrce  of 
his  Majesty's  arms  and  their  weaknvds  and  tlie  condition  of  tlie  torts  advanced  towards  tiieni,  and 
riorcovcr  aware  that  tlie  tliree  upper  Irwjuois  Nations  have  always  experienced  great  benefit  from 
the  protection  which  they  formerly  recelvwl  from  the  said  Lord  the  King,  that  his  Majesty  would  bo 
pleased  to  extend  to  them  the  same  tUvour  by  granting  them  the  same  protection,  and  receiving  them 
among  the  number  of  his  true  subjects,  demanding  that  the  Treaties  formerly  made  as  well  by  the 
said  Nations  as  by  theirs,  have  the  same  f«>rce  and  validity  for  that  of  the  Mohawks,  w)io  have  re- 
quired of  us  to  solicit  this  with  great  importunity,  as  they  should  have  themselves  done  by  means  of 
their  Ambassadors  had  tliey  not  be<>n  apprelienslve  of  bad  treatment  at  our  hands,  ratifying  on  tlieir 
part  all  the  said  treaties  in  all  their  points  and  articles,  which  Iiave  been  read  to  them  In  the  Iroquois 
tongue  by  Joseph  Marie  Chaumont,  priest,  member  of  the  Society  of  Jesus ;  adding,  moreover,  to  all 
the  said  articles  what  the  protest  ett'ecting  in  good  faith  what  they  offered  by  their  said  presents, 
especially  to  restore  all  the  Frenclimen,  Algonquins  and  Plurons  whom  they  hold  prisoners  among 
them  of  what  condition  and  quality  they  may  be,  and  as  long  as  any  ore  detained  there,  even  on  the 
part  of  the  Mohnwks,  to  send  families  from  among  tliem  to  serve,  like  those  of  other  nations  as  the 
most  strict  hostages  for  their  persons  and  dispositions  to  the  orders  of  those  who  shall  in  this 
Country  have  authority  from  the  said  Lord  the  King  whom  they  acknowledge  from  this  time  as  their 
Sovereign ;  demanding  reciprocally  among  all  other  things  the  restoration  to  them  in  good  faith,  of 
all  those  of  their  Nation  who  arc  prisoners  at  Quebec,  Montreal  and  Three  Rivers,  that  French  fam- 
ilies and  some  Black  gowns,  that  is  Jesuits  be  sent  them,  to  preach  the  gospel  to  tiiem  and  to  make 
known  to  them  the  God  of  the  French  whom  they  promise  to  love  ond  adore ;  also  that  trade 
and  commerce  be  open  to  them  with  New  France,  by  the  Lake  du  Saint  Sacrcment,  (L.  George)  with 
the  assurance  on  their  part  that  they  will  provide  in  tlielr  country,  a  sure  retreat  as  well  to  the  said 
families  as  to  the  trading  merchants,  not  only  by  preparing  cabins  to  lodge  them  in,  but  also  by  as- 
sisting to  erect  forts  to  shelter  them  from  their  common  enemies  the  Andastaeronnons  and  others. 
And  that  the  present  Treaty,  made  on  their  part  in  ratification  of  tlie  preceding,  may  be  stable  and 
known  unto  all,  tiiey  have  signed  it  with  the  separate  and  distinctive  marks  of  their  Tribes,  after 
which  what  they  solicited  from  the  said  Lord  the  King  was  granted  to  them  in  his  name  by  Messire 
Alexandre  de  Prouville,  Knight,  I/jrd  de  Tracy  member  of  the  King's  Councils,  &c.  (as  above)  in 
the  presence  and  assisted  by  M.  Daniel  de  Reiny  Siegneur  de  Courcelles,  King's  Councillor,  &c.,  &c., 
and  of  M.  Jean  Talon  also  Councillor,  &c.  who  have  signed  with  the  said  Lord  de  Tracy  ;  and  as 
Witnesses,  Francois  le  Mercier,  Priest,  Member  and  Superior  of  the  Society  of  Jesus  at  Quebec  and 
Joseph  Marie  Chaumont  likewise  Priest  and  Member  of  the  said  Society,  Interpreters  of  the  Iroquois 
and  Huron  languages.    Done  at  Quebec  the  12  July,  1666. 


mSMCH  UtfEOITIOJIS  AOAlllST  TUt  MOIUWU. 


53 


ACTE  OF  POSSESSION 

DV   KIKDH   l)U    BOIS   IN  THE   NAME  0>'  THE  KINU  (oF  >'RAMCe)  01'  THE  rORTS   TAKEN   IHOM  THE   IHOQUOIM. 

In  the  year  KItiO,  tlie  17ti>  day  of  Octob.,  the  King's  troops  comnuuided  by  Messire  Alexander  de 
Hruiivilh!  Kuight,  Lord  de  Tracy  Lieut.  General  of  His  Ma>>**  Naval  armies  both  in  the  Islands  and 
Continent  of  South  and  Nortli  America  as  well  by  sea  as  by  land,  aided  by  Messire  Daniel  de  Remy 
Kniglit,  Hoigneur  de  Cuurcelles,  Governor  and  Lieut.  General  for  the  King  in  New  France,  being 
ilrawn  up  in  biittle  array  before  the  Fort  of  Andanuiue,  Jean  Baptiste  du  Bois  Esfi"*  Sieur  de  Cocreau- 
inont  and  de  St.  Morice,  Commandant  of  the  Artillery  of  the  army,  presented  himself  at  the  head  of 
the  army  by  order  of  Mons.  Lord  do  Tracy  and  deputed  by  M.  Jean  Talon,  King's  Councillor  in  his 
State  Hud  Privy  Councils,  Intendant  General  of  Justice,  Police  and  Finance  in  New  France,  for  the 
review  atid  direction  of  the  Supplies  of  the  Troops,  who  declared  and  said  that  at  the  request  of 
Mons'  Talon  he  took  possession  of  said  Fort  and  of  all  the  lands  in  the  neighbourhood  as  far  and  in 
us  great  a  (quantity  us  tliey  may  extend,  and  of  the  other  four  forts  which  have  been  conquered 
IVom  the  Irof^uois  in  the  name  of  the  King,  and  in  token  thereof  hath  planted  a  Cross  before  the 
doors  of  said  Ibrts  and  near  this  hath  erected  a  post  and  to  these  hath  affixed  the  King's  arms,  of 
wiiich  and  of  all  the  al)ovc  the  said  Sieur  du  Bois  has  required  acte  of  the  undersigned  Royal  Notary 
conmmndeti  in  tlio  said  urmy  for  His  Majesty's  service.    Done  at  the  aforesaid  Fort  of  Andaraque 
the  day  and  year  above  written,  in  presence  of  Messire  Alexander  de  Ghaumont,  Knight  Seigneur  of 
suld  pliieo.  Aid  de  Camp  of  his  Majesty's  armies,  and  of  Hector  d'Andigny,  Knight  of  Grande  Fon- 
taine, Captain  of  a  Company  of  Infantry  in  the  Carignan  Regiment,  of  the  Nobleman  Antoine  de 
Contrecour  Cap"  of  a  Company  of  Infantry  in  said  Regiment,  of  Francois  Mass6  Sieur  de  Wally  Jean 
<lu  Gal  Ksq"  Sieur  du  Fresue  Major  of  Canada,  Jean  Louis  Chevalier  du  Glas  Lieut  of  a  Company  of 
said  Kegini',  Rene  Louis  Chartier  Esq',  Sieur  de  Lobinire  Lieutenant  of  a  Militia  Company  from  Que- 
bec, Dominique  le  Feure  Esq',  Sieur  de  Quesquelin  Lieutenant  in  said  Regiment,  Witnesses  under- 
signed with  tlie  said  Seigneur  du  Bois  and  the  Notary.    Signed,  Chaumont,  le  Chevalier  de  Grand 
Fontain,  do  Contrecour,  du  Gal,  Wally,  Chev''«  du  Glas,du  Guesclin,  Rene  Louis  Chartlor,  Lobiniere, 
du  Bois  and  du  Guet  Royal  Notary. 


GOV.  NICOLLS  TO  CHEV.  TRACY,  AT  QUEBEC. 

[  Lond.  Doe.  II.  ] 

Monsieur, 

I  was  in  some  measure  surprized  in  february  last  with  the  newes  of  so  considerable  a  tbrce  of 
Ibrrelners  under  the  command  of  Monsieur  de  Courcelle  so  farre  advanct  in  these  His  Ma''™  Domi- 
nions without  my  Knowledge  and  Consent,  or  the  least  notice  given  of  y  intentions  to  any  of  His 
Ma'""  Colonies  then  in  amity  with  the  French  Nation :  although  y  proceedings  heerin  were  not 
conlbrmable  to  the  practise  in  Europe,  yet  all  my  officers  both  Military  and  Civill  soon  resolu'd  to 
succor  and  relievo  your  Campe  with  such  meane  provisions  as  the  Country  affords  [and]  from  a  small 
village  couUl  bee  expected  and  as  they  have  in  all  former  times  been  very  affectionate  with  Christian 
Charity  to  ransomo  or  by  imy  other  meanes  to  convey  divers  French  prisoners  out  of  the  hands  of 
their  barbarous  Enemies  so  also  their  Intentions  towards  you  is  manifest  in  their  letter  of  the  20'>' 
March  last  wherein  their  purpose  was  to  give  you  a  speedy  notice  that  the  Maquaes  were  at  last 


i 


i    I 


9 

i 


l!i 


54 


FRENCH   EXPEDITIONS   AGAINST   THE  MOHAWKS. 


wrought  upon  to  treat  of  peace  if  you  ou  your  parts  were  so  disposed,  but  ii  seems  (by  a  sad  accident 
intervening,)  you  are  pleas'd  to  lay  a  greater  burden  upon  them  than  they  deserve  after  their  sincere 
afl'ectious  to  your  peace.  To  both  y'  Letters  directed  to  the  Captain  and  Commissaries  at  Albany 
themselves  will  return  answer  I  '  hearing  that  you  had  Emploied  Le  S'  Couture  with  y  Letters  I 
tooke  a  suddauie  Resolution  to  have  dio?ourse  with  him  to  w"=h  purpose  I  came  hither  but  find  that 
he  is  return'd  without  the  Knowledge  of  the  Capt.  or  Commissarie.  I  could  have  wisht  that  hee  had 
staid  tor  raee,  or  that  I  could  wait  his  coming  for  I  now  want  the  opportunity  of  enlarging  myself  to 
him  and  by  him  to  y'selfe  with  liow  much  Integrity  I  shall  constantly  attend  the  European  Interest 
amidst  the  heathen  in  America  as  becomes  a  good  Christain,  provided  that  the  bounds  and  limits  of 
these  His  Majesties  of  Englands  dominions  be  not  invaded  or  the  Peace  and  Safety  of  his  subjects 
interrupted.  In  all  other  jtoints  I  shall  be  found  to  enter taine  y'  Correspondence  with  Mutuall  Civility 
and  respect  tlie  rather  because  the  Reputation  of  y  honour  hath  spread  itself  in  all  these  parts  of 
the  world,  as  well  as  it  is  known  in  Europe,  whereof  I  can  beare  some  Testimony,  when  I  had  the 
honour  to  attend  my  master  his  R.  H.  the  Duke  of  York  and  Albany  a  few  yeares  in  the  french  ai-my, 
and  now  that  I  serve  the  same  Master  in  his  interest  in  this  part  of  the  World,  I  should  count  my 
selfe  very  fortunate  in  an  opjwrtunity  at  least  to  acknowledge  some  part  of  y""  great  civilities  to  my 
Master  and  all  liis  Servants  in  their  low  estate  and  condition  of  Exile,  The  Memory  whereof  obUgeth 
me  (a  reasonable  time  and  good  occasion  concurring)  to  give  you  certaine  i>roole  with  how  much 
truth  I  am.  Sir, 

Yo'  Most  afiPk*.  Servant 

Richard  Nicolls. 

20th  Augr:  St;  Vet:  ) 
In  fort  Albany  1666.  S 

A  Monsieur,  Monsieur  Le  Chcval  ier  et  Seif^neur  de  Tracy  Lt.  OeneraU  Ou  Roy  ires  Chreiticn  dans  toute  L'Amerique. 

A  Quebec. 


M.  TALON  TO  M.  COLBERT.  13  Nov.  1666. 

[  Paris  Doc.  I.  j 

Monsieur  de  Tracy  and  Monsieur  de  Courcelles  are  returned  flx)m  their  Expedition,  the  Iroquois 
having  concluded  to  retreat  iuid  abandon  their  settlements.  The  said  M.  de  Tracy  could  do  notliing 
else  tlian  bimi  their  forts  and  lay  waste  everything.  These  two  gentlemen  will  inform  you  of  what- 
ever occiu-red  tluroughout  tlieir  march  which  occupied  flfty-tlirce  days.  What  I  learn  from  public 
opinion  is  tliat  in  what  has  been  (Crformcd  notliing  has  been  left  undone,  and  that  the  King's  orders 
had  been  executed  and  his  expectiitious  entirely  realized  had  those  savages  stood  their  ground.  It 
would,  in  truth,  have  been  desirable  that  a  part  had  been  defeated  and  some  others  taken  prisoners. 

The  advanced  age  of  M.  de  Tracy  must  greatly  enhance  the  merit  of  the  service  he  has  rendered 
the  King,  by  assuming  in  a  broken  down  frame  such  as  his,  a  fatigue  of  which  no  correct  idea  can 
be  formed.  I  am  assuretl  that  throughout  the  whole  march  of  three  himdied  leagues,  including  the 
return,  he  suffered  himsell'  to  be  cai-ried  only  during  two  days,  and  then  he  was  Ibrced  tt>  do  so  by 
tlie  gout.  M.  de  Courcelles,  though  stronger  than  he,  could  not  help  being  carried  in  like  manner, 
having  been  attacked  by  a  contraction  of  tlie  nerves.  Both  in  truth  have  endm-ed  all  the  fatigue  that 
human  natiu'c  is  capable  of. 

M.  de  Tracy  iuotined  some  expenses  on  his  marcli  for  the  conveyance  of  the  cannon  and  other 
extraordinary  services  rendered  tlie  troops,  whicli  I  wished  to  reimbiuae,  but  his  modesty  woiUd  not 
suHer  it. 


FRENCH  EXPEDITIONS  AGAINST  THE  MOHAWKS. 


65 


M.  TRACY  TO  GOV.  NICOLLLS. 


Sir 


[  London  Doc.  I.  ] 


IS 

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ic 

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It 

9. 

;d 
in 
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at 

er 

ot 


In  answer  to  yc  letter  of  31 .  August,  [N.  S.J  I  shall  tell  you  that  Mons'  de  CourceUe  Govemo' 
General  of  tliis  Countrey,  signifying  to  nice  that  hee  had  a  desire  to  make  some  inroad  upon  the 
Maquas,  to  put  a  stopp  to  their  barbarous  Insolencies ;  I  gave  my  consent  to  fm-ther  the  design,  that 
hee  might  take  with  liim  so  many  officers  and  souldiers  as  lie  thought  fit,  either  of  his  Ma*'*'  Cora- 
panyes,  or  those  of  y"  Countrey.  Whereupon  hee  advanced  within  fifteen  or  twenty  leagues  of  the 
villages  of  y"  Annies.  But  fortunately  for  them  his  guides  conducting  liim  a  wrong  way,  hee  did 
not  meete  witli  them,  till  he  came  neare  the  village  which  you  name  in  yo«'  Letter,  neither  had  he 
known  there  was  any  of  them  there,  until  he  hatl  surprized  iiU  tlie  Indyans  that  were  in  two  small 
Hutts  at  some  distance  from  tliat  place.  This  truth  is  sufficiently  convincing,  to  justify  Mons'  de 
CourceUe,  that  hee  had  no  intention  to  infringe  tlie  Peace,  tliat  was  then  between  us,  lor  that  hee 
tliought  liimself  in  tlie  Maquas  land.  Tlie  Moderacon  which  liee  used  in  the  said  hutts  (silthough 
the  persons  under  his  command  were  driven  to  the  uttermost  extremity,  for  want  of  Provisions) 
hath  sufficiently  manifested  the  consideracons  wee  have  always  liad  for  our  allyes  (for  until  then  wee 
had  no  intelligence,  that  New  Holland  was  under  any  other  Dominion  than  that  of  the  States  of  the 
United  Belgick  Provinces)  and  understanding  that  hee  was  upon  the  Lands  belonging  to  the  Dutch, 
hee  tooke  great  care  to  hinder  his  companyes  from  falling  into  tlie  village,  by  which  means  alone 
the  Maquaes  that  were  there  saved  themselves. 

Hee  also  had  so  much  care  and  authority  as  to  hinder  the  souldiers  from  Killing  the  Poultry,  and 
taking  away  Provisions  that  were  in  the  said  hutts,  to  satisfy  their  hunger.  Thus  farr,  I  ought  to 
vindicate  the  truth  upon  this  subject. 

Tlie  ifrench  nation  is  too  much  inclined  to  acknowledge  curtesies,  not  to  confess  that  the  Dutch 
have  had  very  much  cliarity  for  the  Ifrench,  who  have  been  Prisoners  with  the  Maquaes,  and  that 
they  liave  redeemed  tlivers,  who  had  been  burnt  wi'^out  thci  r  succour ;  They  ought  also  to  be  assured  of 
our  gratitude  towai'ds  them,  and  to  any  others  who  shall  exercise  such  Christian  Deedes,  as  they 
liavc  done. 

I  am  also  persuaded  that  they  had  a  sincere  intention  for  the  conclusion  of  a  firme  peace  between 
us  and  the  Maques.  They  ought  in  like  manner  to  believe,  that  wee  liave  always  expressly  forbid 
y«  Alri;onquins  to  make  warr  upon  or  kill  them. 

Sinct  the  Dutch  Gent,  did  send  you  y^  Lres  which  I  writt  unto  them,  you  have  knowne  the  can- 
dour of  my  thoughts,  and  the  confidence  which"!  had  in  their  flViendship,  by  that  of  the  14"'  July 
ICCG  as  also  by  the  Kequest  I  made  to  tlie  Reverend  Father  Bechefer  (who  is  a  person  of  gror  t  meritt) 
accompanyed  with  three  considerable  persons,  to  transport  himself  upon  the  place,  to  conclude  a 
peace,  thereby  to  ease  them  of  the  trouble  of  coming  to  Quebec. 

Its  true  the  displeasure  I  received  by  the  death  of  some  Gent'nien,  who  went  a  fowling  upon 
confidence,  of  that  article  w«i>  is  in  the  same  letter  those  Gent'men  sent  mee,  the  second  time,  dated 
the  26"'  March  1660,  the  which  I  had  published  in  our  Garrison  [wo  have  acquainted  the  Maquaes, 
that  they  are  to  forbear  all  acts  of  Hostility,  duiung  the  time  that  the  Messenger  shall  be  absent 
which  they  have  promised  to  observe]  did  give  mee  a  just  griete,  and  a  great  deale  of  iliscontent,  It 
being  evident  that  those  Gent'men  had  not  put  themselves  upon  that  hazard,  without  the  assurance: 
well  would  have  served  amongst  Europeans  as  well  as  the  most  authentick  Passeport  that  could  be 
had,  the  which  also  wee  had  caus'd  the  Algonquins  to  observe. 


iii»n»lllfiilTiBWIiMBIIfl 


66 


FB£NCU  expeditions  against  the  MOHAWKS. 


Such  an  unexpected  misfortune  obliged  mee  to  chang  the  designe  I  had  of  adventuring  the  person 
of  the  reverend  Father  Bechefer,  and  the  rest  that  accompanied  him,  &  I  resolv'd  to  send  only  the 
Sieur  Cousture  (who  had  been  a  Prisoner  among  the  Maques)  with  a  letter  to  the  Dutch  Gent,  of 
the  22«'  July  1666.  The  said  Coustiire  having  no  other  employ  than  what  was  in  liis  Instruction 
which  hath  or  might  have  been  seene,  since  I  gave  him  leave  to  shew  it. 

I  had  never  the  thought  of  accusing  those  Dutch  Gent'men  either  directly  or  indirectly,  nor  any 
other  person,  of  holding  inteUigence  with  the  Maques  in  so  foule  an  action  as  was  committed  by 
them  ;  But  writt  onely  to  oblige  them,  and  those  other  Gent'men  who  serve  under  yo'  command  at 
Albany,  (for  we  were  then  in  peace,)  to  councell  the  Maques,  as  \eighbours,  to  deUver  up  into  our 
power,  the  actors  of  that  murder,  w*""  was  a  satisfaction  that  with  reason  I  might  promise  myselfe 
on  that  occasion. 

My  L're  of  the  22<'  July  to  those  Gent'men  at  Albany,  might  have  informed  you  what  the  S' 
Cousture  was ;  fifor  it  had  not  beene  prudent  after  the  death  of  those  Gent'men,  to  hazard  a  person 
of  quality.  And  I  am  very  sorry  that  you  tooke  the  paines  to  leave  the  place  of  y  usual  residence 
to  make  a  voyage  to  Albany,  to  have  discourse  with  an  ordinary  Messenger  wlio  had  nothing  of 
Trust  committed  to  him. 

The  intention  you  signify  to  have  of  Embracing  Allwayes  tlie  Interest  of  Europe,  against  the 
barbarous  Indyans  of  America,  is  very  commendable  and  befitting  a  person  of  your  QuaUty  and  a 
good  Christian  :  That  Passion  which  you  likewise  expresse,  for  the  interest  of  his  Ma'y  of  Great 
Brittaine,  is  to  be  esteemed,  and  there  is  no  man  of  reason,  who  doth  not  approve  y  judgm'  therein, 
&  that  hath  not  the  like  for  his  Prince. 

I  retume  you  thanks  in  particular  for  those  obliging  termes  you  are  pleas'd  to  use  on  ray  behalfe, 
as  also  for  the  assurances  you  give  mee  of  a  desire  to  hold  a  mutuall  Correspondence  of  civility  and 
respect  with  mee  to  y«  end  l)efore  proposed  :  If  I  was  particularly  knowne  to  you  I  might  feare  you 
would  alter  your  opinion  of  mee,  for  that  Reputac6n  doth  very  often  give  us  advantages  which  wee 
do  not  deserve. 

I  had  the  hono''  to  serve  the  King  in  Germany,  in  the  most  considerable  commands  of  liis  Army, 
at  the  time  when  my  son  (that  was  hee  and  not  mee)  was  knowne  unto  you,  in  those  which  served 
in  fSanders,  where  he  commanded  His  Ma*'**  Cavalry  of  Strangers  :  Hee  had  a  very  particulai-  re- 
spect for  the  person,  and  for  the  great  meritt  of  his  Royal  Highness,  tlie  Duke  of  York,  who  seemed 
to  bee  well  pleased  with  his  respectful  carriage  towards  him  :  You  have  no  reasons  to  expect  lesse 
services  from  mee,  that  you  might  have  received  from  my  son,  upon  all  occasions  where  those  of  the 
King  will  permit  mee  to  render  them. 

It  cannot  bee  but  you  must  have  heard  from  divers  of  your  Nation  that  have  beene  in  the  Islands 

of  America,  how  I  Iiave  done  tliem  courtesyes  with  passion,  and  with  as  mucli  civihty  as  may  l)ee  ;  I 

have  cause  enough  to  complaine  that  the  same  hath  not  beene  practised  towards  me ;  Ifor  that  a 

vessell  wliich  went  out  of  Boston,  tooke  in  the  Gulfe  of  St.  Laurence,  t'    ^rds  the  latter  end  of  June, 

or  the  beginning  of  July  1665,  (near  upon  five  months  before  the  dec]arac6n  of  the  warre)  a  barque 

of  between  25  and  30  tunnes,  w'h  belonged  to  mee,  being  laden  with  a  good  quantity  of  strong 

Waters,  and  other  refreshments  which  come  from  France  :  But  as  I  know  no  other  interest  tlian  that 

of  the  service  of  his  Ma'y  who  bestowes  many  benetits  upon  mee,  I  shall  easily  forgett  that  losse, 

'till  the  conclusion  of  Peace,  you  may  also  believe  tiitii  I  am  wti"  a  great  deale  of  esteeme, 

S'    Yoiu-  thrice  aifectionate 

and  hiunble  Serv'. 

Tkacy. 

Quebao  ( 

Apr.  30,  1667.   { 


IV. 

REPORTS 


ON 


®l)e   l^xot)xnct   of  NetJD   Ijork. 


Qlbout  iee0;  1670. 


[Vol.  1.] 


I 


I  jiym 


:\ 


.1!  ! 


GOV.  NICOLLS'  ANSWERS  TO  THE  SEVERALL  QUERIES 


RELATING    TO   THE   PLANTERS    IN   THE  TERRITORIES   OF   HIS   R.    HS    THE   DUKE  OF    YORKE   IN   AMERICA. 

[  Lond.  Doc.  II.  ] 

Ist.  The  Governour  and  Councell  with  the  High  Sheriffe  and  the  Justices  of  the  Peace  in  the 
Court  of  the  Generall  assizes  liaue  the  Supreame  Power  of  making,  altering,  and  abolishing  any 
Laws  in  tliis  Government.  The  Country  Sessions  are  held  by  Justices  upon  the  Bench,  Particular 
Town  Courts  by  a  Constable  and  Eight  Overseers.  Tlie  City  Court  of  N.  Yorke  by  a  Mayor  and 
Aldermen.    All  causes  tried  by  Juries. 

2"d.  The  Land  is  naturally  apt  to  pro<luce  Come  &  Cattle  so  that  the  severall  proportions  or  divi- 
dents  of  Land  are  alwaies  allowed  with  respect  to  the  niunbers  of  the  Planters,  wliat  they  are  able 
to  manage,  and  in  w'  time  to  accomplish  their  undertaking,  the  feed  of  Cattell  is  free  in  commonage 
to  all  Townships,  The  Lots  of  Meadow  or  Corne  Ground  are  peculiar  to  eacli  Planter. 

S"*.  The  Tenure  of  lauds  is  derived  from  his  R.  H.»  wlio  gives  and  grants  lands  to  Planters  as 
their  freehold  forever,  they  paying  the  customary  rates  and  duties  with  others  towards  tlie  defraying 
of  publique  charges.  The  highes  Rent  or  acknowletlgment  to  his  R.  H."  will  bee  one  penny  pr  aero 
for  Lands  purchased  by  his  R.  H.»,  the  least  two  shillings  sixe  jjence  for  each  hundred  acres,  whereof 
the  Planters  themselves  are  purchasers  from  the  Indyans. 

4.  The  Crovernour  gives  liberty  to  Planters  to  find  out  and  buy  lands  from  the  Indyans  where  it 
pleaseth  best  the  Planters,  but  the  seating  of  Towns  together  is  necessary  in  these  parts  of  America, 
especially  upon  the  Maine  Land. 

5.  Liberty  of  Conscience  is  graunted  and  assured  with  the  same  Provisoe  exprest  in  the  Querie. 

6.  Liberty  of  ffishing  and  fowling  is  free  to  all  by  the  Patent. 

7.  All  Causes  are  tried  by  Juries,  no  Lawes  contrary  to  the  Lawes  of  England.  Souldyers  onely 
are  tryable  by  a  Court  Marshall,  and  none  others  except  in  cases  of  suddaine  invasion,  mutiny  or 
rebellion  as  his  Ma"**  Lieutenants  in  any  of  liis  Countries  of  England  may  or  ought  to  exercise. 

8'»>.  As  to  this  point  there  is  no  taxe,  toledge.  Imp.  >st  or  Custome  payable  upon  the  Planters  upon 
Corne  or  Cattle :  the  Country  at  present  hath  little  other  product,  the  Rate  lor  publicke  cliarges  was 
agreetl  unto  in  a  generall  Assembly,  and  is  now  managed  by  the  Governour  his  Councell  and  the 
Justices  in  the  Court  of  Assizes  to  that  onely  behoofe. 

9'>>.  The  obtaining  all  thes  priviledges  is  long  since  recomended  to  his  R.  H.»  as  the  next  neces- 
eary  encoiu-agement  to  these  his  Territories,  whereof  a  good  answer  is  expected. 

10*''.    Every  man  who  desires  lo  trade  for  ffiu-s  at  his  request  liath  liberty  so  to  doe. 


60 


REPORT   ON   THE   PROVINCE   OF   NEW-YORK. 


U 


i 


■<i 


li' 


I  ?  li 


I 


ANSWERS  OF  GOV.  ANDROS  TO  ENQUIRIES  ABOUT  NEW  YORK;  1678. 

[  Lond.  Doe.  III.  ] 

Answers  to  the  Inquiries  of  Plantacons  for  New  Yorke. 

1.  Tlie  Goveruo'  is  to  have  a  Councill  not  exceeding  tenn,  w">  whose  advice  to  act  tor  the  safety 
&  good  of  tlie  country,  &  in  every  towne,  village  or  parish  a  Petty  Court,  &  Courts  of  Sessions  in  the 
Several!  precints  being  three,  on  Long  Island,  &  Townes  of  New  Yorkt,  Albany  &  Esopus,  &  some 
sniale  or  poore  Islands  &  out  places ;  and  the  Generall  court  of  assizes  composed  of  the  Governo'  & 
Councill  &  all  tlie  Justices  &  magistrates  att  New  York  once  a  yeare,  the  Petty  courts  Judge  of  livu 
pounds.  &  then  may  appeale  to  Sessions,  they  to  twenty  pounds  &  then  may  appeale  to  assizes  to  y« 
King,  al  sd  courts  as  by  Law. 

2.  The  court  of  Admiralty  hath  been  by  speciall  comission  oi-  by  the  Court  of  Mayo'  &  Aldermen 
i.il  New  Yorke. 

.i.  The  chiefe  Legislative  power  there  is  in  the  Governor  with  advice  of  tlic  Coiuicell  the  executive 
p    ver  Judgm'"  given  by  y«  courts  is  in  the  sheriffs  &  other  civil  officers. 

4.  The  law  booke  in  force  was  made  by  the  Govorno'  &  Assembly  utt  Hempsted  in  1665  &  since 
i-  .firmed  by  his  Royal  Highnesse. 

''',  The  Mihtia  is  about  2000  of  W^h  alx.ut  1 10  horse  in  Ihree  troopes  the  foote  formed  into  com- 
panyes,  most  under  100  men  each  all  imlifferently  avmed  with  fre-armes  of  all  sizes,  ordered  & 
excersized  according  to  Law,  and  are  gotxi  fire  men,  one  standing  company  of  Souldiers  with  gunners 
&  other  officers  for  the  fforts  of  New  York  it  Albany  filwayes  victualled  in  October  &  November  tor 
a  yeare. 

6.  Forteresses  are  James  fforte  seated  upon  a  point  of  New  Yorke  towne  between  Hudson's  River 
&  y*  Sound,  its  a  square  witli  stone  walls,  toure  bastions  almost  regular,  and  in  it  46  gunnes  moimted 
&  stores  for  service  accordingly.  Albany  is  a  smale  long  stockadoed  forte  with  foure  bastions  in  it, 
12  gunns,  sufficient  ag*  Indians,  and  lately  a  wooden  redout  &  out  worke  at  Pemaquid  w'*"  7  gunns, 
s'd  Garrisons  victualled  for  a  yeare,  w"'  suff'  stores. 

7.  There  are  no  privateers  about  o""  Coasts. 

8.  Our  Neighbours  westward  are  Mary  land  populous  and  strong  bvit  doe  not  live  in  townes,  tlieir 
protluce  tobacco.  Northwest  tiie  Marpies  &<•.  lutlaans  y"  most  warr  like  in  all  the  Northern  Parts  of 
America,  thcii-  tnide  beavers  &  furrs.  Northward  the  ffreuch  of  Canada  trade  as  wee  witli  our 
Indians ;  K  istward  Connecticut  in  a  good  condicon  &  popidous,  their  produce  provisions  of  wheate, 
l^eefe  &  porke,  some  pease,  o'  South  lv)unds  tlie  So.i. 

9.  Wee  keepe  good  Corres;.  len(  ,vith  all  o""  neighlx)urs  as  to  Civ  ill,  legall  or  judiciall  proceed- 
ings, but  differ  with  Connectiovtt  for  o'  Ixjunds  &  rutuall  assistance  %"■•»  they  nor  Massachusetts  will 
not  admitt. 

10.  Our  boundaries  are  South,  the  Sea,  West  Delaware  ;  North  to  y"  Lakes  oi-  ffreiuh  ;  East  Con- 
necticut river,  but  most  usurped  &  yett  jHjssod  by  s'd  Connecticut  some  Islands  Eastward  &  a  tract 
beyond  Kenuebeck  River  called  iMimatjuid,  &c.  New  Yorke  is  iniO''  35"';  Albany  ab'  43'';  tlieCol- 
lony  is  in  severall  long  narrow  stripes  of  w'h  a  greate  parte  of  the  settlem'  made  by  adventurers  be- 
fore any  Rcgulaci'tn  by  w*''  Incroaclim'»  without  pattents  w"^**  townes  have  lately  taken  but  by  reason 
of  continuall  warrs  noe  Survey  made  k,  [qn.  of  t'le]  wildernesse,  noe  certaine  compubiciui  can  be 
made  of  tlie  planted  and  implanted,  these  last  2  yeares  al)out  20,000  acres  taken  up  and  pattented 
for  particuler  persons  besides  Delaware,  must  of  the  land  fak<'ii  up  except  ujKm  Long  Island  is  ini- 
proued  &  unlesse.the  bounds  of  the  Duke's  pattent  be  asserted  noe  great  quantityes  att  hand  undis- 
posed. 


; 


jfi: 


HEPORT  ON  THE  PROVINCE  OF  NEW-YORK. 


61 


1 1 .  Our  principal!  places  of  Trade  are  New  Yorke  and  South'ton  except  Albany  for  the  Indyans, 
our  buildings  most  wood,  some  lately  stone  &  brick,  good  country  houses  &  strong  of  their  severall 
kindest. 

12.  Wee  haue  about  24  townes,  viUiages  or  parishes  in  Six  Precincts,  Divisions,  Rydeings,  or 
Courts  of  Sessions. 

13.  Wee  haue  severall  Rivers,  Harbours  and  Roades,  Hudson's  River  the  chiefest  &  is  nb'.  4  fathom 
water  att  coming  in  butt  six,tenn  or  more  within  &  very  good  soundings  &  anchorage  either  in  Hud- 
son's River  or  in  the  Sound,  the  usuall  roade  before  the  town  and  moulde. 

14.  Our  produce  is  land  provisions  of  all  sorts  as  of  wheate  exported  yearly  about  60000  bushells> 
pease,  beefe,  pork,  &  some  Rei'usc  fisli.  Tobacco,  beavers,  peltry  or  furrs  from  the  Indians,  Deale  & 
oake  timber,  plankes,  pipestaues,  lumber,  liorses,  &  pitch  &  tarr  lately  begunn  to  be  made,  Comodityes 
imported  toe  all  sorts  of  English  manufactiu-e  for  Christians  &  blanketts,  Duflells  &".  for  Indians 
about  50000"'  yearly,  Pemaquid  afords  merchantable  ffish  &  masts. 

15.  Wee  haue  noe  Experience  or  skill  of  Salt  Peter  to  be  had  in  Quantityes. 

16.  Our  Merclii*  are  not  many  but  with  inhabitants  &  planters  about  2000,  able  to  beai-e  armes 
old  inhabitants  of  tlie  place  or  of  England,  Except  in  &  neere  New  Yorke  of  Dutch  Extraction  & 
some  few  of  all  nations,  but  few  Serv**,  much  wanted  &  but  very  few  slaves. 

17.  Noe  persons  whateuer  are  to  come  from  any  place  but  according  to  act  off  Pari' w^h  the 
magistrates  and  officers  of  the  severall  townes  or  places  are  to  take  care  of,  accordingly  the  plantacon 
is  these  late  yeares  increased,  but  noe  Genrall  ace'  hath  been  taken  soe  is  not  knowne  how  mucli  nor 
what  persons.  Some  few  slaues  are  sometimes  brought  from  Barbadoes,  most  for  Provisions  and 
soilld  att  a"  301 1>  or  35"'  Country  pay. 

18.  Ministers  have  been  soe  scarce  &  Religions  many  that  noe  ace*  cann  be  giuen  of  Children's 
births  or  christenings. 

19.  Scarcity  of  Ministers  and  Law  admitting  marriages  by  Justices,  noe  ace*  canu  be  giuen  of  the 
number  marry ed. 

20.  Noe  ace'  cann  be  giuen  of  burialls,  formes  of  burialls  not  being  generally  obserucd  &  lew 
ministers  till  very  lately. 

21.  A  merch' worth  1000"' or  500' *>  is  accompted  a  good  substantial!  merchant  and  a  planter 
worthe  halfe  that  in  moveables  accompted  [rich?]  witli  all  the  Estates  may  be  valued  at  about 
XI  50,000. 

23.  There  may  lately  haue  traded  u)  y"  Collony  in  a  yeare  from  tenn  to  fifteen  sliipps  or  vessells 
of  about  togeather  100  tunns  each,  English  new  England  and  our  owne  built  of  w^''  5  small  shipps 
and  a  Ketcli  now  belonging  to  New  Yorke  foure  «f  them  built  there. 

23.  Obstrucccms  to  Improuein'  of  planters,  trade,  Navigac/iu  and  mutuall  assistance  are  ye  dis- 
tinction of  Collonics  lor  our  owne  produce,  as  if  different  nations  and  people,  though  next  neighbours 
upon  the  same  tract  of  land,  and  His  Ma""  subjects,  we  obserueing  acts  of  trade  &  navigacun  &c. 

24.  Aduuntages,  Incouragem'  &  Improuem' of  Planters  trade  &  Navigacon  would  be  more  if 
next  neighbours  of  o'  own  Nation  the  King's  subjects  on  the  same  tratf  of  land  might  without  dis- 
tinction, supply  each  other  with  our  owne  produce,  punctually  obserueing  all  acts  of  parliam'  for 
Exportacun  &  would  dispose  all  persons  the  better  for  mutuall  assistance. 

25.  Kates  or  dutyes  upon  Goods  exported  are  2'  for  each  hhd  of  Tobacco  &  1'  3''  on  a  beaver 
skin  &  other  peltry  proportlonably.  Provisions  and  all  else  payc  nothing,  Goods  imported  paycs  2  per 
cent  except  Liquors  particulerly  rated  something  mure,  &  Indian  trade  goeing  up  the  river  pajes  3 
per  cent,  there  are  some  few  (juitt-rents,  as  also  Excise  or  hcense  monys  for  retaileing  stronge  di 

&  a  way  liouse  or  publique  Scale :  all  applyed  to  y"=  Garrison  and  publique  charge,  to  wliich  it  hath  not 
hitherto  sufficed  by  a  greate  deale. 


I , 


I 


i 


"! 


M  RKFORT  ON   THE   PROVINCE  OV  NEW-YORK. 

36.    There  are  Religioiu  of  aJl  sorts,  one  church  of  England,  Several  Presbiterians  &  Independents 
Quakers  k  Anabaptists  of  Several]  sects,  some  Jews  but  presbiterians  &  Independ'*  most  numerous  & 
Substantiall. 

27.    The  Duke  maintaines  a  chapliue  v/"^  is  all  the  certaine  allowance  or  Church  of  England,  but 

peoples  free  gifts  to  y*  Ministry,  and  all  place!  oblidged  to  build  Churches  &  provide  for  a  minister, 

in  w">*  most  very  wanting,  but  presbiterians  &  Independent**  desierous  to  have  and  maintaine  them 

if  to  be  had,    There  are  ah*  20  Churches  or  Meeting  places  of  w<>>  aboue  hallb  vacant  their  allowance 

like  to  be  iVom  40'>>  to  70>*>  a  yeare  and  a  house  and  garden.    Noe  Beggars  but  all  poore  cared  ffor. 

]f  good  Ministers' could  be  had  to  goe  theither  might  doe  well  &  and  gaine  much  upon  those  people. 

Endorsed 
,    ,      ,:,  "Answers  of  inquiries  of  New- York 

,      ^     ..,,,.  ,     Av.        Rec*  from  S»  Edm.  Andros  on  the  ie«n 

of  Ap.  1678." 


M^i-.^l', 


Note. — Chalmers  gives  in  his  annals  what  purport  to  be  copies  of  thfse  Reports,  but  they  will  be 
found  to  be  rather  abstracts  when  compared  with  the  official  MSS.  which  are  now  published  in  iUll, 
it  is  believed  for  the  first  time.  *     ^    ;    ' 

./  -'  ,'';,'   V  .  i    '  .    ,'..•'■■    ■■■  ■>:  ■■■■'J        •  -■  ■■  ■■■ 


m 


V. 


PAPERS 


RELATING   TO 


m.  it  la  Bam'0  dxiftmon  to  ^ungta  ^^fi^ 


JEFFERSON  COUNTY. 


16851. 


BXTPuTOF  THE  INSTRUCTIONS  GIVEN  BY  TH!'  Km  TO  M.  DE  LA  BARRE. 

[Pwli  Doe.  Vol.  II.J 

VerialUci,  lUth  May,  1682. 

He  l8  (  ,  J  .  .formed  that  the  Savages  nearest  jwljolnlng  to  the  French  Settlements  arc  the  Al- 
gon(iuiiis  ami  the  IriKjiiois,  that  the  latter  had  repeatedly  troubled  the  peace  and  trantiullllty  of  the 
Colonies  of  New  France  until  His  Majesty  having  waged  a  severe  war  against  them,  they  were  finally 
constrained  to  submit  and  to  live  in  ])eace  and  quietness  without  making  any  incursions  on  the  lands 
inhabited  by  the  French.  But  as  these  restless  and  warlike  tribes  cannot  bo  kept  down  except  by 
terror,  and  as  His  Majesty  has  even  been  informed  by  the  last  despatches,  that  the  Onnontagucs  and 
Senecas — Iroquois  tribes — ^liave  killed  a  Recollet  and  committed  many  other  violences  and  that  it  is 
to  be  feared  that  they  will  push  their  audacity  even  further ;  It  is  very  important  that  the  said  Sieur 
de  la  Barre  put  himself  in  a  condition  to  proceed  as  early  as  possible,  with  5  or  600  of  the  militia 
most  favorably  situated  for  this  expedition  along  the  shores  of  Lake  Frontenac  at  ti;e  mouth  of  Lake 
C!onty,  to  exhibit  himself  to  these  Iroquois  Settlements  in  a  condition  to  restrain  them  within  their 
duty  and  even  to  attack  them  should  they  do  any  thing  against  the  French,  wherein  he  must  observe 
that  he  is  not  to  break  with  them  without  a  very  pressing  necessity  and  an  entire  certitude  to 
promptly  and  advantageously  finish  a  war  that  he  will  have  luidertaken  against  them. 

He  must  not  only  apply  himself  to  prevent  the  violences  of  the  Iroquois  against  the  French.  Ho 
must  also  endoavor  to  keep  tlie  Savages  at  peace  among  themselves,  and  prevent  the  Iroquois  by  all 
means  making  war  on  the  Illinois  and  other  tribes,  neighbours  to  them,  being  very  certain  that  if 
these  Nations  wliose  furs,  the  principal  trade  of  Canada,  are  destroyed,  sliould  see  themselves  secure 
against  the  violence  of  the  Irfx^uois  by  the  protection  they  would  receive  from  the  French,  they 
miglit  be  so  much  the  more  excited  to  wear  their  merchandizes  and  will  tliereby  increase  trade. 


At  the  meeting  held  the  tenth  October  1682,  composed  of  M.  the  Governor,  M.  the  In- 
tendant,  M.  the  Bishop  of  Quebec,  M.  Dollier  Superior  of  the  Seminary  of  St.  Sulpice 
at  Montreal,  the  Rev.  Fathers  Beschefer  Superior,  D'Ablon  and  Fremin,  Jesuits,  M.  the 
Major  of  the  City,  Mess",  de  Varenne  Governor  of  the  Three  Rivers, de  Brussy,  Dali- 
bout,  Duguet,  Lemoine,  Ladurantais,  Bizard,  Chailly,  Vieuxpont,  Duluth,  de  Sorel, 
Derepentigny,  Berthier  and  Boucher. 


It  is  proposed  by  M.  the  Grovernor,  that  from  the  records  which  M.  the  Count  de  Frontenac  was 
pleased  to  deposit  in  his  hands  of  what  had  passed  at  Montreal  on  the  12  Sept.  last,  between  him 
[Vol.  I.]  9 


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Sciences 

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23  WEST  MAIN  STREET 

WEBSTER,  NY.  14580 

(716)  872-4503 


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66 


OE  LA  BARBE'S  expedition  TO  HUNG&Y  BAY. 


and  the  Deputy  of  the  Onontagu6  Iroquois,  it  is  easy  to  infer  that  these  people  are  inclined  to  follow 
whe  object  of  their  enterprize,  which  is  to  destroy  all  the  Nations  in  alliance  with  us,  the  one  after  the 
other,  whilst  they  keep  us  in  uncertainty  and  with  folded  arms ;  so  that,  after  having  deprived  us  of 
the  entire  fur  trade  which  they  wish  alone  to  carry  on  with  the  English  and  Dutch  established  at 
Manate  and  Orange,  they  may  attack  us  isolated,  and  ruin  the  Colony  in  obliging  it  to  contract  itself 
and  abandon  all  the  separate  settlements,  and  thus  arrest  the  cultivation  of  the  soil  which  cannot 
bear  grain  nor  be  cultivated  as  meadow  except  in  quarters  where  it  is  of  good  quality. 

As  he  is  not  informed  in  the  short  time  since  his  arrival  from  France,  of  the  state  of  these  tribes 
and  of  the  Colony,  he  requests  them  to  acquaint  him  with  aU  they  know  of  these  things  in  order  that 
he  may  inform  his  Majesty  thereof,  and  represent  to  him  the  necessities  of  this  Colony,  for  the  pur- 
pose as  well  of  averting  this  war  as  for  terminating  and  finishing  it  advantageously  should  it  be 
necessary  to  wage  it ;  Whereupon  the  Meeting  after  being  informed  by  the  Kev"  Jesuit  fathers  of 
what  had  passed  during  five  years  among  the  Iroquois  Nations,  whence  they  had  recently  arrived,  and 
by  M.  Dollier  of  what  occurred  for  some  years  at  Montreal,  remained  unanimously  and  all  of  one 
accord,  that  the  English  have  omitted  nothing  for  four  years  to  induce  the  Iroquois,  either  by  the 
great  number  of  presents  which  they  made  them  or  by  the  cheapness  with  which  they  gave  them 
provisions  and  especially  guns,  powder  and  lead,  to  declare  war  against  us,  and  which  the  Iroquois 
have  been  two  or  three  times  ready  to  undertake ;  But  having  reflected  that,  should  they  attack  us 
before  they  had  ruined  in  fact  the  allied  nations,  their  neighbours,  these  would  rally  and,  uniting 
together,  would  ikll  on  them  and  destroy  their  villages  whilst  occupied  against  us,  they  judged  it 
wiser  to  defer  and  anuse  us  whilst  they  were  attacking  those  Nations,  and  having  commenced,  with 
that  view,  to  attack  the  Illinois  last  year,  they  had  so  great  an  advantage  over  them  that  besides  three 
or  four  hundred  killed,  they  took  nine  hundred  of  them  prisoners,  so  that  marching  this  year  with 
a  corps  of  twelve  hundred  men,  well  armed  and  good  warriors,  there  was  no  doubt  but  they  would 
exterminate  them  altogether  and  attack,  on  their  return,  the  Miamis  and  -he  Kiskakous  and  by  their 
defeat  render  themselves  masters  of  Missilimackina  and  the  lakes  H6ri6  and  Huron,  the  Bay  des 
Fuans  and  thereby  deprive  us  of  all  the  trade  drawn  from  that  country  by  destroying,  at  the  same 
time,  all  the  Christian  Missions  established  among  those  nations ;  and  therefore  it  became  necessary 
to  make  a  last  eflfort  to  prevent  them  ruining  those  Nations  as  they  had  formerly  the  Algonquins,the 
Andastez,  the  Loups  (Mohegans),  the  Abenaquis  and  others,  the  remains  of  whom  wc  have  at  the 
settlements  of  Sillery,  Laurette,  Lake  Champlain  and  others  scattered  among  us.  That  to  accomplish 
that  object,  the  state  of  the  Colony  was  to  be  considered,  and  the  means  to  be  most  usefully  adopted 
against  the  enemy ;  that  as  to  the  Colony  we  could  bring  together  a  thousand  good  men,bearing  arms 
and  accustomed  to  manage  canoes  like  the  Iroquois,  but  when  drawn  from  their  settlements,  it  must 
be  considered  that  the  cultivation  of  the  soil  would  be  arrested  diuring  the  whole  period  of  their  ab- 
sence, and  that  it  is  necessary,  before  making  them  march,  to  have  supplies  of  provisions  necessary 
in  places  distant  from  the  settlements,  so  as  to  support  them  in  the  enemy's  country  a  time  sufficiently 
long  to  efiectually  destroy  that  Nation,  and  to  act  no  more  by  them  as  had  been  done  seventeen  years 
ago,  making  them  partially  afraid  without  weakening  them.  That  we  have  advantages  now  which 
we  had  not  then ;  the  French  accustomed  to  the  Woods,  acquainted  with  all  the  roads  through  them, 
and  the  road  to  Fort  Frontenac  open  to  fall  in  forty  hoius  on  the  Senecas,  the  strongest  of  the  five 
Iroquois  Nations,  since  they  alone  can  furnish  fifteen  hundred  warriors,  well  armed ;  that  there  must 
be  p^visions  at  Fort  Frontenac,  three  or  four  vessels  to  load  them  and  embark  five  hundred  men 
on  Lake  Ontario,  whilst  five  hundred  otliers  would  go  in  Canoes  and  post  tliemselves  on  the  Seneca 
shore ;  but  tliis  expedition  cannot  succeed  unless  by  His  Majesty's  aid  with  a  small  body  of  two  or 
tliree  hundred  soldiers  to  serve  as  a  garrison  for  Forts  Frontenac  and  La  Galette,to  escort  provisions 
and  keep  the  head  of  the  country  guarded  and  furnished  whilst  the  interior  would  be  deprived  of  its 
good  soldiers ;  a  himdred  or  a  hundred  and  fifty  hired  men,  to  be  distributed  among  the  settlements 


DE  LA  BARBE's  expedition  TO  HUNGRY   BAT. 


67 


to  help  those  who  will  remain  at  home  to  cultivate  the  ground,  in  order  that  famine  may  not  get  into 
the  land ;  and  Ainds  necessary  to  collect  supplies  and  build  two  or  three  barks,  without  which  and 
that  of  Sieur  de  Lasalle,  it  is  impossible  to  undertake  any  thing  of  utility :  That  it  is  a  war  which  is 
not  to  be  commenced  to  be  left  imperfect,  because  knowing  each  other  better  than  seventeen  years 
ago,  if  it  were  to  be  undertaken  without  finishing  it  the  conservation  of  the  Colony  is  not  to  be  ex- 
pected, the  Iroquois  not  being  apt  to  return.  That  the  failure  of  all  aid  from  France  had  begun  to 
create  contempt  for  us  among  the  said  Iroquois,  who  believed  that  we  were  abandoned  by  the  great 
Onontio,  our  Master,  and  if  they  saw  us  assisted  by  him,  they  would,  probably,  cliange  their  minds 
and  let  our  alUes  be  in  peace  and  consent  not  to  hunt  on  their  groimds,  or  bring  all  their  peltries  to 
the  French,  which  they  trade  at  present  with  the  EngUsh  at  Orange ;  and  thus  by  a  small  aid  from 
his  Majesty  we  couldprevent  war  and  subject  these  fierce  and  hot  spirits,  which  would  be  the  greatest 
advantage  that  could  be  procured  for  the  Country.  That  notwithstanding,  it  was  important  to  arm 
the  militia  and  in  this  year  of  abimdant  harvest  to  oblige  them  to  furnish  guns  which  they  could  all 
advantageously  use  when  occasion  required. 

Done  in  the  house  of  the  Rev^  Jesuit  Fathers  at  Quebec,  the  day  and  year  above  stated. 

Compared  with  the  original  remaining  in  my  hands. 

Le  Fe  Bure  De.  Labahbe. 


FATHER  LAMBERVILLE  TO  M.  DE  LA  BARRE. 

[  Parii  Doc.  II.  ] 

February  10, 1684. 

#  *  *  *  The  Governor  of  New  York  is  to  come,  they  say,  next  summer  to  the  Mohawk  and 
speak  there  to  the  Iroquois.  We'll  see  what  he'll  say.  He  has  sent  a  shabby  ship's  flag  to  the 
Mohawk  to  be  planted  there.  This  is  the  coat  of  arms  of  England.  This  flag  is  still  in  the  public 
chest  of  the  Mohawks.    I  know  not  when  it  will  see  day. 


M.  DE  LA  BARRE  TO  GOV.  DONGAN. 

Montreal  15lh  June  ](i84. 

Sir — The  unexpected  attack  which  the  Iroquois,  Senecas  and  Cayugas  have  made  on  one  of  my 
forts  whither  I  had  sent  a  gentleman  of  my  household  to  withdraw  Sieur  de  la  Salle  therefrom,  whom 
I  sent  at  their  request  to  France,  and  the  wholesale  plunder  of  seven  French  canoes  laden  with 
merchandize  for  the  Trade,  and  the  detention  during  ten  days  of  14  Frenchmen  wlio  were  conducting 
them  up,  and  that  in  a  time  when  I  was  in  a  quiet  and  peaceable  negotiation  with  them,  oblige  me 
to  attack  them  as  people  from  whose  promises  we  have  nothing  to  expect  but  murder  and  treason ; 
but  I  did  not  wish  to  do  so  without  advising  you  of  it,  and  telling  you  at  the  same  time,  that  the 
Mohawks  and  Oneidas,  neighbours  of  Albany,  having  done  me  no  wrong,  I  intend  to  remain  at 
peace  witli  them  and  not  attack  tliem. 

The  letters  wliich  I  have  rec*  from  France  inform  me  as  does  that  which  you  were  pleased  to  honor 
me  with,  that  our  two  Kings  desire  that  we  should  live  in  Union  and  Fraternity  together.    I  shall 


68 


OC  LA  BARKL  8  EXPEDITION  TO  HUNORY  BAY. 


contribute  with  the  greatest  joy,  and  with  a  punctuality  with  which  you  will  be  satisfied.  I  think 
that  on  the  present  occasion  you  can  well  grant  me  the  request  I  make  to  forbid  those  at  Albany 
selling  any  Arms,  Powder  or  Lead  to  the  Iroquois  who  attacked  us  and  to  the  other  tribes  who  may 
trade  with  them. 

This  proceeding  alone  may  inthnidate  them,  and  when  they  see  the  Christians  united  on  this 
subject  they  will  shew  them  more  respect  than  they  have  done  hitherto. 

If  you  have  any  cause  of  complaint  against  their  conduct,  you  can  advance  it  now,  &  I  shall 
consider  your  interests  as  those  of  my  master,  as  soon  as  I  shall  hear  trom  you  I  will  answer  regarding 
what  you  may  require  from  my  ministry  in  a  manner  entirely  satis&ctory  to  you,  esteeming  nothing 
in  the  world  more  highly  than  the  opportunity  to  testify  to  you  how  truly  I  am 

Sir 
Your  very  humble  serv' 
(Signed)  Le  Febvre  ds  la  Barre. 


f  ■  ■' 


GOV.  DONGAN  TO  M.  DE  LA  BARRE. 

[  N.  Y.  Council  Min.  V.  ] 

New  York  June  y  3/^  1684- 

Sr_Y'« dated  the  IS^J*  I  received  the  23J  of  S.  V.  of  this  Instant;  &  am  very  sorry  that  I  did  not 
know  sooner  of  the  misunderstanding  between  you  and  the  Indians  that  so  I  might  (as  really  I  would) 
haue  vsed  all  just  measures  to  prevent  it 

those  Indians  are  under  this  Crovernm'  as  doth  appeare  by  his  R)>  High**  his  patent  from  his  Ma^y 
the  King  of  England  and  their  submitting  themselves  to  this  Guvermt  as  is  manifest  by  o'  Records, 
his  R»  Hlglmesses  territories  reaching  as  far  as  the  River  of  Canada  and  yet  notwithstanding  the 
people  of  y  Groverm*  Come  upon  the  great  lake  as  allso  on  this  side  of  both  lakes,  a  thing  which  will 
scarcely  be  beleeved  in  England 

I  desire  you  to  hinder  them  from  so  doing;  and  I  will  strictly  forbidde  the  people  of  this  Province 
to  go  on  your  side  of  the  lakes  this  I  haue  hinted  that  there  may  be  no  occasion,  as  there  shall  not 
undoubtedly  of  mine,  to  break  that  desirable  and  faire  Correspondence  between  the  two  Kings  our 
Masters  I  am  so  heartily  bent  to  promote  the  Quiet  &  tranquillity  of  this  Country  &  yours  that  I 
intend  forthwith  to  go  myselfe  to  Albany  on  purpose  ;  and  there  send  for  the  Indians,  &  require  of 
them  to  do  what  is  iust  in  order  to  a  satisfaction  to  y  pretences ;  if  they  will  not  I  shall  not  uniustly 
protect  them,  but  do  for  yr  Governm'  all  that  can  be  reasonably  expected  ^Vom  me ;  &  in  the  mean 
time  to  continue  &  preserue  a  good  Amity  between  us  I  think  it  convent-  desire  that  no  Acts  of 
hostility  be  cdmitted,  such  differences  are  of  so  weighty  a  concerne  that  tu  ae  most  proper  to  he 
decided  at  home  and  not  by  us. 

I  do  assure  you  S'  that  no  body  liueing  hath  a  greater  desire  that  there  should  be  a  strict  friendshipp 
betwixt  the  subjects  of  this  Croverm*  &  yours  then  I  haue  and  no  body  more  willing  upon  all  Occa- 
sions ivstly  to  approue  myselffe    S' 

Y'  humble  Serv* 

Tho.  Donoan. 


Di:  LA  ba&bb's  exkditiom  to  humory  bat. 


69 


THE  SAME  TO  THE  SAME. 

[  Lond.  Doe.  V.  ]  ' 

Fort  Albany,  July  1684. 

Sir — I  came  to  this  town  with  an  intention  to  sent  for  the  Senequaes  but  was  prevented  by  some  of 
their  Sachims  being  come  hither  expressly  to  meet  me. 

They  tell  me  that  your  Intentions  are  to  make  warr  against  them  and  they  believe  that  you  have 
already  entered  their  countrey  which  repport  I  can  scarcely  give  crcditt  to,  after  my  last  letter  written 
to  you. 

Tou  cannot  be  ignorant  that  those  Indians  are  imder  this  Goverm*  and  I  do  assure  you  they  have 
againe  voluntarily  given  up  both  themselves  and  their  lands  to  it,  and  in  their  application  which  they 
make  to  me,  do  offer,  that  if  they  have  done  anytliing  amisse  they  wiU  readily  give  all  reasonable 
satisfaction. 

S'  I  should  be  very  sorry  to  hear  that  you  invade  the  Duke's  Territories,  after  so  just  and  honest 
an  offer,  and  my  promisse,  that  the  Indians  shall  punctually  perform  whatever  can  be  in  justice  re- 
quired for  all  these  injuries  which  you  complaine  they  have  committed. 

I  do  not  doubt  but  that  if  you  please,  this  affair  may  be  quietly  reconciled  between  you  and  the 
Indians,  if  not,  as  I  wrote  in  my  former,  wee  have  Masters  in  Europe  to  whom  we  should  properly 
referr. 

To  prevent  as  much  as  I  can  all  the  inconveniencyes  that  may  happen.    I  have  sent  the  bearer 

with  this  letter  and  have  ordered  the  Coates  of  Armes  of  His  Royal  Highnesse  the  Duke  of  York  to 

be  put  up  in  the  Indyan  Castles  which  may  diswade  you  fVom  acting  anything  that  may  create  a 

misunderstanding  between  us 

Sir 

I  am  with  all  respect 

Most  humble  &  affectionate 

Servant 
(Signed)  Tho  Dongan 


itl 


M.  DE  LA  BARRE  TO  GOV.  DONGAN. 


[  ParU  Doe.  II.  {  Lond.  Doc.  V.  ] 

Camp  at  Lachine,  24  July  1684. 

Sir — ^I  was  much  astonished  by  the  receipt  of  your  two  letters  of  the  fifth  of  July,  New  Stile, 
seeing  one  in  French  written  by  you,  which  I  knew  came  ftom  you  as  from  friend  to  friend,  and  that 
written  in  English  which  I  knew  came  from  your  Council  and  not  from  people  disposed  to  maintain 
the  union  of  our  two  Kings. 

I  sent  Sieur  Bourbon  to  you  to  advise  you  of  the  vengeance  which  I  was  about  to  wreak  for  the 
insult  inflicted  on  the  Christian  name  by  the  Senecas  and  Cayugas,and  you  answer  me  about  preten- 
sions to  the  possessions  of  lands  of  which  neither  you  nor  I  are  judges,  but  our  two  Kings  who  have 
sent  us,  and  of  which  there  is  no  question  at  present,  having  no  thought  of  conquering  countries 
but  of  making  the  Christier  name  and  the  French  people  to  be  respected,  in  which  I  will  spill  the 
last  drop  of  my  blood. 


i  I 


70 


DB  LA  BAARE^S  EXPEDITION  TO  HDNORY  BAY. 


I  have  great  esteem  for  yoiir  person,  and  considerable  desire  to  preserve  the  honor  of  his  Brittan- 
nick  Majesty's  good  graces  as  well  as  those  of  my  Lord  the  Duke  of  York,  and  I  even  believe  that 
they  will  greatly  appreciate  my  chastisement  of  those  who  insult  you  and  capture  you  every  day  as 
they  have  done  this  winter  in  Merilande.  But  if  I  was  so  unfortunate  as  that  you  desired  to  protect 
robbers,  assassins  and  traitors,  I  could  not  distinguish  their  protector  &om  themselves.  I  pray  you, 
then,  to  attach  fidth  to  the  credit  which  I  give  Sieur  de  Salvaye  to  explain  everything  to  you ;  and, 
if  the  Senecas  and  Cayugas  wish  your  services  as  their  intecessor  to  take  security  from  them,  not  in 
the  Indian  but  in  the  European  &shion,  without  wliich  and  the  honor  of  hearing  from  you,  I  shall 
attack  them  towards  the  20ti>  of  the  month  of  August,  New  Stile. 

Sir  -^ 

Your  very  humble  Servant 

Le  Febure  de  la  Barre. 


}  i 


i 


I  Par.  Qbo.  II.  ;  Lond.  Doe.  V.  ] 

INSTRUCTIONS 

WHICH  8IECR  DE  LA  BARRE  KIKo'S  COUNCILLOR  IN  HIS  COUNCILS,  GOVERNOR  &  HIS  LIEUTENANTO  ENERAL 
IN  ALL  THE  COUNTRIES  OF  NEW  FRANCE  AND  ACADIA,  GIVES  TO  SIEUR  DE  SALVAYE  HIS  AMBASSADOR 
TO  COLONEL  DONGAN,  GOVERNOR  OF  NEW  YORK,  TO  EXPLAIN  TO  HIM  THE  UNFAITHFULNESS  AND 
VIOLENCES   COMMITTED   BY   THE   SENECAS   AND  CAYUGAS   AGAINST   THE   FRENCH. 

He  is,  in  the  first  place,  to  make  known  to  him  the  quarter  where  the  pillage  of  the  seven  canoes 
was  perpetrated,  and  that  it  is  more  than  400  leagues  distant  from  here  and  an  equal  distance,  at 
least,  Southwest  from  Albany,  in  the  39U>  or  40U>  degree. 

That  the  place  has  been  occupied  over  25  years  by  the  French  who  tliere  established  Catholic 
Missions  of  the  Jesuit  Fathers,  and  traded  there  {on  fait  la  traitte)  since  that  time,  without  the 
English  having  ever  known,  or  spoken  of,  that  country. 

That  the  question  is  not  about  the  country  of  the  Iroquois,  nor  the  Eastern  shores  of  Lake  Erie. 

That  the  Iroquois  having  lived,  previous  to  the  arrival  of  M.  de  la  Barre,  with  little  consideration 
for  the  French,  he  was  desirous  to  speak  with  them,  to  see  if  they  were  friends  or  foes,  and  for  that 
purpose  they  were  all  assembled  at  Montreal  last  August  where  every  thing  was  arranged  on  a  friendly 
basis ;  even  the  Senecas  and  Cayugas  had  demanded  the  said  Sieur  de  la  Barre  to  withdraw  Sieur  de 
la  Salle  from  the  government  of  Fort  St.  Louis,  in  Illinois ;  which  he  caused  to  be  done  and  had  the 
said  Sieur  de  la  Salle  sent  to  France  in  the  month  of  last  November. 

Tliat  notwithstanding  tlus,and  all  the  protestations  they  had  made,  a  hand  of  200  warriors,  Senecas 
and  Cayugas  having  met  in  the  month  of  March  of  this  year,  seven  canons  manned  by  14  Frencli- 
men,  with  fifteen  or  sixteen  thousand  pounds  of  Merchandize,  who  were  going  to  trade  with  the 
Scions,  towards  the  Southwest,  pillaged  them  and  took  them  prisoners,  without  any  resistance  firom 
the  said  Frenchmen,  who  considered  them  as  friends,  and  after  having  detained  them  nine  days,  with 
thousands  of  taunts  and  insults,  released  them  without  having  given  them  either  arms  or  canoes  for 
provisions  and  to  cross  the  rivers.  After  which  the  said  Iroquois  went  and  attacked  Fort  St.  Louis, 
where  Sieur  Chevalier  de  Blangy  was  in  the  place  of  said  Sieur  de  la  Salle  who  had  been  withdrawn 
at  their  request.  Having  made  three  assaults  and  been  vigorously  repulsed,  they  withdrew  from 
before  the  said  Fort  the  29u>  of  said  month  of  March. 


I' 
n. 


DE  LA  BAHHE'S  EXPEOITIOM  TO  HUHGRY  BAY. 


71 


That  Sieur  de  la  Barre  having  seen  these  acts  of  hostility  committed  in  time  of  established  peace 
and  which  Teganeout  their  Ambassador  was  coming  to  him  to  confirm,  he  might  have  adopted  two 
courses,  one  to  detain  the  said  ambassador,  and  the  other  to  wage  war  against  them,  not  being  able 
to  endure  a  treachery  of  that  description  against  the  Christian  name  and  French  Nation. 

That,  things  being  in  this  condition,  he  could  not  believe  that  C!olonel  Dongan  would  interfere 
therein  in  any  way,  if  it  were  not  to  unite  with  him  in  destroying  these  traitors  and  Infidels. 

That  the  Mohawks  and  Oneidas,  neighbours  of  Albany,  have  no  part  in  all  this  war,  and  that  he 
has  envoys  at  Onontagu6  to  see  if  they  will  take  a  part. 

Tliat  his  troops  being  assembled  and  on  the  march,  he  cannot  postpone  attacking  the  Senecas  unless 
by  losing  the  campaign. 

That  in  despatches  dated  the  5'>>  of  August  last,  the  King  his  master  was  pleased  to  communicate 
to  liim  the  information  which  he  had  received  from  the  King  of  England,  of  the  appointment  of 
Colonel  Dongan  as  Governor  of  New  York,  with  express  orders  to  maintain  good  understanding  and 
correspondence  with  said  Sieur  de  la  Barre,  who,  on  that  account,  could  have  no  idea  that  he  had 
any  Intention  to  protect  a  treachery  and  injustice  similar  to  that  committed  by  villains  on  French- 
men. 

Done  at  the  Camp  of  Lachine  the  24th  July  1684. 
Signed,  Le  febure  de  la  Bakre. 

And  lower  down  by  M.  Regnaut. 


GOV.  DONGAN  TO  M.  DE  LA  BAME. 


[  Lond.  Doe.  V.  ] 

1 .  It  is  not  intended  that  I  will  justify  the  wrong  the  Indians  have  done  to  the  French  so  farr 
to  the  southwest  as  400  leagues  from  Mont  Royall  or  in  any  other  place  whatsoever,  though  in  all 
probability  if  we  were  to  dispute  tliese  countreys  so  farr  to  the  south  west  are  more  likely  to  be  ours 
than  the  French,  haveing  English  Colonies  much  nearer  them. 

2.  The  pretences  you  make  to  that  countrey  by  your  25  years  possession,  and  sending  Jesuits 
amongst  them  are  very  slender,  and  it  may  bee,  you  may  have  the  same  to  other  countries  as  for 
Jesuits  living  amongst  them,  how  charitable  soever  it  may  bee  it  gives  no  right  or  title,  and  it  is  a 
great  wonder  that  the  English  wlio  so  well  know  America  should  neither  hear  nor  see  in  a  long 
time  the  treaty  you  speak  of 

3.  But  if  the  matter  in  debate  bee  not  concerning  the  land  on  the  side  of  the  lake  of  Canida,  it 
is  desired  to  know  what  it  is  concerning  since  the  Indians  offer  to  give  satisfaction  for  what  injuries 
can  be  prooved  to  be  comitted  by  them  as  they  say  they  have  formerly  done  in  such  cases,  and  if 
tliey  do  not  I  never  promised  them  any  countenance  from  this  government. 

I  wonder  that  Mens'  de  la  Barr  should  send  for  any  Indians  who  oimed  themselves  under  this 
Government  to  know  whether  they  were  friends  or  ennemies,  since  tliis  Government  at  that  time 
and  at  tliis  present  hath  enjoyed  for  aught  I  know  a  full  and  perfect  peace  with  tlij  Government 
of  Canida ;  as  for  the  case  of  La  Salle  I  am  not  concerned  in  it  but  wonder  you  should  send  him  to 
France  upon  the  bare  complaint  of  the  Indians 

As  for  tlie  injuries,  affronts,  insolencyes  and  robberyes  committed  by  the  Indians  upon  the  French, 
I  liave  earnestly  pressed  them  to  make  a  submission  and  satisfaction,  and  that  out  of  a  true  con- 
sideration of  the  misseryes  that  may  happen  by  having  a  warr  with  such  Savages. 


I 


H 


■;■ 

1; 


m 


DE  LA   BARRE'b   EXPEDITION    TO  HUNGRY   BAY. 


I  could  heartily  wish  that  the  Sieur  de  la  Bane  had  sooner  given  me  notice  of  the  act  of  hostility 
before  he  had  detained  Taganeout  there  Ambassadour,  or  made  warr  against  them,  that  I  might 
have  used  all  Just  methods  to  prevent  a  warr  that  may  be  destructive  to  either  party — 

That  the  Governor  of  Canida  does  very  well  in  believing  what  truly  he  ought  that  I  will  not 
interest  myselfe  in  any  manner  to  countenance  such  villanyes  and  if  I  did  not  think  there  was  a 
middle  way  to  compose  that  difference  myselfe,  I  would  be  willing  to  Joyne  against  them 

I  am  glad  you  asured  me  that  the  neighbourghing  Indians  to  Albany  have  no  share  in  that  warr, 
but  I  am  sorry  the  troops  are  in  soe  great  forwardness,  that  if  my  former  advice  had  bin  taken,  there 
had  been  no  absolute  necessity  to  attaque  the  Indians  or  loose  the  campaigne. 

That  it  is  very  true,  I  oi^ht  to  have  a  good  correspondence  with  the  Sieiu:  de  la  Barr,  and  it  is  not 
nor  ever  shaU  be  my  fault  if  I  have  not,  and  fagaine  must  tell  you  that  I  have  no  thought  or  incli- 
nation to  protect  any  villany  whatsoever. 


EXTRACT  OF  A  LETTER  ADDRESSED  BY  LOUIS  XIV.  TO  MONSIEUR  DE  LA  BARRE,  THE 

21st  JULY,  1684. 

[Pull  Doe.  n.] 

Monsieur  De  la  barre 

I  have  seen  by  your  letters  of  the  5t>>  June  last,  the  resolution  you  have  taken  to  attack  the  Iro- 
quois, and  the  reasons  which  moved  you  to  it,  and  though  it  is  a  grave  misfortune  for  the  Colony  of 
New  France  which  will  interrupt  the  trade  of  my  subjects  and  divert  them  from  the  cultivation  of 
the  land  and  expose  them  to  frequent  insults  on  the  part  of  the  Iroquois  Savages,  who  can  frequently 
surprize  them  in  distant  settlements,  without  your  being  even  in  a  state  to  succor  them ;  I  do  not 
hesitate  to  approve  your  adoption  of  that  resolution  since,  by  the  insult  they  offered  the  fifteen 
Frenchmen  whom  they  pillaged,-and  the  attack  on  Fort  St.  Louis,  you  have  had  reason  to  believe 
that  they  seriously  intended  declaring  war,  and  as  I  wish  to  place  you  in  a  position  to  sustain  it,  and 
bring  it  to  a  speedy  termination,  I  have  given  orders  for  equipping  the  Ship  L'Emerillon,  on  board 
which  I  have  caused  to  be  embarked  three  liimdred  soldiers  quartered  in  the  ports  of  Brest  and 
Kochefort  with  the  number  of  Officers  and  Marines  contained  in  the  lists  which  you  will  find  annexed, 
and  this  reinforcement  with  that  sent  to  you  by  the  last  vessels  from  Bochelle,  and  which  you  have 
learned  from  my  preceding  letters,  will  furnish  you  means  to  fight  advant^eously,  and  to  destroy 
utterly  those  people,  or  at  least  to  place  them  in  a  state,  after  having  punished  them  for  their  inso- 
lence, to  receive  peace  on  the  conditions  which  you  will  impose  on  them. 

You  must  observe  as  regards  this  war  that  even  though  you  prosecute  it  with  advantage,  if  you  do 
not  find  means  to  wage  it  promptly,  it  will  not  the  less  cause  the  ruin  of  the  colony,  the  people  of 
which  cannot  subsist  in  the  continual  disquietude  of  being  attacked  by  the  Savages,  and  in  the  im- 
possibility in  which  they  find  themselves  of  applying  themselves  to  trade  and  the  cultivation  of  their 
farms.  Therefore  whatever  advantage  you  may  derive  for  the  glory  of  my  arms  and  the  entire 
destruction  of  the  Savages  by  the  continuation  of  this  war,  you  ought  to  prefer  peace  which  restoring 
quietness  to  my  subjects  will  place  you  in  a  condition  to  increase  the  Colony  by  the  means  pointed 
out  to  you  in  my  preceding  letters. 

I  write  to  my  ambassador  in  England  to  procure  orders  from  the  Duke  of  York  to  prevent  him 
who  commands  at  Baston  assisting  the  Savages  with  troops,  arms  or  ammunition,  and  I  have  reason 
to  believe  that  orders  will  be  despatched  as  soon  as  representations  on  my  part  will  have  been  made. 


DE  LA   BARBe'b  EXPEDITION  TO  HVNORY   BAY. 


78 


I  am  very  glad  to  tell  you  that  from  every  thing  I  learn  of  what  has  occurred  in  Canada,  the  fkult 
which  you  committed  in  not  punctually  executing  my  orders  relative  to  the  number  of  twenty-five 
licenses  to  be  granted  to  my  subjects,  and  the  great  number  you  have  sent  on  all  sides,  in  order  to 
favor  persons  belonging  to  yourself,  appears  to  me  to  have  been  the  principal  cause  of  what  has  hap- 
pened on  the  part  of  the  Iroquois.  I  hope  you  will  repair  tliis  fault  by  giving  a  prompt  and  glorious 
termination  to  this  war. 

It  appears  to  me  also  that  one  of  the  principal  causes  of  the  war  arises  from  one  Du  Lhut  having 
caused  two  Iroquois  to  be  killed  who  had  assassinated  two  Frenchmen  in  Lake  Superior,  and  you 
sufficiently  see  how  much  this  man's  voyage,  which  cannot  produce  any  advantage  to  the  Colony,and 
wliich  was  permitted  only  in  the  interest  of  some  private  persons,  has  contributed  to  disturb  tlie  re- 
pose of  the  Colony. 

As  it  concerns  the  good  of  my  service  to  diminish  as  much  as  possible  the  number  of  the  Irotjuois, 
and  as  these  Savages  who  are  stout  and  robust,  will,  moreover,  serve  with  advantage  in  my  galleys, 
I  wish  you  to  do  every  thing  in  your  power  to  make  a  great  number  of  them  prisoners  of  war,  and 
that  you  have  them  shipped  by  every  opportunity  which  will  offer  for  their  removal  to  France. 

I  desire  likewise  that  you  leave  Fort  Frontenac  in  the  possession  of  Sieur  de  la  Salle  or  those  who 
are  there  for  him,  and  that  you  do  nothing  in  opposition  to  the  interest  of  that  man  whom  I  take 
imder  my  special  protection. 


1 


MEMOIR  OF  M.  DE  LA  BARRE 


AS  TO   WHAT  HAD  OCCURaED   AND  HAD   BEEN   DONE   REGARDING   THE   WAR  AGAINST  THE  SENEGAS. 

[Paris  Doe,  tL] 

Having  been  obliged  to  leave  early  in  June,  in  conlox'iiity  to  the  resolution  adopted  by  the  Inten- 
dant,  the  Bishop,  the  heads  of  the  country  and  myself,  to  wage  war  against  the  Senecas  for  having, 
in  cold  blood,  pillaged  seven  hundred  canoes  belonging  to  Frenchmen ;  arrested  and  detained  tlie 
latter  tc  the  number  of  fourteen,  as  prisoners  for  nine  days,  and  finally  attacked  Fort.  St.  Louis  of 
the  Illinois,  wliere  the  Chevalier  de  Bangy  gallantly  defended  himself,  antl  having  resolved,  at  tho 
same  time,  to  seize  Teganeout,one  of  their  chiefs  and  his  twelve  companions  who  had  come  to  ratify 
the  peace  made  last  year,  who  left  their  country  before  they  heard  of  tliis  attack,  which  circumstance 
would  oblige  me  not  to  treat  them  ill,  but  merely  to  secure  their  persons,  we  considered  three  things 
necessary :  First,  to  endeavour  to  divide  the  Iroquois  among  themselves,  and  for  this  purpose,  to 
send  persons  expressly  to  communicate  my  sentiments  to  the  Rev<i  Jesuit  Fathers  who  are  Missiona- 
ries there  and  to  request  them  to  act ;  the  second,  to  send  to  the  Outaouacs  to  engage  our  French  to 
come  to  my  assistance  by  the  South,  by  Lake  Erie  and  to  bring  as  many  as  they  could  of  the  Savages, 
our  allies ;  and  thirdly,  to  advise  Colonel  Dongan,  Governor  of  New  York  of  what  we  were  obliged 
to  do,  whilst  at  the  same  time  I  would  throw  a  considerable  reinforcement  of  men  into  Fort  Frontenac 
to  aecvae  it.  Being  arrived  at  Montreal  the  tenth  of  the  said  month,  we  sent  for  Mr.  Dollier,  Supe- 
rior of  the  Seminary  of  said  town  and  of  the  Mission  to  the  Indians  of  the  Mountain,  and  the 
Reverend  Pere  Briare,  Superior  of  the  Mission  of  the  Sault  Saint  Louis,  who  having  concurred  with 
us,  furnished  seven  Christian  Iroquois,  friendly  to  the  French  and  pretty  shrewd,  two  of  whom  we 

[Vol.  I.]  10 


74 


DE  LA   BARRC'S   EXPEDITION  TO  HVNOKY   BAY. 


lent  with  some  Belts  of  Wampum  to  the  Mohawks,  and  two  to  the  Oneldas,  to  say  to  them  that  we 
were  resolved  to  observe  the  peace  made  with  them— that  we  were  very  willing  to  live  there  ns  with 
Mends,  and  that  we  requested  them  not  to  int«rfere  in  the  war  wiiicli  we  were  nlmut  to  wage  against 
the  Senecas,  who  had  cruelty  insulted  us  in  the  person  of  the  frenchmen  whom  they  had  plundered 
and  seized,  and  fort  St.  Louis  which  they  had  attacked,  since,  and  in  violation  of  the  peace  made  last 
year  at  Montreal ;  we  sent  the  three  others  to  Onontagud  to  explain  the  same  tilings,  and  finally  I 
despatched  Sieurs  Guillet  and  Hebert  to  the  Outaouacs  to  advise  Sieurs  Ladurantaye  and  Dullmt  of 
my  design  and  of  the  need  I  had  of  their  assistance,  and  sent  my  orders  to  the  Rev.  Father  Ei^jalran, 
Superior  of  said  Missions,  to  operate  there  and  send  orders  to  different  quarters  according  to  his 
usual  xeal  and  capacity,  whilst  I  despatched  Sieur  Bourbon  to  Orange  or  Manatte  to  notify  Colonel 
Dongan  of  the  insult  the  French  had  received  i^om  the  Senecas,  which  obliged  mo  to  march  against 
them,  of  which  I  gave  him  notice,  assuring  him  that  if  he  wished  to  revenge  the  twenty-six  English- 
men of  Merilande,  whom  they  had  killed  last  winter,  I  would  promise  him  that  I  would  unite  my 
forces  to  his,  that  he  may  obtain  satisfaction  for  it,  or  avenge  them. 

I  next  despatched  Sieur  Dutast,  first  captain  of  the  King's  troops,  on  the  twentieth  of  the  same 
month  with  five  or  six  picked  soldiers  and  six  mechanics,  carpenters  and  masons,  with  provisions 
and  ammunition  of  war  to  throw  themselves  into  Fort  Frontenac  and  put  it,  in  all  haste,  beyond 
insult;  after  which,  having  caused  all  to  embark  at  la  Chine,  I  proceeded  from  Montreal,  on  St. 
John's  day,  to  return  to  Quebec  were  I  bad  requested  the  Intendant  to  make  out  the  detachments  of 
Militia  which  should  follow  me  to  the  war,  without  inconvenience  to  the  Country ;  I  arrived  there 
on  the  twenty-sixth,  having  used  great  diligence  on  the  route,  and  found  the  people  ordered  and 
some  canoes  purchased ;  but  as  tliey  were  not  sufficient  for  the  embarcatiou  of  all,  we  caused  fifteen 
flat  (bottomed)  pine  batteaux,  suitable  for  the  conveyance,  each,  of  fourteen  or  fifteen  men,  to  be 
constructed  in  a  hurry. 

I  divided  all  my  small  force  into  three  divisions,  I  placed  myself  at  the  head  of  the  first  wliich  I 
oommanded  to  lead  the  van.  I  left  the  management  of  the  second  to  Mr.  D'Orvilliers,  antient  Captain 
of  In&ntry ;  the  third  being  composed  of  troops  from  the  Island  of  Montreal  and  the  environs,  was 
commanded  by  Sieur  Dugu6,  antient  Captain  of  Carignan.  Sieur  D'Orvilliers  had  been,  since  the 
fore  part  of  spring,  reconnoitering  Lake  Ontario  and  the  Seneca  Country,  to  see  where  the  descent 
should  be  made  and  in  what  direction  we  should  march  to  their  two  principal  villages,  of  wliich  he 
had  made  a  faithful  and  exact/plan.  I  selected  as  Mtyor  of  the  Brigade  which  I  commanded,  Sieur 
de  Villebon-Beccancour,  formerly  Captain  of  the  King's  Dragoons,  so  that  acting  in  my  place,  as  I 
was  obliged  to  have  an  eye  to  all,  I  could  confide  in  him ;  he  succeeded  with  all  possible  diligence 
and  experience. 

I  left  Quebec  the  ninth  of  July,  at  the  head  of  Three  hundred  militiamen,  accompanied  by  tlie  said 
Sieur  de  Villebon,  and  arrived  at  Montreal  the  16th,  where  I  was  Joined  by  Sieur  D'Orvilliers  on  the 
twenty-first,  who  brought  me,  in  addition  to  two  himdred  and  fifty  militia,  batteaux  to  embark  tiie 
King's  troops.  Thus  after  having  issued  every  possible  order  for  the  conveyance  of  pi-ovisions,  in 
which  I  had  much  difficulty  in  consequence  of  the  scarcity  of  canoes  and  of  experienced  persons  to 
conduct  them  In  the  portages  of  the  Rapids,  I  detached  Sieur  de  Villebon  to  take  the  lead  with  my 
brigade,  and  the  two  companies  of  King's  troops,  and  ordered  them  to  pass  the  first  and  second 
portages,  where  I  should  join  them,  so  that  on  the  thirtieth  I  passed  their  encampment  beyond  the 
said  second  portage,  and  we  marched  next  day,  both  brigades  together,  Sieur  D'Orvilliers  bringing 
up  the  rear  with  the  third  one  day  behind  us,  so  that  being,  on  the  l'^  of  August  in  Lake  St.  Francis 
with  about  two  hundred  canoes  and  our  fifteen  batteaux,  I  was  Joined  there  by  the  Rev.  Father 
Lamberville,  Junior,  coming  on  behalf  of  his  Brother  from  Onontague,  and  by  the  Rev.  Father  Millet, 
ttom  the  Oneldas. 


in 


OC   LA   BAKRE's   EXTEDITION  TO  HVMQKY   BAY. 


76 


By  the  annexed  letters  from  Onontagu6,  you  will  learn  that  theM  people  having  been  Joined  by  the 
Oneidas  and  Cayugas,  had  obliged  the  Senecas  to  make  them  MeiUators  as  to  the  reparation  suitable 
to  be  made  to  me  tor  the  insult  which  had  unfortunately  been  committed  against  the  French  in  the 
monti)  of  March  ;  and  prayed  me  to  send  Mr.  le  Molne  to  them,  with  whom  they  could  terminate 
this  afiiilr.  This  obliged  me  immediately  to  despatch  a  canoe  to  Fort  Frontenao  In  all  haste,  to  send 
me  from  there  the  new  bark  which  I  had  built  in  the  winter,  in  order  to  freight  her  with  the  provi- 
sions I  brought,  and  to  send  the  canoes  in  which  they  were  loaded  to  fetch  others  from  la  Chine. 

We  arrived  on  the  second,  at  the  Portage  of  the  Long  Sault,  which  I  found  very  difficult,  notwith- 
standing the  care  I  taken  to  send  flily  men  ahead  thither,  to  cut  the  trees  on  the  bank  of  the  river 
and  prevented  those  passing  who  were  to  drag  the  canoes  and  batteaux ;  because  the  stream  being 
voluminous  and  the  bank  precipitous  the  people  were  in  the  water  the  moment  they  abandoned  the 
dhore,and  were  not  strong  enough  to  draw  said  batteaux';  this  necessitated  my  sojourn  at  that  place, 
where  having  been  Joined  by  the  Christian  Iroquois  of  the  Sault  and  of  Montreal,  they  undertook, 
ibr  a  few  presents  of  Brandy  and  Tobacco,  to  pass  the  said  batteaux  and  the  largest  canoes,  which 
they  fortunately  accomplished  in  two  days  without  any  accident. 

On  the  morning  of  the  fifth  I  found  the  new  bark  arrived  at  La  Oalette  where  I  had  all  the  provi- 
sions discharged  from  the  canoes  belbre  eight  o'clock  in  the  morning,  and  these  despatched  at  the  same 
time  on  their  return  to  la  Chine  to  reload  there.  Tiie  strong  winds  from  the  South  West,  which 
constantly  prevailed  all  this  time,  and  which  obstinately  continued  during  the  remainder  of  the  month, 
were  the  cause  of  the  great  diligence  that  the  bark  had  made,  and  likewise  delayed  our  march  so 
much,  that  I  could  not  arrive,  at  the  fort,  with  my  canoes  alone  until  the  ninth.  I  was  Joined  there 
by  Father  de  Lamberville  whom  I  despatched  next  day  to  his  brother  at  Onnontague  whom  I 
instructed  to  assure  those  of  that  Nation  that  I  had  so  much  respect  for  their  request  and  for  those 
of  the  other  two,  that  I  should  prefer  their  mediation  to  war,  provided  they  made  me  a  reasonable 
satisfaction. 

Three  things  obliged  me  to  adopt  this  resolution :  the  first,  because  it  appeared  by  letters  I  had 
received  from  Colonel  Dongan,  in  answer  to  the  message  by  the  man  named  Bourbon,  that  he  was 
very  far  from  the  good  understanding  of  which  His  M^esty  had  assured  me ;  but  much  disposed  to 
interfere  as  our  enemy  in  this  matter.  The  second,  because  I  had  few  provisions,  and  I  did  not  see 
that  any  effort  was  made  to  forward  flour  to  me,  with  any  diligence,  from  Montreal ;  and  the  third, 
because  the  wind  prevailed  so  strong  from  the  South  east,  that  my  bark  did  not  return  from  La 
Oalette,  and  I  could  not  despatch  another  to  Lake  Ontai-io,  to  notify  the  army  of  the  South,  which 
was  to  arrive  forthwith  at  Niagara,  of  my  ai-rival  at  Fort  Frontenac  with  that  of  the  North. 

I  afterwards  reviewed  all  our  troops,  as  annexed,  and  Sieur  le  Moine  having  overtaken  me  on  the 
same  day  with  the  remainder  of  the  Christian  Iroquois  who  had  not  previously  arrived,  t  despatched 
him  on  the  sixteenth  to  Onnontague  and  placed  in  his  hands,  Tegancourt,  the  ambassador  from  the 
Senecas,  whom  I  had  arrested  at  Quebec.  Seeing  the  wind  always  contrary  I  sent  on  the  preceding 
day,  eight  of  the  largest  canoes  that  I  had  to  the  bark  at  La  Galette  to  bring  me  ten  thousand  weight 
of  flour,  bread  beginning  to  fail  which  caused  me  a  good  deal  of  uneasiness  and  created  considerable 
murmurs  amorg  the  troops  and  the  militia.  Finally  on  the  21«*  my  canoes  arrived  with  what  I  sent 
them  for.  I  set  to  work  immediately  with  all  possible  diligence  to  have  bread  and  biscuit  baked,  and 
sent  off  forthwith,  the  King's  troops,  D'Orvilliers'  and  Dugu6's  two  brigades,  and  two  hundred 
Cliristian  savages  to  encamp  at  La  Famine  [Hungry  bay],  a  post  favorable  for  fishing  and  hunting 
and  four  leagues  from  Onontague,  so  as  to  be  nearer  the  enemy  and  to  be  able  to  refresh  our  troops 
by  fishing  and  the  chase,  whilst  we  were  short  of  provisions,  intending  to  join  them,  myself,  with 
about  three  hundred  Frenchmen  whom  I  had  remaining. 


IP  ,  DC  LA   BAftllK's    CXnOlTION  TO   HVMUKY   BAY. 

On  the  35t*>  the  ouoei  which  I  had  detached  iVom  La  Galette  to  Montreal,  arrived,  but  In  fur  less 
number  than  I  had  loolted  for,  and  brought  me  but  eight  or  nine  tliousand  weight  of  flour,  instead  of 
twenty  thousand  wliTch  I  expected,  liaving  ieft  them  ready  for  loatllng  when  I  departed.  I  caused 
bread  and  biscuit  to  be  immediately  made  of  it  for  the  support  of  our  troops  who  were  at  tlie 
place  called  La  Famine. 

On  the  27«»  at  four  o'clock  in  the  afternoon,  a  canoe  of  M.  Lemoine's  men  arrived  I'l-om  Onnon- 
tagu^  witli  Tegancourt  who  reported  to  me,  that  the  Onnontaguds  hatl  received  orders  fVmu  Col. 
Dongan  which  he  sent  by  the  person  named  Amaud,  forbidding  them  to  enter  into  any  treaty  with 
me  without  his  express  permission,  considering  them  the  Duke  of  York's  subjects,  and  that  he  had 
caused  the  Arras  of  the  said  Duke  to  be  planted  tluree  days  before,  in  their  village ;  that  the  Council 
had  been  convened  at  the  said  place  of  Onontague  and  Sleur  Lemoine  invited  to  repair  thither,  in 
which  the  matter  having  been  debated,  these  savages  got  into  a  i\iriou8  rage,  with  some  danger  to  the 
English  delegate,  saying  they  were  free,  and  that  God,  who  had  created  the  Eartii,  had  granted  them 
theirs  without  subjecting  them  to  any  person,  and  they  requested  the  elder  Father  LambervlUe  to 
write  to  Colonel  Dongan  the  annexed  letter,  and  the  said  Sleur  Lemoine  havbig  well  sustained  the 
French  interests,  they  unanimously  resolved  to  start  in  two  days,  to  conclude  with  me  at  La  Famine. 
On  the  receipt  of  this  news  I  immediately  called  out  my  canoes  in  order  to  depart  and  was  accom- 
panied by  a  dozen  of  others,  having  caused  six  of  the  largest  to  be  loaded  with  bread  and  biscuit  fur 
the  army. 

After  having  been  beaten  by  bad  weather  and  high  wind,  we  arrived  in  two  days  at  La  Famine. 
I  found  there  tertian  and  double  tertian  fever  which  broke  out  among  our  people  so  that  more  than 
one  hundred  and  fifty  men  were  attacked  by  it ;  I  had  also  left  some  of  them  at  the  fort,  which  caused 
me  to  despatch,  on  arriving,  a  Christian  savage  to  Onontague  to  M.  Lemoine,  to  request  him  to  cause 
the  instant  departure  of  those  who  were  to  come  to  meet  me,  which  he  did  with  so  much  diligence, 
though  he  and  his  children  were  sick,  that  he  arrived  as  early  as  the  third  of  September  with  four- 
teen Deputies ;  nine  from  Onontague,  three  iVom  Oneida  and  two  Cayugas,  who  paid  me  their  respects 
and  whom  I  entertained  the  best  manner  I  was  able,  postponing  until  the  morrow  morning  the  talk 
about  business,  at  which  matters  were  i\iUy  discussed  and  peace  concluded  after  six  hours  delibera- 
tion, three  in  the  morning  and  as  many  after  dinner,  Father  Brlas  speaking  for  us  and  Hotrehonatl 
and  Garagonkler  for  the  Iroquois ;  Tegancout,  a  Seneca  present,  the  other  Senecas  not  daring  to  come 
in  order  not  to  displease  Col.  Dongan,  who  sent  to  promise  them  a  reinforcement  of  four  hundred 
horse  and  four  hundred  foot,  if  we  attacked  them.  The  treaty  was  concluded  in  th^  evening  on  the 
conditions  annexed,  and  I  promiseil  to  decamp  the  next  day  and  withdraw  my  troops  from  their 
vicinity ;  which  I  was.  Indeed,  obliged  to  do  by  the  number  of  sick  which  had  augmented  to  such  a 
degree  that'  it  was  with  difficulty  I  found  enough  of  persons  in  health  to  remove  the  sick  to  the 
canoes,  besides  the  scarcity  of  provisions  having  no  more  than  the  trifle  of  bread  which  I  brought 
them. 

I  allowed  the  Onontagues  to  light  the  Council  fire  at  this  post  without  extinguishing  that  at 
Montreal,  in  order  to  be  entitled  to  take  possession  of  it  by  their  consent  when  the  King  should 
desire  it  and  thereby  exclude  the  English  and  Col.  Dongan  irom  their  pretensions. 

On  leaving  the  Fort  I  had  ordered  one  of  the  barks  to  go  to  Niagara  to  notify  the  army  of  the 
South  to  return  by  Lake  Erie  towards  Mlssilimakinack.  She  had  a  favorable  passage ;  found  it 
arrived  only  six  hours  previously  to  the  number  of  seven  hundred  men,  viz :  one  himdred  and  fifty 
French  and  the  remainder  Indians. 

I  departed  on  the  sixth,  having  had  all  the  sick  of  my  troops  embarked  before  day  (so  as  not  to  be 
seen  by  the  Indians)  to  the  number  of  one  hundred  and  fifty  canoes  and  twelve  flat  batteaux  and 
arrived  in  the  evening  of  the  same  day  at  Fort  Frontenac,  where  I  foiind  one  hundred  and  ten  men 


UK  LA  BAMIE's   EXrUmOM  TO  HUMOftY  BAY. 


77 


of  the  number  I  had  left  there,  alreadjr  departed,  all  ilok,  for  Montraal,  and  having  given  the 
necessary  ordvrs  as  to  the  number  of  soldiers  to  be  left  tliere  for  the  security  of  that  post,  until  the 
arrival  from  Frano^  of  Siour  de  la  Forest,  Mf^or  thereof,  I  started,  about  nine  or  ten  o'clock  in  the 
morning,  on  my  return.  Shortly  after  my  departure,  tiie  bark  arrived  from  Niagara  with  some 
French  othoers  of  the  army  wlio  brought  me  news  (torn  it  at  night,  and  assured  me  that  the  Chiefk 
of  all  the  savages  had  accompanied  them  to  the  Fort,  desirous  to  see  me,  and  that  they  would  visii 
me  at  Montreal,  when^  I  should  await  them.  The  Kev.  Father  do  LaraberviUe  Sen'  came,  likewise, 
with  tliese  Ueutlemen  on  account  of  some  difficulties  which  he  was  very  glad  to  arrange  for  Onon- 
tague  whither  he  returned.  Wo  worked  some  hours  together ;  I  then  sent  him  back  to  the  fort 
with  some  of  the  arrived  French  ;  the  others  being  desirous  to  leave  and  come  down  again  into  the 
country. 

After  liaving  waited  some  time  for  Mess'*  du  T'ast  and  do  Cahonet,  to  whom  I  gave  one  of  my 
canoes  and  two  of  my  attendants  well  acquainted  with  the  navigation,  to  pilot  their  batteaux  and 
troops  in  safety  througli  tlie  rapids,  I  resumed  my  Journey  down  the  river.  I  likewise  took  on  board 
one  of  my  canoes  the  Sleur  Le  Moine  whose  fever  liad  seriously  augmented,  and  wlio  hod  served  the 
King  In  tills  atTair  with  so  much  zeal  and  ailiection,  aided  by  the  intimate  knowledge  lie  had  of  the 
Iroquois  language,  that  it  may  be  said  the  entire  Colony  owe  him  a  debt  of  eternal  gratitude. 

Finally,  in  my  return  of  three  days  I  accomplished  what  cost  us  thirteen  in  ascending,  and  found 
in  the  stores  at  Montreal  and  la  Chine,  forty -five  thousand  wei^'h  of  flour,  whicii,  had  we  received 
it,  would  liave  enabled  us  to  have  made  a  longer  sojourn  in  the  upper  country. 

Done  at  Quebec  the  1"  day  of  October  1684. 

Lg  Feburg  de  la  bare. 


PRESENTS  MADE  BY  THE  ONNONTAGUES  TO  ONONTIO,  AT  LA  FAMINE,  THE  6th  7ber  1684.» 

[  From  th«  lamt.  ] 

Tlie  Onnontagufis,  whose  mediation  between  the  Frciich  and  the  Senecas  the  General  accepted, 
having  repaired  to  a  place  colled  La  Famine  about  25  leagues  from  their  country,  Sleur  Hateouati, 
who  is  the  Orator  of  that  Nation,  spoke  by  fifteen  presents,  not  only  on  behalf  of  the  Senecas,  but 
also  for  the  other  Iroquois  Nations. 

1"  Word  of  the  Iroquois.  After  having  taken  God  to  witness  the  sincerity  of  his  heart,  and  having 
assured  Onontio  of  the  truth  of  his  words,  he  spoke  in  this  wise : 

I  give  you  a  Beverage  devoid  of  bitterness,  to  purify  whatever  inconvenience  you  may  have  expe- 
rienced during  tlie  voyage,  and  to  dispel  whatever  bad  air  you  may  have  breathed  between  Montreol 
and  this  place. 

Answer  of  Onontio  to  the  words  of  Hoteouate  : — As  I  have  placed  in  your  hands  the  mediation  with 
the  Senecas,  I  wish,  truly  to  do  what  you  ask  me.  I,  therefore,  lay  down  my  Hatchet  and  refer  to 
you  to  obtain  a  reasonable  satisikction. 

2«'  Word.  I  remove  the  hatchet  with  which  you  threaten  to  strike  the  Senecas.  Remember  he 
is  your  child,  and  that  you  are  his  father. 

3<i  Word.  Mr.  Leraoine,  your  ordinary  envoy,  having  come  last  year,  and  speaking  to  us  in  your 
name,  cut  a  deep  ditch  into  which  he  told  us  you  and  we  should  cast  all  the  unkind  things  that 

•  Endomd  by  the  Minister,  «  Tlieie  letters  mutt  be  kept  leeret." 


78 


DC  JJL.  BAUUC*S  EXPtDITIOlf  tO  HUNGRY   BAY. 


I 


iHi 


might  occur ;  I  have  not  forgotten  this  word,  and  in  obedience  to  it,  I  request  you  to  throw  into  that 
ditch  the  Seneoa  robbeiy,  and  that  it  may  disturb  neither  our  country  nor  yours. 

Answer.  Tliat  ditch  is  well  cut,  but  as  your  young  men  have  no  sense,  and  as  they  may  malce  this 
a  pretext  for  committing  acts  of  hostility  anew,  after  having  cast  the  Seneca  robbery  into  that  ditch, 
as  you  desire ;  arrest,  then,  your  young  men,  as  I  shall  restrain  mine.    I  cover  it  up  forever. 

4U>  Word.  I  set  up  again  the  tree  of  peace,  which  we  planted  at  Montreal,  in  the  conference  we 
had  the  honor  to  have  with  you  last  summer. 

.Answer.  It  is  not  I  who  think  of  throwing  it  down :  it  is  your  nephews  who  have  seriously  shaken 
it.    I  strengthen  it. 

5tt>  Word.    I  exhort  you.  Father,  to  sustain  it  strongly,  in  order  that  nothing  may  shake  it. 

e"*  Word.  I  again  tie  up  {je  rattache)  the  Sun  which  was  altogether  obscured :  I  dispel  all  the 
clouds  and  mists  that  concealed  it  from  our  view. 

7ti>  Word.  The  robbery  committed  by  the  Senecas  on  your  nephews,  is  not  a  sufficient  motive  to 
make  war  against  them.  Where  has  blood  been  shed  1  I  promise  you  that  satisfaction  shall  be 
afforded  you  for  the  loss  the  French  have  experienced  by  the  pillage  of  their  merchandize. 

Answer  of  Onontio.  It  is  good  that  you  promise  me  satisfaction :  deceive  me  not.  The  first  thing 
that  I  expect  of  you  is,  that  you  restore  me  the  two  prisoners  of  Etionnontat^  who  are  with  the 
Seneca,  and  a  third  who  remains  at  Cayuga. 

gth  Word.  Onontio,  my  father,  I  feel  uneasy  and  cannot  pluck  up  courage,  whatever  kindnesses 
you  have  the  goodness  to  show  me.  What  disquiets  me,  is  to  behold  Soldiers,  hear  drums,  etc.  I 
pray  you  return  to  Quebec,  so  that  your  children  may  sleep  in  peace. 

Answer.  I  depart  to-morrow  and  quit  this  country,  to  show  you  what  deference  I  pay  to  your 
demands. 

9*  Word.  The  fires  of  peace  and  the  halls  of  our  Coimcils  were  at  Frontenac  or  at  Montreal. 
The  former  is  a  poor  country  where  the  Grasshoppers  prevent  me  sleeping,  and  the  second  is  far 
away  for  our  old  men.  I  kindle  the  fires  of  peace  on  this  spot,  which  is  the  most  agreable  t.nat  we 
can  select,  where  there  is  good  fishing,  himting,  &c. 

Jlnswer.  I  accept  the  selection  you  have  made  of  this  place  for  our  conferences,  without,  however, 
extinguishing  the  fire  which  I  keep  burning  at  Montreal. 

10*  Word.  Our  warriors  have,  as  well  as  our  other  chiefs,  accepted  the  peace.  I  bear  their  words 
by  this  belt. 

Answer.  You  need  not  doubt  the  obedience  of  my  soldiers ;  endeavour  to  make  yourselves  obeyed 
by  your  own.  To  prove  to  you  that  I  maintain  uphold  the  tree  of  peace,  I  sent  to  Niagara  to  cause 
the  army  to  return  which  was  coming  from  that  direction. 

11  "•  Word.  You  told  us,  last  summer,  to  strike  the  enemy  no  more.  We  heard  your  voice.  We 
shall  not  go  to  war  again  in  that  quarter. 

.Answer.  Remember  that  the  Maskoutenek  is  brother  to  the  Oumeami.  Therefore  strike  neither 
the  one  nor  the  other. 

12»>  Word.  He  lias  killed  some,  this  spring,  in  divers  rencounters,  but  as  you  bound  my  arms  I 
allowed  myself  to  be  beaten,  without  defending  myself. 

Answer.  That's  good ;  you  need  not  pursue  the  Oumeami  who  struck  you ;  I  shall  send  him  word 
not  to  commit  any  more  acts  of  hostility. 

13»>  Word.    Regarding  the  Illinois,  I  am  at  war  with  him ;  we  shall,  both  of  us,  die  fighting. 

Answer.  Take  heed,  in  firing  at  the  Illinois,  not  to  strike  the  French  whom  you  meet  on  your 
path  and  in  the  neighbourhood  of  Fort  St.  Louis. 

14'*>  Word,    Restore  to  us  the  Missionaries  whom  you  have  withdrawn  from  our  villages. 

Answer.  They  shall  not  be  taken  from  you  who  are  our  mediators ;  and  when  the  Senecas  shall 
have  commenced  to  give  me  satisfaction,they  shall  be  restored  to  them  as  well  as  to  the  other  nations. 


0£  LA  BABBE's   expedition  TO  HOIfOBT  BAT. 


79 


15ti>  and  last  Word.  Prevent  the  Christians  of  the  SatUt  and  of  the  Mountain  coming  any  more 
among  us,  to  seduce  our  people  to  Montreal ;  let  them  cease  to  dismember  our  country  as  they  do 
every  year. 

Answer.  It  is  not  my  children  of  the  Sault  nor  of  the  Mountain  who  dismember  your  country ; 
it  is  yourselves  who  dismember  it  by  your  drunkenness  and  superstitions.  Besides,  there  is  full 
liberty  to  come  and  reside  among  us ;  no  person  is  retained  by  force. 

The  General  added  two  presents  to  the  altove. 

By  the  first  he  said :  You  see  the  consideration  which  I  have  for  the  request  you  have  made  me. 
I  as]£  you  in  return,  if  the  Seneca,  Cayuga  or  any  other  commit  a  similar  insult  against  me,  that  you 
first  give  him  some  sense,  and  if  he  will  not  hear  you,  that  you  abandon  him  as  one  disaffected. 

By  the  last  belt,  he  exhorted  them  to  listen  not  to  evil  sayings,  and  told  them  to  conduct  Tegan- 
nehout  back  to  Seneca  and  to  inform  these  of  the  above  conclusions. 


M.  DE  MEULLES  TO  THE  MINISTER. 

[From  tha  Mine.] 

My  Lord — I  thought  you  would  be  impatient  to  learn  the  success  and  result  of  the  war  the  General 
had  undertaken  against  the  Iroquois  which  rendered  it  necessary  for  him  to  call  a  part  of  the  people 
of  this  coxmtry  together  and  make  all  necessary  preparation,  at  his  Majesty's  expense,  for  this  expe- 
dition. The  troops  have  been  as  far  as  a  place  called  La  Famine,  thirty  leagues  beyond  Fort  Fron- 
tenac.  The  army  consisted  of  nine  hundred  French  and  three  hundred  Savages,  and  from  the 
Niagara  side  there  was  another  army  of  six  hundred  men,  one  third  of  whom  were  French  and  the 
remainder  Ottawas  and  Hurons,  amounting  in  all  to  eighteen  hundred  men. 

What  Indians  there  were  evinced  the  best  disposition  to  fight  the  Iroquois  to  the  death.  Sieur  de 
la  Durantaye  who  brought  the  last  six  hundred  men  from  Missilimakinak,  has  informed  us  that  he 
learned  from  a  Miami  Chief  that  more  than  a  thousand  Illinois  were  coming  to  our  aid  on  learning 
that  we  were  about  to  fight  the  Iroquois,  to  such  a  degree  are  they  their  irreconcileable  enemies. 
Certainly,  never  was  there  remarked  a  better  disposition  to  fight  and  conquer  them  and  purge  the 
country  of  that  nation  which  will  be  eternally  our  enemy.  All  the  French  breathed  nothing  but 
war,  and  though  they  saw  themselves  obliged  to  abandon  their  femilies,  they  consoled  themselves 
with  the  hope  of  liberating  tliem  by  one  victory  fk>m  a  nation  so  odious  as  the  Iroquois,  at  whose 
hands  they  constantly  dreaded  ambushes  and  destruction.  But  the  General  did  not  think  proper  to 
push  matters  any  farther,  and  without  any  necessity  sent  Sieur  Le  Moyne  to  the  said  Iroquois  to  treat 
of  peace  at  a  time  when  every  one  was  in  good  health,  and  when  all  necessary  provision  was  made 
of  foo<l,  &c.  to  dare  every  enterprize ;  and  finally  after  various  comings  and  goings  on  one  side  and 
the  other,  tlie  General  concluded  peace  such  as  you  will  see  by  the  articles  which  I  take  the  liberty 
to  send  you  as  written  by  the  hand  of  his  Secretary. 

Tliis  peace,  my  Lord,  has  astonished  all  the  officers  who  had  the  command  in  that  army  and  all 
those  who  composed  it,  who  have  testified  so  deep  a  displeasure  and  so  sovereign  a  contempt  for  the 
General's  person  that  they  could  not  prevent  themselves  evincmg  it  to  him.  I  assure  you,  my 
Lord,  that  had  I  strayed  ever  so  little  from  my  duty  and  not  exhibited  exteriorly,  since  his  return, 
the  respect  I  owe  his  character,  the  whole  world  would  have  risen  against  him  and  would  have  been 
guilty  of  some  excess. 


80 


OE  LA  BARRE's  expedition  TO  HUNGRY   BAY. 


il 


The  said  (General  excuses  himself  because  of  the  siclc  and  even  says  that  the  troops  lacked  food ; 
to  which  I  feel  obliged  to  answer,  being  certain  that  he  seeks  every  pretext  and  has  recourse  to  every 
expedient  to  exculpate  himself  and  perhaps  to  put  the  blame  on  me. 

'Tis  certain  that  there  was  a  great  number  of  sick  among  the  Militia  which  he  took  with  him  to 
Fort  Frontenac,  who  were  in  perfect  good  health  on  arriving  there,  but  having  encamped  them  for  a 
fortnight  in  prairies  between  the  woods  and  a  pond,  it  is  not  surprising  that  some  fell  sick.  Again 
he  made  them  camp  at  La  Famine  in  places  that  were  never  inhabited,  entirely  surrounded  by 
swamps,  which  contributed  still  considerably  to  the  sickness  in  his  army ;  and  had  he  remained  there 
longer  he  would  not  have  saved  a  man.  Tliis  has  caused  every  one  to  say  that  he  did  not  care, 
that  he  had  not  the  least  desire  to  make  war ;  that  he  made  no  use  of  his  long  sojourns  except 
employing  tliem  in  his  negociations.  Had  he  seriously  wished  to  make  war  on  the  said  Iroquois  he 
would  not  have  remained  ten  to  twelve  days  at  Montreal,  fourteen  or  fifteen  at  Fort  Frontenac  and 
as  many  at  La  Famine,  but  would  have  remained  merely  a  day  or  two,  and  would  have  used  the 
greatest  despatch  to  fight  the  Iroquois,  and  not  uselessly  consumed  all  his  provisions ;  he  would  have, 
indubitably  surprised  the  said  Iroquois  who  did  not  expect  this  war,  especially  as  the  greater  number 
of  their  young  men  had  been  at  war  in  the  beginning  of  the  spring. 

He  says  he  lacked  provisions ;  though  that  were  true,  h^  would  be  the  cause  and  could  not  but 
accuse  himself  of  imprudence,  having  supplied  him,  generally,  with  whatever  he  required  of  me,  of 
which  the  whole  country  is  a  witness,  and  with  a  little  precaution  or  rather  good  faith  he  would  have 
had  every  thing  in  abimdance.  He  had  determ^-e:  not  to  leave  until  the  W^  of  August;  he 
departed  on  the  15"*  of  July.  That  did  not  prevent  .ae  furnishing  all  that  he  required  of  me,  such 
as  batteaux,  canoes,  arms,  ammunition,  and  all  the  provisions  he  desired.  This  is  so  true  that  there 
yet  remained  at  the  end  of  the  island  of  Montreal,  at  a  place  called  La  Chine  thirty-five  thousand 
weight  of  flour  and  five  of  biscuit  which  he  found  on  his  return,  and  which  he  had  requested  me 
to'  retain  for  him  at  Montreal.  Had  he  not  halted,  and  had  he  been  disposed  to  push  into  the 
Iroquois  Country,  the  first  convoy  of  provisions  which  accompanied  him  had  sufficed,  the  greater 
number  of  the  militia,  unwilling  to  wait  for  the  King's  supplies  having  laid  in  their  own  private 
stock,  the  greater  part  of  which  they  brought  back  with  them,  which  all  the  Captains  in  command 
will  certify.  This  convoy  consisted  of  eighteen  canoes  full  of  biscuit,  pork,  brandy  and  apparently 
other  things  which  I  do  not  precisely  know  having  been  loaded  at  Montreal  whilst  I  was  at  Quebec 
where  I  issued  orders  for  the  provisions  that  the  General  had  demanded  of  me  and  for  attending  to 
the  harvest  of  those  who  had  gone  to  the  war. 

If  it  had  been  the  General's  design  to  make  war,  he  should  not  have  caused  the  cargoes  of  the 
eighteen  canoes  I  have  mentioned  to  be  put  into  barks  thirty  leagues  from  Montreal  above  the 
Rapids,  instead  of  letting  the  voyage  be  continued  by  the  canoemen  who  were  paid  to  go  to  Fort 
Frontenac  and  who  had  already  accomplished  the  roughest  half  of  the  road,  and  who,  without  a 
doubt,  would  have  arrived  iii  three  days  at  the  Fort,  which  was  represented  to  him  by  all  the  officers 
who  stated  to  him  that  the  barks  required  wind  which  being  contrary  would  keep  them  more  than 
three  weeks  from  arriving.  This  turned  out  to  be  true.  Notwithstanding  all  these  reasons  he 
absolutely  insisted  that  all  the  said  provisions  should  be  put  in  the  barks.  Some  have  assured  me 
that  the  canoes  of  said  convoy  were  partly  laden  with  merchandize,  and  not  being  very  desirous  to 
let  the  circumstance  be  known,  lie  had  caused  the  said  barks  to  precede  the  canoes  to  put  the  goods 
secretly  into  them  and  keep  the  knowledge  of  it  from  every  body.  By  these  means  he  made  use  of 
these  canoes  to  convey  these  merchandises  to  the  Fort  at  the  King's  expense,  which  he  has  always 
practised  for  two  years,  ever  pretending  certain  necessity  to  transport  munitions  of  war,  and  to  make 
use,  by  this  means,  of  the  conveyances  for  which  the  King  is  made  to  pay,  under  pretext  to  keep  the 
Fort  in  good  order.    It  is  impossible  to  conceive  the  quantity  of  Brandy  that  he  has  caused  to  be 


DE  LA  BAKRe's  EXPEDITION  TO  HUMORY  BAY. 


81 


conveyed  thither  during  eighteen  months,  of  wiiich  I  have  had  most  positive  information,  and  of 
which  I  had  the  honor  to  advise  you  in  my  last.  Others  supposed  that  he  had  the  said  provisions 
put  on  board  those  barlcs  in  order  to  obtain  time  and  by  tliis  address,  to  negotiate  a  peace  with  the 
Iroquois,  as  he  had  sent  Sieur  Le  Moyne  to  them  who  is  a  very  brave  man  and  who  despuired  of  all 
these  negotiations,  stating  openly  that  they  ought  to  be  whipt.  All  the  delays  at  Montreal,  the  Fort, 
and  at  La  Famine  caused  the  useless  consumption  of  a  portion  of  the  supplies  which,  however,  did 
not  fail;  other  convoys  having  been  received  from  time  to  time,  but  these  were  always  wasted 
without  any  thing  having  been  done. 

After  the  said  General  had  determined  in  his  own  mind  on  this  war,  he  sent  the  man  named  Bour- 
bon, an  inhabitant  of  this  country  to  Colonel  Dongan  to  advise  him  that  he  was  obliged  to  wage  war 
against  the  Iroquois,  requesting  him  not  to  afford  them  any  aid ;  which  he  confided  to  me  eight  days 
after  the  departure  of  the  said  Bourbon.  This  obliged  me  to  tell  him  that  I  was  astonished  that  he 
should  have  thus  proceeded ;  that  the  Iroquois  having  Insulted  us  and  intending  to  fight  with  and 
destroy  them,  I  should  not  have  deemed  it  proper  to  inform  neighbours  who  have  an  interest  in  our 
destruction ;  and  that  he  afforded  thereby  an  opportunity  to  Col.  Dongan,  who  is  an  Englishman, 
and  consequently  our  bom  enemy,  to  give  underhand  information  of  our  designs  to  the  Iroquois,  and 
convey  secretly  to  them  all  that  may  be  necessary  for  their  defence  against  us.  I  asked  him  if  he 
did  not  perceive  that  the  English  would  never  desire  our  advantage,  and  that  they  would  contribute 
all  in  their  power  to  destroy  us,  though  at  peace  as  regai-ds  France ;  that  they  would  always  be 
jealous  of  the  Fur  trade  prosecuted  by  us  in  this  Country,  which  would  mako  them  pi-otect  the 
Iroquois  always  against  us. 

Tills  Bourbon  negotiation  gave  Colonel  Dongan  occasion  to  use  some  rhodomontade  as  the  General 
has  informed  me ;  and  this  assuredly  it  was  that  obliged  him,  having  this  information,  to  send  an 
Englishman,  who  is  in  the  habit  of  trading  among  the  said  Indians,  to  plant  the  Duke  of  York's 
arms  among  the  Onnontagu^s,  which  is  an  Iroquois  village,  wishing  by  that  act  to  take  the  first  pos- 
session of  the  Country.  We  have  not  heard  talk  of  any  other  movement  on  the  EngUsh  side,  and 
it  is  even  certain  that  they  will  never  cause  us  any  dread  from  that  quarter  and  that  they  could 
not  prevent  us  to  achieve  that  conquest  this  year,  had  the  General  been  willing  to  fight. 

You  can  hardly  believe,  my  Lord,  that  the  General  has,  alone,  undertaken  the  wur  witliout  having 
consulted  any  person,  neither  officers  of  the  army  nor  gentlemen,  nor  the  people  of  the  country  who 
are  the  most  interested,  nor  any  individual  whosoever  he  might  be,  except  Sieur  de  la  Chesnayne, 
with  whom  he  acts  in  concert  for  the  entire  destruction  and  ruin  of  the  country.  He  has  again  made 
peace  in  this  manner  without  any  communication  with  any  of  the  officers  or  others  of  those  who 
were  near  his  person.  What  seems  a  wonder  in  the  country  is  that  one  individual,  subject  of  his 
Majesty  Uke  others,  should,  of  his  own  will,  make  war  and  peace  without  having  consulted  or  de- 
manded the  opinion  of  any  person.  His^ Majesty  never  acted  thus.  He  has  his  Council  of  War, 
and  when  he  is  about  to  wage  it,  he  demands  advice  of  those  of  his  council,  in  communicating  to 
them  the  reasons  which  he  may  have  to  do  so,  and  even  causes  the  publication  of  manifests  through- 
out the  Kingdom,  wishing  to  communicate  to  hij  people  the  justice  of  Iiis  undertakings.  But  the 
Creneral  has  treated  of  peace,  like  a  sovereign,  with  the  said  Iroquois,  having  employed  none  of  tliose 
who  were  nigh  him  and  who  were  acquainted  with  the  Iroquois  tongue,  except  as  Interpreters.  He 
dare  not  consult  the  officers,  being  certain  that  they  would  all  have  concluded  on  war ;  and  but  little 
was  necessary  to  make  them  select  a  chief  from  among  themselves  to  attack  the  enemy. 

The  said  General  proceeds  at  the  head  of  a  small  force  to  make  war  against  the  Iroquois,  and  far 
from  doing  that,  he  grants  them  all  they  ask.  His  principal  design  was  to  attack  the  Seuecas,  but 
instead  of  showing  him  any  civility,  they  did  not  even  condescend  to  come  and  meet  him,  and  gave 
an  insolent  answer  to  those  who  proposed  it  to  them.    If  people  had  any  thing  to  say  to  them,  let 

[Vol.  I.]  11 


I 


I 


Hi 


DE  LA  BAURE'S  EXPEDITION  TO  HVMORY  BAY. 


them  take  the  trouble  and  come  and  meet  them.  There  came  altogether  on  this  embassy  only  a  cer- 
tain sycophant  who  seeks  merely  a  good  dinner,  and  a  real  buffoon  called  among  the  French  La  Grand 
Gueule  [Big  Throat,]  accompanied  by  eight  or  ten  miserable  fellows  who  fooled  the  General  in  a  most 
shameful  manner,  which  you  will  perceive  by  the  articles  of  peace  I  have  the  honour  to  send  you, 
and  which  I  doubt  not  he  also  will  send  you.  They  wiU  assuredly  excite  your  pity.  You  will  see 
he  abandons  the  Illinois  among  whom  M.  de  la  Salle  is  about  to  establish  himself  and  who  are  the 
cause  of  this  war,  inasmuch  as  the  Iroquois  attacked  them  even  in  Fort  St.  Louis  which  the  said 
Sieur  de  la  Salle  had  erected  among  them,  and  of  which  the  General  took  possession,  having  ousted 
and  driven  away  those  whom  the  said  Sieur  de  la  Salle  had  left  in  command  there,  and  whither  he 
sent  Sieur  de  Bangy  his  lieutenant  of  the  guards,  who  is  still  there. 

"When  he  concluded  tliis  peace  he  already  had  His  Majesty's  letter  eight  days  in  his  possession, 
but  so  far  from  conforming  to  its  intentions,  he  consents  to  the.slaughter  of  the  Illinois  who  are  our 
allies,  and  where  His  Majesty  designed  to  plant  a  new  Colony  or  some  powerful  establishment  under 
M.  de  la  Salle's  direction.  I  consider  it  also  my  duty  to  inform  your  Lordship  that  the  General  quit 
La  Famine  the  moment  the  peace  was  concluded  without  taking  the  least  care  of  the  troops,'aban- 
doning  them  altogether  to  their  own  guidance,  forbidding  them  on  pain  of  death  to  leave  the  place 
until  a  long  time  after  him,  fearing  to  be  surprised  by  the  Iroquois,  and  having  (so  to  say)  lost  his 
wits,  caring  little  what  became  of  the  army.  Certain  it  is  that  he  went  up  to  the  Fort  without 
taking  information  about  any  thing  and  returned  in  the  same  manner. 

The  worst  of  this  affair  is  the  loss  of  the  trade  whicli  I  find  inevitable,  because  the  Outawas  and 
other  Savages  who  came  to  our  aid  will  hereafter  entertain  no  respect  for  us,  and  will  regard  us  as  a 
people  without  courage  and  without  resolution.  I  doubt  not,  my  lord,  but  the  (General  sends  you  a 
letter  wliich  he  received  from  Father  Lamberville,  Jesuit,  who  is  a  missionary  in  an  Iroquois  village 
at  Onnontagu^,  whence  those  ambassadors  came  with  whom  peace  was  negotiated.  The  Father,  who 
had  learned  the  General's  intentions  from  Sieur  Le  Moyne,  has  been  wise  and  sufficiently  discreet, 
anticipating  his  design,  to  write  to  him  in  accordance  with  his  views,  and  to  ingeniously  solicit  that 
which  must  flatter  and  highly  please  him.  But  one  thing,  is  certain  that  all  the  Jesuits  at  Quebec, 
and  particularly  Father  Bechefer  have  openly  stated  in  Quebec  for  six  weeks,  that  the  country  was 
destroyed  if  peace  were  concluded ;  which  is  so  true,  that  having  communicated  to  him  the  two 
letters  I  wrote  to  the  General,  he  highly  approved  of  them  and  advised  me  to  send  them  to  the  fort. 
I  shall  lake  leave  to  send  you  copies  of  them,  requesting  you  very  respectfully,  to  be  persuaded  that 
I  speak  to  you  without  passion,  and  that  I  state  nothing  to  you  but  what  is  most  true  and  reliable, 
and  because  I  feel  obliged  to  let  you  know  the  truth  as  regards  all  things,  without  which  you  will 
never  have  the  least  confidence  in  me. 

I  should  wish,  my  Lord,  to  avoid  explaining  myself  in  this  manner,  fearing  you  might  infer  that 
we  were,  the  General  and  I,  greatly  disunited,  which  is  quite  contrary  to  the  manner  in  whicli  we 
live  together,  since  it  is  certain  that  we  never  had,  personally,  the  least  difference  wishing  in  that  to 
conform  myself  to  your  wishes  and  His  Majesty's  orders,  aware  that  it  is  the  most  assured  means 
that  I  can  take  to  be  agreeable  to  you,  which  is  the  sole  ambition  I  iiave  in  tlie  world,  and  to  prove 
to  you  that  no  person  can  be  with  more  profound  respect  and  greater  devotedness  than  I,  my  Lord, 

Your  very  humble  and  ob:  serv*. 

This,  my  Lord,  is  only  incidentally.    I  defer  informing  you  of  what  has  occurred  in  this  country 
during  this  year,  until  the  departure  of  the  vessels. 
Quebec,  the  10«>  8*>*'  1684. 

Demeulles. 


DE  LA  BARRe'b  EXPEDITION  TO  HUKORY  BAY. 


FATHER  LAMBERVILLE,  MISSIONARY  AT  ONONDAGA,  TO  M.  DE  LA  BARRE. 

'  '      '  [OnoniUca,]  July  lU,  1684. 

Sir, — A  general  Assembly  of  all  the  Iroquois  will  be  held  here  at  which  it  is  intended  to  unite 
against  you,  and  to  inform  the  Senecas  that  you  wished  to  persuade  the  four  Iroquois  Nations  not  to 
aid  them  in  case  of  war.    I  am  surprised  that  M.  Le  Mo)rne  or  some  other  persons  have  not  told  you" 
that  all  the  villages  were  confederated,  and  that  one  could  not  be  attacked  without  becoming  embroiled 
with  the  others. 

Did  affairs  permit,  I  should  have  much  wished  to  tell  you  my  thoughts  on  many  things.  My 
brother  will  inform  you  of  all  when  he  will  have  lie  honor  to  see  you.  The  On  [non]  tagu€s  who 
have  been  spoken  to,  would  like  much  to  settle  matters ;  this  is  the  reason  my  brother  goes  to 
you,  whilst  I  still  keep  them  disposed  to  give  you  satisfaction,  in  order  to  avoid  if  possible  an  infini- 
tude of  evils  which  will  overtake  Canaila,  and  as  I  know  not  whether  you  desire  war  without  liste- 
ning to  proposals  for  peace,  I  wish  to  understand  whether  it  is  not  fitter  that  I  withdraw,  if  possible, 
rather  than  give  occasion  to  the  Iroquois  to  say  that  I  deceived  them,  by  propositions  for  peace.  The 
Onontagufis  and  other  nations  say,  that  it  grieves  them  to  take  up  arms  against  you  who  are  their 
neighbour,  and  who  form  almost  one  country  with  them. 

They  acknowledge  that  the  Senecas  are  proud  and  insolent  on  account  of  their  great  number  of 
warriors,  but  if  you  are  desirous  to  maintain  peace  by  some  satisfaction  which  they  wiU  induce  the 
Senecas  to  make  you,  it  will  be  very  acceptable,  so  as  not  to  be  obliged  to  come  to  extremities 
which  will  be  very  disastrous.  If  war  occurs.  Sir,  all  those  who  have  houses  apart  from  fortified 
places  must  at  once  abandon  their  dwellings,  for  the  grain  and  the  houses  will  be  burned,  and  many 
will  otherwise  be  brought  away  prisoners  to  be  cruelly  tormented  and  insulted.  I  always  think  that 
peace  ought  to  be  most  precious  to  you,  and  that  all  the  advantages  that  can  be  held  out  ought  to 
cause  you  to  shrink  from  war.  A  delay  in  order  to  arrange  everything  more  at  leisure  and  after 
having  received  assistance  from  France,  would  extricate  you  from  much  embarrassment  which  will 
follow  from  all  sides.  Pardon  me  if  I  give  free  expression  to  my  thoughts  ;  you  will  not  at  least 
disapprove  of  the  zeal  with  w'=*»  I  am  with  much  respect  and  submission 

Your  very  humble  and 

Very  Obedient  Servant 
(Signed)  DeLamberville. 


FROM  THE  SAME  TO  THE  SAME. 

II  July  1684. 

Sir, — A  troop  of  Senecas  on  their  way  to  buy  their  supplies  and  munitions  of  powder,  lead  and 
arms  are  two  days  [distance]  from  here.  They  are  expected  in  order  to  talk  fully  of  affairs  and  to 
endeavour  for  the  preservation  peace  to  induce  them  to  give  to  you  satisfaction.  I  believe  if  you 
are  really  desirous  to  come  to  an  arrangement  in  which  an  effort  will  be  made  to  satisfy  you,  and 
wherein  will  be  prescribed  the  boundaries  of  war  and  trade,  you  would  have  leisure  to  provide  with 
less  trouble  and  embarrassment  for  the  security  of  Canada,  either  by  erecting  forts  at  La  Famine  or 
towards  the  Senecas  under  the  pretext  of  establishing  a  blacksmith,  or  at  La  Galette  according  as  you 
think  proper. 


S4 


DE  LA  BARBG's   EXPEDITION    TO  HVNORT   BAY. 


I  do  not  believe  that  you  will  derive  any  advantage  this  year  from  war,  If  you  wage  it ;  for  not 
only  will  almost  the  whole  of  the  Iroquois  prosecute  the  war  in  Canada,  but  you  will  not  find  the 
Senecas  in  their  villages,  in  which  they  give  out  they  will  not  shut  themselves  up,  but  conceal  them- 
selves in  the  grass  and  prepare  ambuscades  every  where  for  you.  Regarding  your  declaration  to  the 
Iroquois  that  you  had  no  ill  will  except  against  the  Senecas,  they  convoked  a  general  Diet  here, 
where  they  will  conclude  to  league  themselves  against  you,  if  you  wiU  not  accept  the  propositions  of 
peace  for  which  the  Onontagu^  wishes  to  obtain  the  consent  of  the  Seneca  who  has  already  placed  in 
security  the  old  grain,  and  made  a  retreat  in  the  woods  for  the  children,  women  and  old  men,  of 
which  you  will  be  ignorant. 

The  Warriors  are  to  prowl  every  where,  kUling  without  if  possible  being  killed.  If  their  Indian 
corn  be  cut,  it  will  cost  much  blood  and  men — ^You  must  also  resolve  to  lose  the  harvest  of  the 
French  grain  to  which  the  Iroquois  will  set  fire.  As  for  the  Frencli  settlements,  the  Iroquois  sup- 
pose that  they  are  all  abandoned  and  that  the  people  have  retired  within  the  forts  ;  otherwise,  they 
would  be  a  prey  to  the  enemy.  It  is  the  opinion  that  if  you  begin  the  war,  it  will  be  of  long 
duration,  and  that  to  feed  those  in  Canada  you  will  liave  to  bring  provisions  from  France.  The 
Iroquois  believes  that  he  will  destroy  the  Colony  in  case  of  war,  for  he  will  never  fight  by  rule 
against  us  and  will  not  shut  himself  up  in  any  fort  in  which  he  might  be  stormed.  Thus  they  are 
under  the  impression  that,  no  person  daring  to  come  into  unknown  forests  to  pursue  tliem,  they  can 
neither  be  destroyed  nor  captured,  having  a  vast  hunting  ground  in  their  rear,  towards  Merilande 
and  Virginia,  as  well  as  places  adjoining  their  villages,  wliolly  unknown  to  the  French.  If  winter 
were  not  so  cold  in  this  coimtry,  that  would  be  the  time  to  wage  war,  for  one  can  then  see  all  around, 
and  the  trail  cannot  be  concealed ;  but  every  thing  must  be  carried — provisions,  arms,  powder  and 
lead.  You  can  not  believe.  Sir,  with  what  joy  the  Senecas  learned  that  you  would,  possibly,  deter- 
mine on  war ;  and  from  the  report  the  savages  make  them  of  the  preparations  apparent  at  Kataros- 
kouy,  they  say,  that  the  French  have  a  great  desire  to  be  stript,  roasted  and  eaten ;  and  that  they 
will  see  if  their  flesh,  which  they  say  is  salt  on  account  of  the  salt  they  make  use  of  be  as  good  as 
that  of  their  other  enemies  whom  they  devour. 

The  envoy  of  the  Crovemor  of  New  York  who  is  here  promises  the  Iroquois  goods  at  a  considerable 
reduction ;  7  a  8  lbs.  of  powder  for  a  Beaver ;  as  much  lead  as  a  man  can  carry  for  a  Beaver,  and  so 
with  the  rest. 

Every  tiling  considered,  Sir,  if  you  will  be  content  with  a  satisfaction  which  we  will  endeavor  to 
obtain  for  you  from  the  Senecas,  you  will  prevent  great  evils  wliich  must  fall  on  Canada  in  case  of 
war ;  you  will  divert  from  it  famine  and  many  misfortunes,  especially  will  you  avoid  much  confusion 
and  great  suffering  to  the  French  who  will  fall  into  the  hands  of  the  Iroquois,  who,  as  you  are  aware, 
exercise  the  most  cruel  and  shameful  cruelties  towards  their  captives.  Independent  of  there  being 
no  profit  in  fighting  with  this  sort  of  banditti  whom  you,  assuredly,  will  not  catch  and  who  wUl 
catch  many  of  your  people  who  will  be  surprised  in  every  quarter. 

The  man  called  Hannatakta  and  some  others  of  influence  told  me  they  pitied  you.  These  are 
their  words — they  besought  you  not  to  force  them  to  wage  war  against  you ;  that  the  five  Nations 
would  be  obliged  to  unite  against  you ;  that  the  French  and  the  Iroquois  being  so  near  tlie  one  to  the 
other,  the  war  would  be  too  disastrous  to  you,  because,  say  they,  our  mode  of  fighting,  of  harassing, 
of  living,  of  surprising  and  flying  to  the  woods  will  be  the  ruin  of  the  French  who  are  accustomed 
to  fight  against  towns  capable  of  defence  or  against  armies  who  appear  in  the  plains ;  if  there  be 
misunderstanding  it  ought  to  be  settled.  All  the  Iroquois  are  persuaded  that  before  going  to  war 
you  will  try  the  ways  of  mildness  and  tell  the  Senecas  to  appease  your  anger  for  what  they  have 
plundered ;  that  if  you  begin  by  a  desire  to  wage  war  and  will  not  act  as  a  father  towards  your 
children,  tliey  have  ah^ady  declared  beforehand  that  they  wiU  all  unite  against  you. 


DE  LA  BABHK's  EXPEDITION  TO  HVMORY   BAY. 


85 


FROM  THE  SAME  TO  THE  SAME. 

Juljr  13.  1684. 

My  Lord — ^I  have  the  honor  to  write  to  you  by  Father  Millet  who  passes  here  in  retiring  from 
among  the  Iroquois  who  cannot  be  persuaded  that  you  have  determined  on  waging  war  against  them, 
not  liaving  demanded  any  satisfaction  of  them  for  the  merchandize  of  the  Frenciuuen  wliom  the 
Senecas  plundered.  To  turn  away  the  scourge  of  war  and  the  miseries  which  must  follow  it,  espe- 
cially among  the  French  who  will  find  themselves  attacked  by  all  the  Iroquois  if  any  hostile  act  is 
committed  against  the  Senecas,  I  have  strongly  urged  the  Onnontagues  to  give  you  satisfaction  ac- 
cording to  the  instructions  which  the  Christian  Iroquois,  your  deputies  here,  had.  To-morrow  a 
great  number  of  Senecas  are  expected  with  several  Cayugas  and  the  Ambassadors  from  the  two  Lower 
Nations  to  talk  about  business. 

The  Senecas  consequent  on  tlie  declaration  you  made  to  them  that  you  would  proceed  to  their 
country,  have  concealed  their  old  grain,  prepared  a  distant  retreat  in  the  wooden  fort  for  the  security 
of  tlieir  old  men,  women  and  children,  and  conveyed  whatever  they  have  of  value  out  of  tlieir  vil- 
lages. Tlie  Warriors  in  great  number  have  heard  tlus  news  with  much  joy ;  they  are  determined  to 
fight,  not  in  their  forts  for  they  have  none,  and  will  not  shut  themselves  up  any  where,  but  imder 
cover,  behind  trees,  and  in  the  grass  where  they  will  try  to  do  you  considerable  injury,  if  you  want 
war.  The  Onnontagues — men  of  business — wish  to  arrange  matters,  especially  having  lost  nothing 
of  theirs,  except  only  some  goods.  Must  the  fatlier  and  children,  tliey  ask,  cut  each  otliers  throats 
for  clothes  1    The  children  must  satisfy  the  father  to  wliom  tliey  owe  honor  and  respect. 

Further,  I,  last  year,  guarantied  by  two  Wampum  belts — one  to  the  Senecas  and  the  other  here — 
that  if  the  Iroquois  army  met  the  French  who  were  towards  Illinois,  and  any  acts  of  hostihty  should 
follow  on  one  side  or  the  other,  they  would  mutually  arrange  the  difficulty  without  it  leading  to  any 
consequences,  and  this  is  what  we  are  endeavoring  to  persuade  the  Senecas  to  do.  Father  Millet,  to 
whom  I  communicated  aU,  and  who  has  just  passed,  will  tell  you  every  thing  and  how  apropos  it 
would  be  that  M.  le  Moine  should  come  here  to  fetch  tliose  Cliiefs  and  Warriors  who  will  most  will- 
ingly meet  you  under  the  safe  conduct  which  you  will  give  them  tlirough  M.  le  Moine  (who  can 
come  here  in  all  siurety  and  without  any  fear)  to  be  conducted  to  your  rendezvous  near  Seneca  or  to 
the  Fort,  in  order  to  settle  matters  in  a  friendly  manner. 

Tlie  Iroquois  say  they  will  not  commit  any  act  of  hostility  against  you,  unless  you  commence 
either  by  attacking  the  Senecas  or  by  refusing  all  satisfaction,  for  tliey  remark,  it  is  painful  to  come 
to  blows  with  their  Father.  They  all  say  that  their  mode  of  warfare  will  be  disastrous  to  you,  but 
that  the  respect  they  entertain  towards  you,  and  which  we  insinuate  among  them,  withholds  them 
until  they  are  forced,  tliey  add,  to  wage  a  sorrowful  war,  despite  themselves,  against  you.  They 
wish,  first  of  all,  they  say,  to  avoid  the  reproach  of  not  having  kept  their  word  which  they  gave.  I 
told  M.  le  Moine  of  the  above. 

My  brother  expects  to  leave  with  your  deputies  to  carry  to  you  the  result  of  the  Iroquois  Diet, 
where  the  Onnontague  who  assumes  to  be  a  moderator,  pretends  to  force  the  Senecas  to  disavow  what 
two  of  their  captains  caused  their  warriors  to  do,  and  to  quieten  again  your  mind  j  that  is,  tliey  say, 
by  some  satisfaction  wliich  may  afford  you  an  honorable  pretext  to  pay  a  friendly  visit  to  Kaniata- 
rontagouat  [now,  Irondequot  Bay]  and  not  to  appear  there  as  an  enemy. 

I  forgot  to  inform  you  that  the  Iroquois  say  they  have  accepted  the  satisfaction  they  received  for 
the  death  of  their  captain,  Hannhenhax,  killed  by  the  Kiskakous,  and  that  it  would  seem  very 
strange  to  them  that  you  should  refuse  the  satisfaction  they  wish  to  induce  the  Senecas  to  give  you 
for  the  piUaged  merchandize  wliich,  in  their  estimation  is  next  to  nothing  compared  with  that  im- 


89 


DB  tA  BABEK'*  expedition  TO  HUNOmY  BAY. 


portant  [council]  fire  in  your  children's  cabin.    I  pray  God  that  He  conduct  matters  fur  His  glory 
and  the  couutiy's  good  and  that  He  preserve  you  long,  which  is  the  wish,  my  Lord,  of 

Your  very  humble  k  very  ob'  Serv», 

J.  UK  Lambehvillk. 


jp- 


'■Ki«'-'\> 


FROM  THE  SAME  TO  THE  SAME. 

IS  Julf,  1684. 

Sir— Tlie  Council  convoked  at  Onnontagud  was,  at  length,  held  on  the  IC*!"  and  17»h  of  July.  You 
will  see  by  the  memoir  I  enclose  in  this  letter  what  you  said  to  the  OnnontaguCs  and  what  they  re- 
ply by  three  Belts.  Since  you  spoke,  or  I  have  made  you  speak  to  the  Senecas  assembled  here  in  u 
body.  Chiefs  and  Warriors,  and  their  answer,  we  have  spoken  to  tliem  by  three  Belts  and  they  have 
answered  you  by  nine. 

These  are  twelve  Belts  which  your  ambassadors  take  to  you.  I  know  not  if  you  will  accept  the 
trifling  pains  we  have  taken  to  cause  satisfaction  to  be  given  you,  and  to  extricate  you  from  the 
fetigues,  the  embarrassments  and  consequences  of  a  disastrous  war,  and  procure  at  tlie  same  time 
freedom  of  trade ;  for  tlie  Senecas  informed  me  at  night,  by  express,  that  they  would  give  you  more 
satisfaction  tlian  you  expected,  because  they  wished  through  respect  for  you,  not  to  wage  war  any 
more  against  the  Oumiamis,  if  you  so  wish  it,  and  even  any  other  nation  if  you  insist  on  it.  In  fine, 
they  do  not  wage  war  save  but  to  secure  a  good  peace.  They  return  without  striking  a  blow,  with- 
out shedding  blood,  etc.    The  Seneca  Iroquois  offer  you  more  than  you  would  have  believed. 

The  Onnontagu6s  considered  their  honour  engaged  to  this  meeting,  and  have  put  all  sorts  of 
machinery  in  motion  to  induce  the  Senecas  to  condescend  to  place  their  affairs  in  tlieir  hands.  On 
the  first  day  of  the  Council  every  thing  was  almost  despaired  of,  and  the  plenipotentiaries  all  excited 
came  to  see  me,  saying  they  gained  nothing  on  the  Senecas,  and  that  up  to  that  time  they  most  wil- 
lingly accepted  war ;  that  they  rejected  the  presents  which  you  and  they  had  made  tliem.  They 
sent  me  back  a  collection  of  belts,  that  the  chiefii  and  warriors  acted  witli  great  zeal  in  combating 
the  obstinacy  of  the  Senecas  so  that  having  gained  the  Oneidas  and  Cayugas  over  to  their  side, 
they  came  to  high  words.  Deputies,  notwithstanding,  succeeded  one  another  to  sound  me  on  tlie 
state  of  af&irs  and  to  learn  the  true  cause  of  the  withdrawal  of  our  Missionaries.  Finally  I  told 
them  that  the  real  cause  was,  that  the  displeasure  which  they  perceived  you  felt,  and  which 
they  also  entertained  at  bemg  disparaged  by  the  Senecas,  had  caused  tliem  to  withdraw  to  you, 
until  tliey  should  have  satisfied  you.  At  length  the  Onnontaguds  persuaded  them  to  confide  in 
them  and  to  place  their  affairs  in  their  hands— that  if  you  did  not  accept  their  mediation,  they 
should  unite  according  to  their  policy,  with  all  the  other  Iroquois  against  you.  La  Grande 
Gueule  and  his  triumvirate  have  assuredly  signalized  themselves  in  this  rencounter.  My  brother, 
who  will  inform  you  of  every  thing,  wiU  relate  matters  more  in  detail.  We,  however,  twait 
your  orders  which  you  will  please  convey  to  us  by  M.  le  Moine  whom  the  OnnontagiK^s  request 
you  to  send  instantly  to  them  at  Choueguen  [Oswego]  in  all  security  and  without  the  least  fear. 


DE  LA  BARRe'b  EXPCDITIOM  TO  HUNOKY  BAY. 

FROM  THE  SAME  TO  THE  SAME. 


87 


OnonUguC,  tbli  17(h  Auguit,  18M. 

My  Lord— Your  people  have  brought  my  brother  back  here  with  the  greatest  possible  dili- 
gence, having  been  wind  bound  three  days,  at  one  island.  In  order  not  to  cause  you  any  delay, 
which  could  only  produce  -  iseless  consiunption  of  provisions  by  your  army,  they  arrived  here 
witli  Sieur  lo  Due  at  midnight  and  having  passed  the  rest  of  the  night  in  conferring  together, 
we  had  the  Chiefs  and  WJirriors  assembled  at  day  light  after  having  obtained  information  from 
La  Grande  Gueule  and  Garakontie. 

We  declared  our  intentions  in  the  presence  of  several  Senecas  who  departed  the  same  day  to 
return  to  their  country  where  they  will  communicate  our  approach.  They  carry  one  of  your 
belts  to  reassure  those  who  are  alarmed  by  your  armament.  The  Onnontagu6s  have  despatched 
some  of  theirs  to  notify  the  Oneida,  the  Mohawk  and  the  Cayuga  to  repair  to  Ochouegen  [Os- 
wego] to  salute  you  and  to  reply  to  your  proposals.  They  wish  so  much  to  see  M.  le  Moine 
here  whom  you  proraisetl  them  would  come,  that  it  appears  that  nothing  could  be  done  shoidd 
he  not  arrive.  Also,  as  you  advisetl  them  not  to  be  troubled  at  the  sight  of  your  barks  and 
Gendarmes,  they  give  you  notice,  likewise,  not  to  be  surprised  when  you  will  see  faces  painted 
red  and  black  at  Ochouegen. 

I  gave  a  Cayuga  letters  for  you  some  eight  or  ten  days  ago.  I  do  not  know  if  he  will  have  deli- 
vered them.  I  believe  that  I  advised  you  that  Colonel  Dongan  had  the  Duke  of  York's  placards  of 
protection  (des  sauveguardes)  affixed  to  the  three  upper  Iroquois  villages,  and  that  he  styled  himself 
Lord  of  the  Iro(iuols.  A  drunken  man  here  tore  these  proclamations  down  and  nothing  remains  but 
the  post  to  which  the  Duke  of  York's  arms  were  attached. 

I  gave  La  Grande  Gueule  your  belt  under  hand,  and  remarked  to  him  the  things  which  you  wished 
him  to  eflfect.  He  calls  himself  your  best  friend  and  you  have  done  well  to  have  attached  to  you  this 
hoc,  who  has  the  strongest  head  and  loudest  voice  among  the  Iroquoi? 

The  over  coats  (capots)  and  shirts  which  you  have  been  so  good  as  to  send  to  be  used  on  occasions 
are  a  most  efficacious  means  to  gain  over,  or  to  preserve  public  opinion..  An  honorable  peace  will 
be  more  advantageous  to  Canada  than  a  war  very  uncertain  as  tc  its  success.  I  am  of  opinion,  what- 
ever the  Mess"  the  Merchants  may  say,  that  you  do  them  a  go*  d  turn  by  inducing  the  Iroijuois  to 
give  you  satisfaction,  and  that  the  war  would  be  very  prejudicial  to  them. 
I  am  with  all  sort  of  respect  and  submission,  My  Lord, 

Your  very  humble  aad  very  obedient  servant, 

J.  DE  Lambertille,  Jcsult. 


FROM  THE  SAME  TO  THE  SAME. 

Onontagu^,  this  VSth  Auguit  1684. 

My  Loi-d — M.  Le  Moine's  arrival  has  much  pleased  our  burgomasters  who  have  exhibited 
towards  liim  many  attentions,  and  have  promised  to  terminate  matters  with  you  in  the  manner 
you  desire.  The  Onontagufis  have  called  the  Deputies  of  each  Nation  together  as  I  have  advised 
you.  Tlie  Cayugas  came  here  the  first,  with  two  young  Tionnoutatds  to  restore  them  to  you. 
We  expect  the  Senecas,  and  as  we  were  hoping  that  the  Oneidas  would  arrive  to-day,  one  Arnaud' 
whom  Father  Bruyas  is  well  acquainted  with,  came  here  on  horseback  from  Mr.  Dongan  to  tell 
the  Ii-oquois  that  he  did  not  wish  them  to  talk  with  you  without  his  permission,  being  complete 

1  Arnold  Cornelic  Viele,  a  citizeo  of  Albany,  who  acte<'  ai  Interpreter  between  the  Whites  and  Indians,  For  his  service 
in  this  capacity  he  had  already  obtained  from  tlie  latter,  ~'j>i>  Sept'.  1683,  a  tract  of  land  called  Wachkeerhoha,  on  the  north 
t^anlc  of  the  Mohawk  above  Schenectady,  the  grant  of  which  is  in  Alb.  Deed  Book  C,  190.— Tm. 


88 


DC  LA   BARRe's   expedition    TO  IIUNURY   BAY. 


master  of  their  land  and  conduct  towards  you ;  that  they  belonged  to  the  King  of  England  and 
the  Duke  of  York,  and  that  their  Council  fires  were  lighted  at  AllMiny  and  that  he  absolutely 
forbad  them  talking  with  you. 

Two  words  which  we  whispered  in  the  cars  of  your  pensioner,  La  Grande  Gueule,  caused 
us  to  see  at  once  liow  unreasonable,  in  his  opinion,  was  so  strungo  u  proceeding  as  tliat  of  Mr.  Don- 
gun,  after  having  himself  exhorted  the  Iroquois  to  give  us  satislitction  in  order  to  avoid  ii  disastrous 
war  which  would  have  very  bad  [con8e<]uenccs.J  "When  M.  le  Molne  and  I  shall  have  the  honour 
to  s«H)  you,  wo  shall  give  you  the  particulars  of  these  things,  and  how  La  Grande  Gueiue  came  to  high 
wonls  against  tliis  Messeuger,  exhorting  all  the  warriors  and  clilefs  not  to  listen  to  tlie  proposals 
of  a  man  who^seemed  to  be  drunk,  so  opposed  to  all  reason  was  what  he  uttered. 

We  being  two  or  tlu-ee  day's  journey  from  liere,  the  said  Messenger  produced  three  Belts  of 
Wampum.  The  first  and  second  ore  from  the  Mohawks  and  Oneidas,  who  have  promised  Mr. 
Dongan  that  they  should  not  go  to  meet  us ;  the  tliird  was  for  the  OnnoutagucJs  to  exhort  them 
to  give  their  wampum  belt  also,  as  assurance  of  the  same  thing.  They  answered  by  La  Grande 
Gueule,  that  they  esteemed  themselves  too  highly  honored  by  your  having  granted  to  them  the 
embassy  of  M.  Le  Molne  and  by  your  having  placed  the  affairs  of  the  peace  in  tlicir  hands,  to 
commit  so  cowardly  an  action  and  so  grave  a  fault  as  that  which  be  seemed  willing  they  should 
perpetrate.  After  many  disputes,  the  Onuontagu^s  councilled  among  themselves,  and  concluded 
to  enquire  of  M.  le  Molne  if  he  would  not  wait  the  permission  which  Mr.  Dongan  wished  the 
Iroquois  to  have  iVom  1dm  to  talk  with  you,  and  if  he  would  not  tarry  ten  days  more,  and  you 
remain  at  the  Lake,  to  learn  Mr.  Dongan's  final  will.  This  is  a  piece  of  Iroquois  cunning 
not  to  embroil  themselves  with  Mr.  Dongan,  and  to  follow  entirely  what  M.  le  Moine  should 
say,  whom  they  well  knew  would  not  wait  so  long,  matters  having  advanced  to  the  point  at 
wldch  they  are,  and  knowing,  moreover,  that  delay  was  directly  contrary  to  your  instructions. 
The  Iroquois  requested  M.  le  Moine  himself  to  commtmicate  their  opinion  to  the  Cavalier,  which 
he  certainly  did  in  an  excellent  manner,  and  which  you  will  be  glad  to  learn  when  he  will  give 
an  account  of  his  negotiation. 

He  has  thought  proper  to  send  you  one  of  his  canoes  at  once  to  inform  you  hereof,  and  to  assure 
you  that  as  soon  as  the  OnontaguS  deputies  shall  have  arrived  here,  he  will  endeavour  to  despatch 
them  hence  at  the  earliest  moment  to  conduct  them  to  you.  If  not  he  will  leave  with  the  Senecas 
who  are  here.  Tegannehout  acted  his  part  very  well  and  harangued  strongly  against  Mr.  Dongan's 
messenger  and  in  favor  of  Onnontio.  Good  cheer  and  the  way  you  regaled  1dm  was  a  strengthening 
medicine  which  sustained  his  voice  when  it  might  perhaps  have  failed  in  another  who  had  not 
experienced  proofs  of  your  friendship  such  as  you  did  him  the  honour  to  give  him.  He  will  return 
with  M.  le  Molne. 

Tlie  Cavalier  says  that  before  returnmg  to  kis  Master,  he  wishes  to  speak  to  the  Senecas  who  are 
expected  here.  I  caress  somewhat  Tegannehout  in  order  that  he  may  win  those  of  Ids  Nation  over 
to  his  opinion  and  not  to  suffer  them  to  yield  to  the  solicitations  of  Sieur  Arnaud  to  whom  the 
Onnontagu^s  have  given  two  wretched  belts  to  say  to  Mr.  Dongan  that  they  could  not  do  other  than 
what  he  himself  had  urged  them  to  do ;  to  wit,  to  settle  matters  peaceably  with  you,  and  to  soothe 
his  spirit  if  he  were  dissatisfied  with  them  lor  not  going  to  Albany  whence  tliey  had  returned  very 
recently.    A  letter  is  sent  you  which  he  has  given  to  M.  le  Moine. 

Whatever  Sieur  Arnaud  may  say,  wc  have  not  neglected  to  send  for  the  Oneida  deputies  whom 
we  expect  to-morrow.  Monsieur  le  Moine  will  use  the  greatest  possible  diligence  to  return  to  you, 
inasmuch  as  this  delay  is  not  very  agreeable  to  him. 

I  am  always,  my  Lord, 

Your  very  humble  and  very  obedient  servant, 

J.   D£  LaMBERVILLE. 


DC   LA   lARaK^B   KXPEOITIOM  TO   HVNOKY   BAY. 


89 


FROM  THE  SAME  TO  THE  SAME. 


OnoaUga<',  Z7  >«pt.  IM4. 

My  Lord, — I  return  here  after  having  been  delayed  ten  days  in  the  Lalce  by  very  strong  head 
winds.  A  day  before  tlie  Inxjuois  deputies  met  hero,  the  Senecas  sent  Belts  to  the  Iro(|Uois  villages 
to  declare  to  them  that  should  you  disembark  in  their  country,  they  would  attack  you.  Six  or  seven 
Mohegans  {Loups)  were  preparing  to  go  to  the  assistance  of  the  Iroquois,  as  the  Outaoutes  were  aid- 
ing tiic  French.  The  Seneca  scouts  have  been  as  far  as  Kaionhouagu^,  where  you  had  concluded 
the  peace,  to  be  certain  of  the  place  at  which  your  army  had  encampeil.  The  Ounontaguds  believed 
for  several  days  that  they  had  killed  me.  Tegannehout's  arrival  in  this  country  will  have  calmed 
the  minds  in  communicating  your  peace  to  them.  No  news  have  as  yet  been  received  from  the  Senecn. 
Some  say  they  will  shortly  come  hither  to  confer  on  important  matters.  If  any  v  .le  come  from  the 
For  there  I  shall  inform  you  of  whatever  I  will  have  learned. 

Sieur  Arnaud,  Mr.  Dongan's  deputy, has  not  re-appeared  here  since  my  departure  from  Onnonta^, 
though  he  had  assured  me  that  he  should  return  in  ten  days.  'Tis  said  that  his  delay  is  caused  by 
not  having  foimd  his  master  at  Orange  (Albany),  and  that  he  has  gone  to  Manath  to  inibrm  him  of 
the  proceedings  of  the  Onnontagu6  and  of  your  arrival  at  Gainhouagud,  [Hungry  Bay.] 

I  had  the  honour  of  writing  to  you  from  the  Fort  whence  I  sent  you  a  wampum  belt  Irom  the 
Tionnontat^s.  I  gave  Sieur  Hannataksa  the  l)elt  of  Wampum  and  the  red  Calumet  in  your  name,  to 
whom  I  said  that  you  would  be  ever  obliged  to  him  if  lie  would  turn  his  arms  to  tlie  left  of  Fort  St. 
Louis,  where  the  Illinois  are  mingled  with  the  Oumiamis,  so  as  to  give  no  cause  of  complaint. 

Uncertain  as  I  was  regarding  matters  on  the  side  of  the  Senecas,  and  fearful  that  the  Senecas  would 
create  confusion  on  arriving  here,  I  made  some  presents  in  your  name  to  some  captains  who  could 
best  curb  their  insolence,  so  as  to  prevent  the  brewing  of  the  storm. 

Your  man  of  business,  I  mean  La  Grande  Oueule,  is  not  concerned  at  any  thing ;  he  is  a  venal  be- 
ing whom  you  do  well  to  keep  in  pay.  I  assured  him  that  you  would  send  him  the  jerkin  you  pro- 
mised. The  Cayugas  who  are  gone  to  war  to  the  borders  of  Merinlande  and  Virginia  have  sent  home 
some  of  their  warriors  to  say  that  the  English  had  killed  three  of  their  men,  and  that  they  liaving 
taken  five  Englishmen  alive,  had  cut  their  throats  after  subjecting  them  to  some  bad  treatment,  ond 
that  they  were  still  in  the  English  country. 

After  having  spoken  to  you  of  others,  I  must  acquit  myself  of  a  part  of  my  duty,  by  thanking 
you  very  humbly  for  all  the  kindnesses  you  have  been  pleased  to  shower  on  me.  I  should  have 
wished  you,  in  addition  to  the  good  health  in  which  it  pleased  God  to  preserve  you  in  the  midst  of 
an  army  weakened  by  diseases,  greater  satisfaction  for  the  trouble  you  have  taken  for  the  public  good. 
Individuals  assuredly  know  that  if  you  had  not  accepted  peace,  which  is  very  favorable  since  no  one 
has  been  killed  on  either  side,  the  Colony  would  have  been  exposed  to  the  mercy  of  the  Iroqtiois 
who  would  pounce,  in  different  directions,  on  defenceless  settlements,  the  people  of  whicli  they 
would  carry  off  in  order  to  pitilessly  burn  them.  I  pray  God,  who  knows  the  sincerity  of  your  in- 
tentions, to  be  your  reward  and  to  heap  His  blessings  on  you  to  the  extent  of  the  wishes  of  him  who 
is  entirely,  my  Lord 

Your  very  humble  and  very  obedient  servant, 

J.  DK  LaMBERVILLU. 

I  told  Colin  that  you  would  remember  him  and  his  comrade. 

The  Tionnontates  have  sent  to  thank  the  Onnontagufis  for  having,  by  their  obliging  disposition, 
gained  you  over  to  treat  for  peace,  and  thus  preserve  the  lives  of  many,  and  that  they  were  attached 
to  Onuonthio.    Sieur  la  Grande  [Gueulej  has  pronounced  your  panegyric  here,  and  professes  to  keep 

[Vol.  I.]  12 


^W  OB  LA   ■AmRE'l    CXPCOITtON   TO   HVMUKV    BAY. 

the  promlBe  he  made  you,  to  cause  the  articles  of  peace  to  be  obierved.  Some  ftin  are  to  be  collect- 
ed this  fall.  He  is  treating  on  this  subject  with  Hannagoge  and  Ganakonti<(.  There  is  no  news  yet 
ttom  the  Scnecas.  • 


U; 


>.tii 


FROM  THE  SAME  TO  THE  SAME. 


OniMMitaffuf,  (hli  Mh  Oeiob.  1«M. 

My  Lord,— The  message  you  sent  here  by  three  canoemon  from  Montreal  shows  you  to  be  in  reality 
a  man  of  your  word.  Sieur  Grande  Gueule  has  been  informed  by  express,  who  is  gone  to  find  l>im 
at  his  fishery  eight  leagues  from  here,  that  you  have  written.  I  shall  cause  lilm  when  he  returns 
particularly  to  recollect  his  promise  to  you  to  have  satisfaction  given  you.  I  have  spoken  in  his 
absence  both  privately  and  publicly,  to  influential  persons  and  obtained  promises  from  the  chiefs  and 
warriors  that  they  would  send  two  strings  of  wampum  to  the  Senecas  in  three  days  to  put  them  in 
mind  of  the  word  which  the  leader  of  those  who  pillaged  the  French  canoes  hod  himself  brought 
here,  from  those  of  liis  own  nation,  that  they  had  accepted  all  you  had  concluded  at  La  Famine.  "  I 
told  them  what  you  had  concluded  and  had  ordered  me  to  acquaint  them  with.  The  report  about 
the  thousand  Illinois  is  a  mere  rumor  without  any  foundation,  and  M.  duLut  told  me  at  Katarakoul, 
tiiat  he  did  not  believe  tli.  truth  of  this  news ;  besides  there  cannot  be  any  apprehension  that  they 
could  have  dared  to  undertake  any  tiling,  having  met  neither  Frenchmen  nov  Outaouas.  All  that 
they  could  make  a  demontration  against  have  more  f\izileers  than  they. 

A  party  of  40  warriors  will  leave  here  in  six  days  to  attack  the  Illinois  whom  they  may  find 
among  the  Chaouennons.  I  have  presented  the  Captain  a  shirt  in  your  name,  to  exhort  the  Senecas 
through  whom  he  will  pass,  to  keep  their  word  with  you.  He  has  assured  me  that  he  will  not  lead 
his  troop  towards  the  quarter  you  forbad  him.  I  notified  him  as  well  as  the  others  that  you  had 
despatched  a  canoe  to  inform  the  Oumiamies  and  the  Maskenses  that  you  had  included  them  in  the 
peace,  and  that  they  could  remain  seciu'e  at  the  place  where  they  had  been  before  they  were  at  war 
with  the  Iroquois.  The  Senecas  shall  be  ec^ually  notified  of  this  in  a  few  days.  You  may  rest  as- 
sured, my  Lord,  that  I  shall  spare  no  pains  to  have  that  satislkction  given  you  which  you  expect 
from  the  Iroquois.  The  frenchmen  who  came  here  told  me  tliat  whilst  you  were  at  La  Famine  a 
false  alarm  reached  Montreal  that  the  Iroquois  were  coming;  that  there  was  nothing  but  horror,  flight 
and  weeping  at  Montreal.  What  would  so  many  poor  people  have  done  in  their  settlements  if  mere- 
ly six  hundred  Iroquois  had  made  an  irruption  into  the  country  in  the  condition  in  which  it  is.  You 
ibrm  a  better  opinion  than  one  hundred  manufacturers  of  rhodomontades  who  were  not  acquainted 
with  tlie  Iroquois,  and  who  reflect  not  that  the  country,  such  as  it  is,  is  not  in  a  condition  to  defend 
itself.  Had  I  the  honor  to  converse  with  you  longer  than  your  little  leisure  allowed  me,  I  should 
have  convinced  you  that  you  could  not  have  advanced  to  Paniaforontogouat  [Irondequoit  bay]  with- 
out having  been  utterly  defeated  in  the  state  your  army  was  in — which  was  rather  an  hospital  than 
a  camp.  To  attack  people  within  their  entrenchments  and  fight  banditti  in  the  bush  will  require  one 
thousand  men  more  than  you  have  Then  you  can  accomplish  nothing  without  having  a  number  of 
disciplined  savages.  I  gave  you  already  my  thoughts,  and  believe  I  told  you  the  truth,  and  that 
you  deserved  the  title  of  "Liberator  of  the  Country"  by  making  peace  at  a  conjuncture  when  you 
would  have  beheld  the  ruin  of  the  country  without  preventing  it.  The  Senecas  had  double  itallisades. 
stronger  tlian  the  pickets  of  the  fort  and  the  first  could  not  have  been  forced  without  great  loss. 
Their  plan  was  to  keep  only  300  men  inside,  and  with  1200  others  perpetually  harass  you.    All  the 


i 


DK  LA   BABME's   tXPKOITION   TO   HUNORY    BAY. 


91 


I 


Iroquois  were  to  collect  togefher  aiid  fire  only  at  the  leg*  of  yotir  {wnple  to  matter  thcni,  and  burn 
them  at  their  leisure ;  and  after  \\aviim  cut  them  off  by  a  hundrwl  ambuscades  among  the  foliage  and 
grass,  pursue  you  in  your  retreat  even  to  Montreal  to  spread  desolation  throughout  Its  vlclDlty  also ; 
and  they  hud  prepa  ed  for  tlial  ^.iirpose  a  quantity  of  canoes  of  eighteen  men  eacli  wliicli  tliey  kept 
concealed.  But  let  us  all  speak  of  this  war  to  thank  Qoil  ttiat  He  has  preserved  our  Governor  in  tlie 
midst  of  so  much  sickness,  ufui  that  He  had  compassion  on  Canada  l>oni  which  Hu  turntnl  away  tli« 
scourge  of  war  which  would  iiave  laid  it  entirely  desolate. 

The  English  of  Merinlande  who  had  killed  three  Iro<|uois,  and  of  whom  the  English  Inniuois  had 
killed  five,  are  about  to  have  difficulties  with  that  belligerent  nation  which  has  already  killed  mure 
than  twenty-nine  of  their  men,  and  has  been  threatened  with  war  shoidd  It  continue  to  insult  them. 
We  shall  see  what  the  English  of  that  quarter  will  do. 

Oarakontie  returned  to  day  from  Orange,  where  he  told  by  a  belt  of  Wampum  how  you  had  given 
peace  to  the  public ;  also  how  Colonel  Dongan  had  urged  the  Iroquois  to  secure  It  by  the  satisfaction 
wtiich  he  advised  them  to  give  you.  M.  Dongan  left  Orange  when  those  who  brought  the  Duke  of 
York's  Safeguards  came  to  this  place ;  it  Im  supposed  that  Aroaud's  visit  here  to  prevent  the  Iro<|uois 
going  to  see  you  and  to  get  them  to  hold  a  Council  at  Orange,  was  an  intrigue  of  the  Orange  mer- 
chants who  feared  that  their  trade  would  be  diminished  by  a  conference  held  with  you  with  arms  in 
your  hands ;  for  M.  Dongan  had  probably  departed  Arom  Orange  when  Amaud  leil  to  come  here. 
What  the  Iroquois  ftnow  is,  after  having  heard  M.  Dongan  who  exhorted  them  to  an  arrangement 
with  you,  it  was  in  no  wise  probable  that  on  the  eve  of  a  negotiation,  he  should  have  forbidden  them 
to  visit  you  without  his  permission. 

A  man  named  La  Croix,  in  Indian  Tegaiatannhara,  who  answered  Oarakontie  on  behalf  of  the 
Dutch,  said  that  had  you  not  made  peace,  knowing  that  the  Safeguards  of  England  were  on  the 
Iroquois,  800  Englishmen  and  1200  Mohegans,  {Loup$)  who  are  between  Merinland  and  New  York, 
entirely  distinct  from  the  Cannongageh-ronnons  whom  you  have  with  you,  were  all  ready  to  march 
at  the  first  word  to  aid  the  Iroquois.  This  man  La  Croix  passes  with  the  Iroquois  for  a  great  liar ; 
he,  possibly  may  have  advanced  this  of  his  own  accord,  as  well  as  many  other  things  he  has  stated, 
which  M.  Dongan  perhaps  would  not  approve,  were  he  acquainted  with  them. 

I  thank  you  most  humbly  for  having  fiu-nished  an  opportunity  for  the  transportation  to  us  of  a 
port  of  our  necessaries.  It  is  a  continuance  of  your  kindness  towards  us  and  towards  me  in  particu- 
lar, who  am  sincerely  and  with  much  respect.  My  Lord, 

Your  very  humble  &  very  obedient  Servant, 

De  Lambgrvillg. 


I  shall  give  La  Grande  Gueule  your  Jerkin  aa  soon  as  he  returns  here, 
you  by  Colin  ten  days  since. 


I  had  the  honor  to  write  to 


.■»  ■ 


I 


dd 


DK   LA   BARRE's    expedition   TO   HUNGRY   BAY. 


FROM  THE  MINISTER  TO  M.  BARILLON,  FRENCH  AMBASSADOR  AT  LONDON. 

'  [Farii  JDoo.  lU.] 

Versaillet,  lU  March,  168S. 

Sir — The  King  has  learned  that  the  Governor  of  New  York,  instead  of  maintaining  good  corres- 
pondence with  Sieur  de  la  Barre,  Governor  of  Canada,  in  conformity  with  the  orders  of  the  late 
King  of  England,  has  done  what  he  could  to  prevent  the  Iroquois  treating  with  him ;  that  he  offered 
them  troops  to  serve  against  the  French,  and  tliat  he  caused  standards  (flags)  to  be  planted  in  their 
villages,  though  these  nations  had  been  always  subject  to  France  since  their  country  was  discovered 
by  the  French,  without  the  English  objecting  thereto. 

His  Majesty  desires  you  to  present  his  complaints  to  the  King  of  England  and  to  demand  of  him 
precise  orders  to  oblige  tliis  governor  to  confine  himself  within  the  limits  of  his  government,  and  to 
observe  different  conduct  towards  Sieur  Denonville,  who  is  selected  by  His  Majesty  to  succeed  the 
said  Sieur  de  la  Barre. 


VI. 


®0t>.    SDangan'a    Utport 


ON 


THE    PEOVINCE    OF    NE¥-YORK. 


1607. 


4 


i^' 


GOV.  DONGAN'S  REPORT 

TO   THE  COMMITTEE  OF   TRADE  ON   THE   PHOVINCE  OF   NEW-YORK,   DATED  22d   FEBRUARY,    1687. 

[  Lond.  Doc.  V.  ]  ' 

My  Lords — I  have  received  the  heads  of  inquiry  your  Lo'p'  sent  to  mee  and  indeed  I  have  been  as 
industrious  as  possibly  I  could  to  make  myself  capable  of  giving  you  satisfaction.  And  wherein  I 
am  short  of  answering  your  Lo'p»  expectation  I  question  not  but  youl  pardon  it  when  you  consider 
that  to  give  a  distinct  answer  to  several  of  your  queries  must  require  a  longer  time  than  I  have  yet 
had  since  their  arrival  here.  However  to  such  of  them  as  I  am  at  present  capable  to  make  an  answer, 
I  herein  give  yo'  Lo'p»  I  hope  the  satisfaction  required  which  are  as  follow 


Courts  or 
Justice. 


In  answer  to  the  first  of  your  I/pps  Querys, 

The  Courts  of  Justice  are  most  established  by  Act  of  Assembly  and  they  are 

1 .  The  Court  of  Chancery  consisting  of  the  Governor  and  Council  in  the  Supreme  court  of  this 
province  to  which  appeals  may  be  brought  from  any  other  court 

2.  The  Assembly  finding  the  inconvenience  of  bringing  of  y«  peace,  Sheriffs,  Constables  @  other 
p'sons  concerned  from  the  remote  parts  of  this  government  to  New  York  did  instead  of  the  Court  of 
Assizes  which  was  yearly  held  for  the  whole  Grovernment  of  this  province  erect  a  Court  of  Oyer  and 
Terminer  to  be  held  once  every  year  within  each  County  for  the  determining  of  such  matters  as 
should  arise  within  them  respectively,  the  members  of  which  Court  were  appointed  to  bee  one  of  the 
two  judges  of  this  province  assisted  by  three  justices  of  the  peace  of  that  county  wherein  such  court 
is  held.  Which  Court  of  Oyer  &  Terminer  has  likewise  power  to  hear  appeals  from  any  inferior 
court 

3.  There  is  hkewise  in  New  York  @  Albany  a  Court  of  Mayor  @  Aldermen  held  once  in  every 
fortnight  from  whence  there  can  be  noe  appeal  unless  the  cause  of  action  bee  above  the  value  of 
Twenty  Pounds,  who  have  likewise  priviledges  to  make  such  by-laws  for  y"  regulation  of  their 
own  affairs  as  they  think  fitt,  soe  as  the  same  be  approved  of  by  ye  Gov  @  Council. 

Their  Mayor,  Recorders,  town-clerks  @  Sheriffs  are  appointed  by  the  Governor. 

4.  Tliere  is  likewise  in  every  County  twice  in  every  year  (except  in  New  York  where  it  is  four 
times  @  in  Albany  where  its  thrice)  Courts  of  Sessions  held  by  the  Justices  of  the  Peace  for  the 
resp'ive  countys  as  in  Engld. 

5.  In  every  Town  wt"  y«  Government  there  are  3  Commissioners  appointed  to  hear  and  deter- 
mine all  matters  of  difference  not  exceeding  the  value  of  five  pounds  which  shall  happen  within  the 
respective  towns. 

6 .  Besides  these,  my  Lords,  I  finding  that  many  great  inconveniences  daily  hapned  in  the  managem' 
of  his  Ma**  particular  concerns  within  this  province  relating  to  his  Lands,  Rents,  Rights,  Profits  @ 
Revenues  by  reason  of  the  great  distance  betwixt  the  Cursory  settled  Courts  @  of  the  long  delay 
which  thereon  consequently  ensued  besides  the  great  hazard  of  venturing  the  matter  on  country 


96 


GOV.    DONGAK  S   REPORT   ON   THE   PROVINCE  OF   NEW    YORK. 


Jurors  who  over  @  above  that  they  are  generally  ignorant  enough  @  and  for  the  most  part  linked 
together  by  affinity  are  too  much  swayed  by  their  particular  humors  @  interests,  I  thought  fit  in  Feb. 
last  by  @  with  y*  advice  @  consent  of  y*  Council  to  settle  and  establish  a  Court  which  we  call  the 
court  of  Judicature  [Exchequer]  to  bee  held  before  y"  Gov  @  Coimcil  tor  the  time  being  or  before 
such  @  soe  many  as  the  Gov'  should  for  the  purpose  authorize,  cumissionat  (a)  appoint  on  the  first 
Monday  in  every  month  at  New  York,  wiiich  Court  hath  full  power  and  authority  to  hear,  try  @ 
determuie  suits  matters  @  variances  arising  betwixt  his  Ma'y  @  y«  Inhabitants  of  the  said  Province 
concerning  the  said  lands,  rents,  rights,  profits  @  revenues 

In  answer  to  the  Second. 

The  Laws  in  force  are  y*  Laws  called  his  Royal  Highnesses  Laws  and  the  acts  of  the  General  Assem- 
bly the  most  of  which  I  presume  y'  Lop»  have  seen  @  the  rest  I  now  send  over  by  mr 
Sprag  to  whom  I  refer  your  Lop«  in  this  pQint. 


Lawa  in 
Force. 


In  answer  to  the  Third 

In  this  Govern™*  there  are  about  four  thousand  foot  @  three  hundred  horse  besides  one  company 

of  Dragoons  of  which  I  shall  bee  able  to  give  a  more  particular  accotmt  when  the  Mustermaster 

shall  make  his  return. 

In  answer  to  the  Fourth 

At  New  York  there  is  a  fortification  of  four  bastions  built  formerly  against  the  Indians  of  dry  stone 
@  earth  with  sods  as  a  breast-work  well  @  pleasantly  situated  for  the  defence  of  the  Harbor  on  a 
point  made  by  Hudsons  River  on  the  one  side  and  by  the  sound  on  the  other.  It  has  Thirty-nine 
Gunns,  two  Mortar  pieces,  thirty  Barils  of  Powder  five  hundred  ball  some  Bomb-shells  @  Grauados 
small  arms  for  three  hundred  men,  one  Flanker,  the  face  of  the  North  Bastion,  and  three  points  of 
Bastions  @  a  Courlin  has  been  done  (Sj  are  rebuilt  by  mee  with  lime  @  mortar  @  all  the  rest  of  the 
Fort  pinnd  @  rough-cast  with  lime  since  my  coming  here. 

And  the  most  of  the  Guns  I  found  dismountetl  @  some  of  them  yet  continue  to  bee  soe  whicli  I 
hope  to  have  mounted  soe  soon  as  the  mills  can  sawe 

I  am  forced  to  renew  all  the  Batterys  with  three-inch  Plank  @  have  spoke  for  new  planks  for  that 
purpose 

And  the  breast-work  upon  the  wall  is  so  moultered  away  that  its  likewise  needful  to  make  a  repara- 
tion thereof.  The  Officers  quarters  had  formerly  a  flat  roof  which  I  finding  to  be  chargeable  to 
maintain  @  that  it  could  not  bee  kept  high,  [qu.  dry  1]  have  caused  a  new  roof  to  bee  upon  it,  as 
alsoe  finding  water  to  run  through  the  arch  of  the  Gate  I  have  been  forc't  to  put  a  Roof  over  it,  I 
am  forc't  every  day  by  reason  of  the  roteness  of  the  Timber  @  Boards  to  bee  making  reparations  in 
the  Soldiers  quarters  or  my  own. 

The  ground  tliat  the  Fort  stands  upon  @  that  belongs  to  it  contains  in  quantity  alwut  two  acres  o' 
thereabouts  about  wliich  I  have  instead  of  Palisadoes  put  a  fence  of  Palls  whicli  is  more  lasting. 

Tho  this  Fortification  bee  inconsiderable,  yet  I  could  wish  the  King  had  severall  of  tliem  in  these 
parts,  tlie  people  growing  every  day  more  numerous  @  they  generaly  of  a  turlnilent  disposition. 

In  this  Country  there  is  a  woman  yet  alive  from  whose  Loynes  there  are  upwards  of  tliree  hundi-cd 
@  sixty  persons  now  living 

The  men  tliat  are  here  have  generally  lusty  strong  bodies 

At  Albany  there  is  a  Fort  made  of  pine  trees  fifteen  foot  high  (S>.  foot  over  with  Batterys  and  con- 
veniences matle  for  men  to  walk  iibout,  where  are  nine  guns,  small  arms  lor  forty  men  four  Barils  of 
powder  witli  great  and  small  Shott  in  proportion,  The  Timber  &.  Boards  being  rotten  were  renewed 
this  year,  In  my  opinion  it  were  better  that  fort  were  built  up  of  Stone  (o)  I^ime  wliich  will  not  be 
double  tiie  charge  of  this  yeai's  repair  which  yet  will  not  last  above  6  or  7  years  Ijeforr  it  will  require 


GOV.    IWNOAN's   report   on   the   province  of   NEW-YORK. 


97 


the  like  again  whereas  on  the  contrary  were  it  built  of  Lime  &  Stone  it  may  bee  Ikr  more  easily 
maintained,  And  truly  its  very  necessary  to  have  a  Fort  there,  it  being  a  frontier  place  both  to  the 
Indians  @  ffrench 

At  Pemaquid  there  is  another  Fort  built  after  the  same  manner  as  I  am  informed  a  particular  descrip- 
tion whereof  I  am  not  capable  of  giving  having  never  been  there  however  its  a  great  charge 
FoH'lid  to  this  3overrant  without  behig  any  thing  of  advantage  to  it,  having  officers  there  with 
twenty  men  always  in  pay,  And  which  makes  it  yet  more  chargeable,  I  am  forced  to  send 
from  time  to  time  provisions  @  stores  thither,  altho'  its  near  four  hundred  miles  from  this  place  If 
His  Maty  were  pleased  that  I  might  draw  of  the  men  and  arms  from  that  place  with  the  guns  being 
of  light  carriage  @  that  I  might  have  leave  to  put  them  further  into  the  country  I  would  place  them 
where  I  will  give  your  Lo*"?  an  ace'  hereafter 

And  then  if  his  Ma*y  were  further  pleased  to  annex  that  place  to  Boston,  being  very  convenient 
for  tliem  in  regard  to  its  vicinity  affording  great  store  of  Fishery  @  Islands  fit  for  tliat  purpose  lying 
all  along  to  the  eastward  of  them — ^And  in  lieu  of  that  to  add  to  this  Government  Connecticut  @ 
Rhode  Island,  Connecticut  being  so  conveniently  situate  in  its  adjacing  to  us  and  soe  inconvenient 
for  the  people  of  Boston  by  reason  of  its  being  upwards  of  two  hundred  miles  distance  from  thence ) 
Besides  Connecticut  as  it  now  is  takes  away  from  us  almost  all  the  land  of  value  that  lies  adjoyneing 
to  Hudsons  River  @  the  best  part  of  the  river  itself.  Besides  as  wee  found  by  experience  if  that  place 
bee  not  annexed  to  that  Government  it  will  bee  impossible  to  make  any  thing  considerable  of  his 
Ma'y"  customs  @  revenues  in  Long  Island  they  carry  away  with*  entring  all  our  oyles  which  is  the 
greatest  part  of  what  wee  have  to  make  retm-ns  of  from  this  place :  And  from  Albany  and  that  way 
up  the  river — our  Beaver  &  Peltry. 

This  Government  too  has  an  undoubted  right  to  it  by  charter  which  his  late  Ma'y  of  Blessed  Memory 
granted  to  our  present  King,  and  indeed  if  the  form  of  the  Grovemment  bee  altered  these  people  will 
rather  choose  to  come  under  this  than  that  Goverm*  of  Boston  as  y  Lo'p»  will  p'ceive  by  their  pre- 
sent Gov'  Ires  directed  to  me 

And  as  for  East  Jersey  it  being  situate  on  the  other  side  of  Hudsons  river  @  between  us  @  where  tie 
Eist  and  river  disembogues  itself  into  the  sea  paying  noe  custom  @  having  likewise  the  advantage 
weMJerwy.  ^^  laying  better  land  @  most  of  the  settlers  there  out  of  this  Governm'.  Wee  are  like  <o 
bee  deserted  by  a  great  many  of  oiu*  merchants  whoe  intend  to  settle  there  if  not  annexed  to  this 
Government — 

Last  year  two  or  tliree  ships  came  in  there  with  goods  @  I  am  sure  that  that  Country  cannot,  noe 
not  with  the  help  of  West  Jersey  consume  one  thousand  £b  in  goods  in  two  years  soe  that  the  rest  of 
their  goods  must  have  been  run  into  this  Government  without  paying  his  Maty"  customs  and  indeed 
theres  noe  possibility  of  preventing  it. 

*""  And  as  for  Beaver  @  Peltry  its  impossible  to  hinder  its  being  carried  thither,  the  Indians  value  not 
the  length  of  their  journey  soe  as  they  can  come  to  a  good  market,  which  these  people  can  better 
afford  than  wee  they  paying  noe  custom  or  excise  inwards  or  outwards. 

An  other  inconveniency  by  the  Governments  remaining  as  it  does  is  that  privateers  and  others  can 
come  witUn  Sandy  Hook  and  take  what  Provisions  @  goods  they  please  from  that  side.  Alsoe  very 
often  shipps  bound  to  this  place  break  bulk  there  @  run  their  goods  into  that  Colony  with  intent 
afterwards  to  import  the  same  privately  @  at  more  leisure  into  this  Province  notwithstanding  their 
oath,  they  salving  themselves  with  this  evasion  that  that  place  is  not  in  this  Goverm*,  To  day  an 
Interloper  landed  five  tun  @  one  half  of  teeth  there,  to  prevent  all  which  inconveniences  @  for  the 
securing  of  this  place  from  enemys,  I  desire  to  have  an  order  to  make  up  a  small  Fort  with  twelve 
guns  "pon  Sandy -Hook  the  channell  there  being  soe  near  the  shore  that  noe  vessel  can  goe  in  nor  out 
but  she  must  come  soe  neare  the  Point  that  from  on  board  one  might  toss^a  biscuit  cake  on  shore. 

[Vol.  I.]  13 


98 


GOV.  donoan's  kefort  on  the  provimck  of  kew-yobk. 


it 


If  the  Proprietors  would  rightly  consider  it  they  would  find  it  to  their  own  interest  that  that  place 
should  bee  annexed  to  this  Government  for  they  are  at  a  greater  charge  for  maintaining  the  present 
Goverm'  than  the  whole  profits  of  the  Province  (which  is  by  quit-rents)  will  amount  unto ;  for  they 
are  at  the  whole  charge  the  Country  allowing  nothing  towards  its  support  soe  that  had  they  not  the 
charge  of  the  Goverm',  they  might  put  that  money  into  their  own  pockets. 

And  indeed  to  make  Amboy  a  port  will  be  no  less  inconvenient  for  the  reasons  afore  mentioned 
neighboring  colonys  being  not  come  to  that  P'fection  but  that  one  fort  may  sufficiently  serve  us  all 
We  in  this  (Government  look  upon  that  bay  that  runs  into  the  Sea  at  Sandy  Uook  to  be  Hudsons 
River  therefore  there  being  a  clause  in  my  instructions  directing  mee  that  I  cause  all  vessels 
""X^y""'''  that  come  into  Hudson's  River  to  enter  at  New  York  I  desire  to  know  whether  his  Mat^ 
intends  thereby  those  vessels  that  come  within  Sandy-Hook,  the  people  of  East-Jersey  pre- 
tending a  right  to  the  river  soe  farr  as  their  province  extends  which  is  eighteen  miles  up  the  river 
to  the  northward  of  this  place 

West  Jersey  remaining  as  it  does  will  be  no  less  inconvenient  to  this  Croverra^  for  the  same  reasons 
as  East  Jersey,  they  both  making  but  one  neck  of  land  @  that  so  near  situate  to  us  that  its  more  for 
their  convenience  to  have  commerce  here  than  any  where  else,  @  under  those  circumstances  that  if 
there  were  a  warr  either  with  Christians  or  Indians  they  would  not  bee  able  to  defend  themselves 
without  the  assistance  of  this  Ck>verm^ 

To  bee  short,  there  is  an  absolute  necessity  those  provinces  and  that  of  Connecticut  be  annexed 

The  three  lower  Countys  of  Pennsylvania  have  been  a  dependency  on  this  place  @  a  great  many 
of  the  inhabitants  persons  that  removed  thither  from  this  Goverm'  and  I  doe  not  believe  it  was  his 
Maty*  intention  to  annex  it  to  Pennsylvania,  nor  to  have  it  subject  to  the  same  laws  it  being  the 
King's  own  land,  the  doing  whereof  by  mr  Pen  there  has  been  of  great  detriment  to  this  place  in 
hindring  the  Tobacco  to  come  hither  as  formerly,  for  then  there  came  two  shipps  for  one  that  comes 
now ;  Beaver  @  Peltry  taking  up  but  small  Stowage  in  shipps 

And  indeed  it  were  in  my  opinion  very  necessary  for  the  advantage  of  this  place  @  increase  of  his 
Mat>«  revenues  that  it  were  soe  ordered  that  the  Tobacco  of  these  countrys  may  bee  imported  hitlier 
without  paying  there  the  duty  of  one  penny  p'  pound  and  then  wee  should  not  bee  at  such  streights 
for  returns,  their  trade  would  much  increase,  and  this  place  become  a  magazin  for  the  Neighboring 
provinces,  @  care  taken  that  the  Tobacco  bee  dulj  returned  to  England  whereas  now  a  great  part  of 
it  goes  another  way  @  soe  its  very  necessary  that  the  Collector  of  this  place  should  be  Collector  of 
that  River  for  the  enumerated  commoditys.  And  wee  will  have  such  regard  to  the  advantage  of  this 
port  that  we'el  suffer  noe  fraud  to  bee  committed  there  nor  noe  Tobacco  to  be  exported  but  what 
goes  either  directly  for  England  or  this  place. 

Besides  wee  find  the  contrary  to  bee  very  inconvenient  in  this  that  whereas  formerly  the  damnified 
Tobacco  which  came  from  thence  not  fit  for  England  wee  made  up  in  rolls  and  sent  y«  same  up  the 
Rivei  to  the  Indians  who  in  Exchange  gave  in  Beaver  @  Peltry,  for  want  whereof  his  Maty  revenue 
here  is  much  impaired  inasmuch  as  the  Indians  are  therefore  forct  either  to  Plant  the  tobacco  them- 
selves or  to  goe  where  they  can  be  furnished  with  it  @  there  cany  their  beavor  @  peltry  (they  being 
of  that  temper  that  they  had  rather  want  clothes  than  Tobacco)  by  which  Meanes  his  Maty  revenue 
sustains  a  double  loss,  one  in  the  tea  pe'  cent  such  tobacco  pays  custom  up  the  river  @  the  other  in 
the  custom  of  such  Beaver  @  peltry  as  the  same  would  pro<luce 

Further  if  Pennsylvania  bee  continued  as  by  charter  running  five  degrees  to  the  westward  it  will 
take  in  the  most  of  the  five  nations  that  lye  to  the  westward  of  Albany  @  the  whole  Beaver  @  Peltry 
trade  of  that  place  t.ic  consequence  whereof  will  be  the  depopulation  of  tliis  Goverm*  for  the  people 
must  follow  the  trade.  Those  Indians  and  the  people  of  this  Goverm'  have  been  in  continued  peace 
@  amity  one  with  another  these  fifty  years    And  those  Indians  about  forty  years  agoe  did  annex 


i' 


i 


k 


GOV.   DONOAn's  report  on  the  province  of  NEW-YORK. 


99 


I 


their  lands  to  this  Governm*  @  have  ever  since  constantly  renewed  the  same  with  every  Governor 
that  has  been  here  both  in  the  time  of  the  Dutch  @  the  English  @  in  particular  to  myself  who  have 
given  them  largely  in  consideration  of  their  lands  And  I  am  certainly  informed  that  they  have  de- 
clared they  will  go  @  live  on  y"  other  side  of  the  lake  than  be  under  any  other  Goverm*on  this  than 
ours,  Endeavors  have  been  used  (tho  to  noe  purpose)  to  p'suade  some  of  our  Traders  who  speak  the 
language  to  goe  and  live  upon  the  Susquehanna  river  tho  I  cannot  yet  find  out  by  whom  this  has 
been  made. 

The  five  Indian  nations  are  the  most  warlike  people  in  America,  @  are  a  bulwai'k  between  us  @ 
the  French  @  all  other  Indians  they  goe  as  far  as  the  South  Sea  the  North  West  passage  @  Florida  to 
warr.  New  England  in  their  last  warr  with  the  Indians  had  been  ruined  had  not  S^  Edmund  Andros 
sent  some  of  those  nations  to  their  assistance,  and  indeed  they  are  soe  considerable  that  all  the  In- 
dians in  these  parts  of  America  are  tributary  to  them.  I  suffer  no  Christians  to  converse  with  them 
any  where  but  at  Albany  @  that  not  without  my  license 

Since  I  came  here  the  people  of  Boston  have  sent  them  presents  in  acknouledgement  of  their  favor 
@  friendship.  @  I  was  forc't  to  goe  with  my  Lord  Effingham  to  bury  his  hatchet  and  theirs  which  is 
their  way  of  making  a  peace 

I  have  sent  herewith  what  the  nations  that  conquered  the  Susquehannas  desired  of  the 
wi»i«i'"°'"'King  in  my  Lord  Effingham's  presence  and  I  Ijelieve  it  to  be  of  dangerous  consequence  if 

preuut.  ,  ,  cj  »  ^ 

denyed 
This  Governmt  has  always  been  and  still  is  at  a  great  charge  to  keep  them  peaceable  @  annexed 
to  this  government  which  is  of  tliat  moment  that  upon  any  occasion  I  can  have  three  or  four  thousand 
of  their  men  at  a  call. 
I  cannot  believe  that  ever  it  was  the  King's  intention  to  grant  away  soe  considerable  a  part  of  this 

government  which  has  been  so  long  appropriated  to  it  @  even  the  people  think  it  as  a  part 

forthaBeRverof  thcmsclves  @  would  be  much  troubled  at  a  separation  from  soe  good  @  ancient  neigh- 
Trade.  *  o  w. 

hours  that  at  first  of  their  own  free  wills  become  soe  and  have  ever  since  continued  with 
such  constancy  to  desire  and  maintain  a  mutual  friendship  and  correspondence  If  therefore  his 
Ma*y  were  pleased  to  have  a  line  run  from  41  ^  and  4Q  m  in  Delaware  River  to  the  Falls  upon  the 
Susquehanna  and  to  let  Mr.  Pen  keep  all  below  that  it  would  be  sufficient  for  him  the  bounds  below 
it  being  conjectured  to  contain  more  than  all  England  besides  the  louer  Countys  which  is  near  upon 
100  miles  from  the  Cape  up  the  river  ;  and  in  bredth  more  tlian  30  miles  as  is  generally  beleeved 

To  preserve  the  Beav»  •  @  Peltry  trade  for  this  @  Albany  and  to  be  an  encouragement  to  our 
Beaver  hunters  I  desire  I  may  have  order  to  erect  a  Campayne  Fort  upon  Delaware  River  in  41  d 
40  m ;  another  upon  tlie  Susquehanna  where  his  Maty  shall  think  fit  Mr.  Penns  bounds  shall  ter- 
minate. And  another  at  Oneigra  near  the  great  lake  in  the  way  wliere  our  people  goe  a  Beaver 
hunting  or  trading  or  any  where  else  where  I  shall  think  convenient  it  being  very  necessary  for  the 
support  of  Trade,  maintaining  a  correspondence  with  the  further  Indians,  @  in  securing  our  right  in 
the  coimtry  the  Frencli  making  a  pretence  as  far  as  the  Bay  of  Mexico,  for  which  they  have  no  other 
argument  than  tliat  they  liave  had  possession  this  twenty  yeai-s  by  their  fathers  living  so  long  among 
the  Indians  they  have  fathers  still  among  tlie  five  nations  aforementioned  viz.  tlie  Maquaes,  Sinicaes, 
Cayouges,  Oneides,  and  Onondagues  @  have  converted  many  of  them  to  tlie  Cliristian  Faith  @  doe 
tlieir  utmost  to  draw  them  to  Canada,  to  which  place  there  are  already  G  or  700  retired  and  more 
like  to  doe,  to  the  great  prejudice  of  this  Goverm*  if  not  prevented.  I  have  done  my  endeavours  @ 
Indians  (rom  '^^^®  S^"®  '^^  ^^  "*  ^*  *!***•  ^  '^^^c  prevailed  with  tlie  Indians  to  consent  to  come  back  from 
cuiuuia-  Canada  on  condition  that  I  procure  for  tliem  a  piece  of  land  called  Serachtague  lying  upon 
Hudson's  River  about  40  miles  above  Albany  @  there  furnish  them  with  priests. 

Thereupon  and  upon  a  petition  of  the  people  of  Albany  to  mee  setting  forth  the  reasonableness 
and  conveniency  of  granting  to  the  Indians  there  requests  I  have  procured  the  land  for  them,  altho 


I  .1  ■ 


^i 


3  i 


too 


GOV.   DONOAM'i  report  on  the    province  or    NEW-YORK. 


it  has  been  formerly  patented  to  people  at  Albany  @  have  promised  the  Indians  that  they  shall  have 
priests  and  that  I  will  build  them  a  church  @  have  assured  the  people  of  Albany  that  I  would  ad- 
dress his  Ma'y  as  to  your  Lo'p*  that  care  may  bee  taken  to  send  over  by  the  first  five  or  six  it  being 
a  matter  of  great  consequence. 

These  Indians  have  about  10  or  12  castles  (as  they  term  them)  ®  those  at  a  great  distance  from 
one  another,  soe  that  tliere  is  an  absolute  necessity  of  having  soe  many  priests,  that  tlicre  bee  three 
always  travelling  from  castle  to  castle,  @  the  rest  to  live  with  those  that  are  Christians,  By  that 
means  the  French  Priests  will  be  obliged  to  retire  to  Canada,  whereby  the  French  will  be  divested  of 
their  pretence  to  y«  Country  @  then  wee  shall  enjoy  that  trade  without  any  fear  of  being  diverted, 

I  find  a  very  small  matter  will  serue  the  French  for  a  pretence  of  right.  About  30  years  ago 
6  or  700  of  tliem  taking  advantage  of  the  Indians  being  abroad  soe  larr  as  Cape  Florida  at  warr  came 
down  @  burnt  a  castle  of  the  Maquaes  wherein  there  were  none  but  old  men  women  @  cldldren 
which  the  rest  of  the  Indians  hearing  pursued  the  French  to  a  place  called  Sconectade  about  20  miles 
above  Albany  where  they  had  every  man  been  cut  off  liad  not  one  Corlarr  (a  Dutchman  so  beloved 
of  the  Indians  that  in  memory  of  him  they  call  all  Governors  by  that  name)  interposed 

However  from  that  time  they  have  fancied  to  themselves  that  they  have  a  right  to  tlie  country  so 
farr  as  that  place 

The  great  difference  between  us  is  about  tlie  Beaver  trade  and  in  truth  they  have  the  advantage  of 
us  in  it  @  that  by  noe  other  meanes  than  by  their  Industry  in  making  discoveries  in  the  country 
before  us. 

Before  my  coming  hither  noe  man  of  our  Governm*  ever  went  beyond  the  Sinicaes  country.  Last 
year  some  of  our  people  went  a  trading  among  the  farr  Indians  called  the  Ottowais  inhabiting  about 
three  months  journey  to  the  West  @  W.  N.  W.  of  Albany  from  whence  they  brought  a  good  many 
Beavers.  They  found  their  people  more  Inclined  to  trade  with  them  than  the  French  the  French 
not  being  able  to  protect  them  from  the  arms  of  our  Indians,  with  whom  they  have  had  a  continued 
warr,  soe  that  our  Indians  brought  away  this  very  last  year,  a  great  many  prisoners, 

Last  week  I  sent  for  some  of  our  Indians  to  New  York  where  when  they  came  I  obtained  a  promise 
from  them  that  some  of  themselves  would  goe  along  with  such  of  our  people  as  goe  from  Albany  & 
Esopus  to  there  far  nations  @  carry  with  them  the  captives  they  haue  prisoners  In  order  to  the  resto- 
ring them  to  their  liberty  @  and  bury  their  hatchetts  with  those  of  their  enemys  by  which  means  a 
path  may  be  opened  for  these  farr  Indians  to  come  with  safety  to  trade  at  Albany,  and  our  people 
goe  thither  without  any  let  or  disturbance. 

I  hear  the  French  have  built  a  Wooden  Fort  or  two  in  the  Way  thither  @  that  there  are  two  offi- 
cers with  men  in  them  to  obstruct  our  passage,  I  am  sending  a  Scotch  Gent  called  M^Greger  (that 
served  formerly  in  France)  along  with  our  people,  he  has  orders  not  to  disturb  or  meddle  with  the 
French  and  I  hope  they  will  not  meddle  with  him.  Ever  since  my  coming  liither  it  lias  been  no  small 
trouble  to  keep  the  Sinicaes  from  making  warr  upon  the  French,  Monsieur  De  la  Barr  was  very  hot 
upon  It  @  brought  a  great  many  men  to  a  place  called  Cadaraque  lying  on  the  lake  with  Intent  to 
fall  on  the  Indians,  who  hearing  of  It  came  to  me  for  leave  to  enter  Canade  with  lire  (5)  sword,  which 
I  refused  to  permit  but  Immediately  I"wro*  to  La  Barr  @  let  him  know  that  those  Indians  were  his 
Maty*  of  Great  Britain's  subjects  @  that  he  must  not  molest  them  @  that  If  the  Indians  had  done  the 
Govemm*  of  Canada  any  Injury,  upon  his  making  the  same  appear,  I  would  cause  that  hee  should 
liave  satisfaction  as  also  I  sent  the  arms  of  his  Royal  Highness  now  his  Majesty  to  bee  put  up  In  eacli 
castle  as  far  as  Oneigra  which  was  accordingly  done,  @  thereupon  De  la  Barr  retired  without  doing 
anything  after  having  been  at  vast  expense  and  all  to  no  purpose. 

The  new  Governor  Mons'  de  Nonvllle  has  written  mee  that  hee  desires  to  have  a  very  good 
correspondence  with  this  Governm'  @  I  hope  hee  will  bee  as  good  as  his  word,  notwithstanding  he 
put|a  great  deal  of  provisions  into  @  keeps  four  or  five  hundred  men  at  Cadaraque 


'I 


i 


'       ^ 


U      i 


I 


GOV.    DONOAM'S    report   on  the   province   of   NEW-YORK. 


101 


Last  spring  he  sent  one  De  la  Croa  with  fifty  soldiers  @  '^'^e  hundred  young  men  of  Canada  to  the 
North  West  passage  where  as  I  am  certainly  informed  tt<  Canada  tliey  have  taken  three  forts. 
About  two  years  since  tliere  came  a  tliousand  men  from  France  to  Canada  with  the  new  Gov  @  three 
himdred  came  the  year  after.  But  the  most  part  of  tliem  as  I  hear  are  since  dead  the  country  proving 
too  cold  for  them.  We  need  not  feare  them  soe  long  as  the  Indians  continue  to  bee  our  friends  @  tlie 
less  if  we  can  prevail  with  the  Indians  that  are  Clu'istians  to  come  from  them  to  us,  they  being  gene- 
rally the  youngest  @  lustiest  men. 

The  number      Last  year  there  was  a  list  brought  into  the  new  Gov  of  17000  French  Inhabitants  in 
ctalil^  "  Canada,  men  women  @  children  of  which  3000  fit  to  bear  arms. 

It  will  be  very  necessary  for  us  to  encoiuage  our  young  men  to  goe  a  Beaver  hunting  as  the  French 
doe. 

I  send  a  Map  by  Mr.  Spragg  whereby  your  Lopp»  may  see  the  several  Governm'*  &c  how  they  lye 
where  the  Beaver  hunting  is  @  where  it  will  be  necessary  to  erect  our  Country  Forts  for  tlie  securing 
of  beaver  trade  @  keeping  the  Indians  in  community  with  us 

Alsoe  it  points  out  where  theres  a  great  river  discovered  by  one  Lassal  a  Frenchman  ft-om  Canada 
who  thereupon  went  into  France  @  and  as  its  reported  brought  two  or  three  vessels  with  people  to 
settle  there  which  (if  true)  will  prove  not  only  very  inconvenient  to  us  but  to  the  Spanish  alsoe  (the 
river  running  all  along  from  our  lakes  by  the  back  of  Virginia  @  Carolina  into  the  Bay  Mexico)  @ 
its  beleeved  Nova  Mexico  can  not  bee  far  from  the  mountains  adjoining  to  it  tliat  place  being  in  36d 
Nortli  Latitude  if  your  Lop»  thought  it  fit  I  could  send  a  sloop  or  two  from  this  place  to  discover  that 
river. 

In  answer  to  the  Fifth 
The  itrengih     This  qucry  is  for  the  most  part  answered  in  the  precedent  what  is  not  answered  followeth 

of  our  , 

iieiKhbori        liere 

Connecticut  according  to  the  nearest  conjecture  I  can  make  may  have  about  3000  men  able  to  beai* 
arms 

In  it  there  are  but  few  Indians  having  been  generally  destroyed  or  removed  into  this  government 
in  the  time  of  the  last  warrs 
They  have  but  a  small  trade,  what  they  have  is  to  the  West-Indies  Boston  and  tliis  place. 
They  have  not  above  a  Ketch  or  two  and  about  6  or  7  sloops  belonging  to  the  place. 
The  country  is  very  good  accommodated  with  several  good  harbors  @  two  considerable  rivers 
New  London  is  @  very  good  harbor  for  shipping  where  tliey  may  ride  secure  from  all  winds    As  for 
their  timber  its  the  same  as  ours  here 

To  the  Sixth 
The  Correspondence  wee  hold  with  our  neighbors  is  very  amicable  @  good  wee  on  all  occasions 
doing  to  each  other  all  the  offices  of  Friendship  @  Service  wee  cann :  which  has  soe  mucli  endeared 
them  to  us  that  they  desire  nothing  more  than  to  be  a  part  of  this  Goverm'  those  of  Connecticut 
choosing  farr  ratlier  to  come  under  this  Goverm*  than  that  of  Boston  for  the  reasons  afore  mentioned 
and  the  Jerseys  wishing  the  like  as  having  once  been  a  part  of  us.  And  seeing  that  in  this  separa- 
tion tliey  are  not  soe  easy  nor  safe,  as  they  might  expect  to  hee,  were  they  re-united  to  us 

To  the  Seventh 
It  is  answered  in  tlie  answer  to  the  Fourtli 

To  the  Eighth 
For  the  longitude  latitude  and  contents  of  tliis  Goverra'  I  refer  yo'  Lop»  to  the  afore  men- 
uSe  »t   tioned  Map  wherein  you  will  see  in  what  narrow  bounds  we  are  cooped  up 

Tlie  land  of  this  Goverment  is  generally  barren  rocky  land  except  the  land  wee  have  right  to  on 
the  Susquehanna  river  @  up  into  the  country  amongst  our  Indians  where  there  are  great  quantities 
very  good 


What 
arroes  ftc 


What  are  the 
boundaries 


IM 


GOV.   DONOAM'b   report  on  the  province  or   NEW-YORK. 


Ill 


ll 


What  was  good  &  did  lye  convenient  and  near  the  sea  for  y*  most  part  is  taken  from  us  by  Con- 
necticut Ii^st  and  West  Jersey 

What  is  left  is  pretty  well  settled,  as  your  Lop*  will  perceive  by  the  list  of  patents  Mr.  Sprag  has 
with  liim 

When  I  came  to  the  Goverment,  I  found  very  little  quit-rent  reserved  to  liis  Ma*r  however  I  have 
got  tlie  people  with  their  own  consent  to  the  payment  of  a  certainty  as  yo'  Lop*  may  perceive  by  the 
afore  mentioned  list  of  patents.  Such  as  pay  noe  quit-rents  I  bring  into  the  aforementioned  court 
for  his  Maty  rents  @  revenues  where  in  a  short  time  they  are  easily  induced  to  doe  it,  @  I  hope  his 
Ma'y  will  have  considerable  revenue  by  it 

To  the  Mnth 
Tlie  principal  towns  witliin  the  Goverm*  are  New  York  Albany  (n)  Kingston  at  Esopus    All  the  rest 

are  country  villages  the  buildings  in  New-York  @  Albany  an;  generally  of  stone  ®  brick. 
prhioipai    '  In  tiie  country  the  houses  are  mostly  new  built,  having  two  or  three  rooms  on  a  floor   The 

Dutch  ore  great  improvers  of  land  New  York  @  Albany  live  wholly  ujron  trade  with  the 
Indians  England  and  the  West  Indies.  The  returns  for  England  ore  generally  Beaver  Peltry  Oile  @ 
Tobacco  when  we  can  have  it.  To  the  West  Indies  we  send  Flower,  Bread  Peade  pork  C(ii  sometimes 
horses ;  tlie  return  from  thence  for  the  most  part  is  rumm  which  pays  the  King  u  considerable  excise 
@  some  molasses  which  serves  the  people  to  make  drink  @  pays  noe  custom 
There  are  about  nine  of  ten  three  most  vessels  of  about  80  or  100  tons  burthen  two  or  three  ketches 

C")  Barks  of  about  40  Tun :  and  about  twenty  sloops  of  about  twenty  or  five  Cui  twenty  Tunn 

belonging  to  the  Goverm'    All  of  which  trade  for  England  Holland  @  the  West  Indies  ex- 
cept six  or  seven  sloops  that  use  the  river  trade  to  Albany  @  that  way 

mMm'^''    The  Tenth  is  answered  in  the  answers  to  the  four  @  twentieth 

PrMinli  ke 

To  the  Eleventh 
A  thousand  sliips  may  ride  here  safe  from  winds  @  weather,  I  send  herewith  to  your  Lod.  i  Map 
wh>i  rivira  from  the  coming  in  of  Sandy  Hook  to  the  northermost  end  of  this  Island  wherein  the 
touitkQ  Soundings  are  markt  by  which  youil  perceive  tlie  coming  in  @  conveniency  of  this 
harbor  Quit  along  the  north  side  of  Long  Island  ore  very  good  harbors  @  roads  but  on  the  soutli 
side  none  at  all 

To  the  Twelfth 
whii  ooro-      What  account  I  can  at  present  give  of  this  is  for  the  most  part  contained  in  my  answer 
modiiy  tc     ^  jjjg  fourth  of  your  LoP»  Queries 

To  the  Thirteenth 
Both  our  neighbors  and  wee  have  conveniency  sufficient  either  for  transporting  timber  or  building 
And  for  tryal  if  your  Lodp  think  fit,  I  will  send  over  boards  of  what  dimensions  you 

Whnl  limber  j  J  J  J 

mut  *^  v>h«r  please  tlie  three  inch  planks  I  have  for  the  Batteries  cost  me  fifteen  shillings  the  hundred 

foot 

To  the  Fourteenth 
I  can  give  y»  Lo  noe  account  at  present  but  by  the  next  I  may.    I  will  make  a  diligent  enquiry 
Whether  Sill  about  it  ®  whcu  I  have  got  any  thing  worthy  of  your  Lop»  knowledge  I  will  acquoint 
PC"*  *«     you  with  it 

To  the  Fifteenth 
Concerning  the  number  of  the  Inhabitants  merchants  English  @  Foreigners,  Servants  Slaves  ®  how 

many  able  to  bear  arms  it  is  not  possible  to  give  an  exact  account  but  in  order  to  my  being 
of  inhtbiimnu  certainly  informed  I  have  issued  forth  several  warrants  to  the  Sheriffs  within  this  goverment 


Bhipe  * 
vcieele. 


, 


GOV.    OOMOAN'S   RCPOmT   ON   THE   PKOVINCC  OF   rrKW-VORK. 


loa 


requiring  them  to  make  an  inquiry  thereof  <S  to  return  the  same  to  mee  on  whx.     retorns  I  ttOtH  BOt 
fail  to  give  your  Lodp*  the  account  required. 

To  the  Sixtetnlh 
I  believe  for  these  7  years  last  past,  therer  has  not  come  over  into  this  province  twenty  English 
wh*inunib«r  Scotch  or  Irish  fumilys.  But  on  the  contrary  on  Long  Island  the  people  encreasc  soe  lust 
Mo'iohiriih  thut  they  complain  for  want  of  land  ®  many  remove  from  thence  into  tlie  neighboring 
il'iM  "o'iSi'w'pfovlnce.  But  of  French  there  have  been  since  my  coming  Iiere  several  femilys  come  both 
inhabit  *o  ^^  gj,  cjjpigtophers  &  England  (n)  a  great  many  more  are  expected  as  alsoe  from  Holland 
are  come  several  Dutch  familys  which  is  another  great  argument  of  the  necessity  of  adding  to  this 
Govcrm'  the  neighboring  English  Colonys,  that  a  more  equal  ballance  may  be  kept  between  his 
Maty*  naturall  born  subjects  and  foreigners  which  latter  are  the  most  prevailing  part  of  this  Govern- 
ment 
I  send  herewith  a  petition  of  the  new  come  naturalized  French 

'  umbl?  or"  For  Answer  to  the  Seventeenth  tr  Eighteenth 

chJii'taHrnM      I  must  refer  your  Lop»  to  my  next  by  which  time  I  doubt  not  but  to  be  able  to  give  y« 

b*r  <7  Aopi^desired  account  having  to  that  end  issued  forth  the  like  warrant  to  the  Sherilf  as  aforesaid 

djrcd  *e 

To  the  J^ineteenth 
As  concerning  y*  vessels  belonging  to  this  place  it  is  ah%ady  answered  in  the  answer 
■r  •i"i(i!l'tra<ie  of  y  Lop*  ninth  Querie  @  for  others  they  are  but  few  which  are  either  from  England  New 
England  or  the  West  Indies 

To  the  Twentieth 
wh«t  ob-        What  obstructions  do  you  find  to  the  improvement  of  trade  &c. 

■ruetioM  co 

Ans.  a  great  obstruction  to  our  trade  is  the  hindring  the  importing  Tobacco  from  the  three  lower 
Countys  in  Delaware  as  I  have  already  given  your  Lop*  an  account  in  answer  to  the  fifth  of  your 
queries 

It  is  likewise  a  great  liindrance  to  our  trade  here  @  an  inconveniency  to  the  sliips  that  come  out  of 
England  and  the  fishery  that  his  Maty  keeps  not  an  officer  at  Newfoundland  for  formerly  there  went 
every  year  Sloops  with  provisions  thither  @  gave  the  provisions  in  exchange  for  their  fish  wlio  again 
sold  them  to  tlie  Shipps  for  Bills  of  Exchange  to  England  which  made  good  returns  from  this  place 
procuring  back  from  England  English  goods  which  paid  his  Maty  custom  there 

For  the  regulation  of  our  trade  we  have  made  several  rules  among  ourselves,  the  chief  of  which 
is  that  noe  goods  of  the  product  of  Europe  or  West  Indies  bee  imported  into  this  province  unless  it 
were  directly  from  England  or  such  part  of  the  West  Indies  where  such  commoditys  were  produced, 
without  paying  as  a  custom  to  his  Maty  10  pr  cent 

To  the  one  and  Tuoentieth 
This  querie  is  sufficiently  answered  in  the  foregoing  answers 

To  the  two  and  Twentieth  concerning  the  Revenue 

dii'A'io"  ""*  I  shall  give  your  Lop"  an  exact  answer  to  this  querie  as  its  possible  for  me,  and  wherein 
I  am  deficient  I  shall  acquaint  your  Lop*  with  the  true  causes  of  it 

The  Revenue  except  that  of  the  Quit-Rents  has  been  settled  upon  his  Maty  then  his  Royal  High- 
ness @  his  heirs  by  act  of  Assembly  payable  in  manner  following  viz* 

For  every  Gallon  of  Rum  Brandy  @  distilled  liquors  to  bee  imported  into  the  province  @  its 
dependencys  fou  pence  currant  money  of  the  province 

For  every  pipe  of  Madera,  Fyal  St  George  Canary  Malaga  Sherry  @  all  sweet  wines  the  simim  of 
forty  shillings  currant  money  aforesaid 


What  adrantaga 
or  impiovementi 
may  be  gained  to 
your  trade 


104 


OOV.    UONUAN'i    MFORT  on    the   province   or    NEW-YORK. 


E     .*- 


Upon  all  other  merchandizes  imported  into  the  province  (d)  dependenoya  the  sunuu  of  turty  siiil- 
linRS  currant  money  aforesalil  for  every  Imndred  pounds  valued  at  the  prime  cost  except  thoite 
hereafter  specifletl  viz' 

Suit,  Brick,  Pan-tyles,  Coals,  Fish,  Sugar  Molasses,  Cottonwool  Ginger,  TiOgwrnxI,  brasalette,  tliistyk 
west-Iudia  hydes,  Tobacco  bullion  0^  Plate 

Upon  all  merchandize  commonly  called  Indian  Goods  as  Dufl'els,  Strouds,  Blankctts,  plains,  half- 
thicks.  Woolen  Stoklns,  Wliite  Ozenbrlggs,  kettles,  liatchettH,  hoes,  Hed  Lernl,  vt-rmllion,  (Cotton,  Red 
Kersey,  Knives,  Indian  Haberdashery  (n)  other  Indian  g<KHls  the  summ  of  ten  |)ouuds  currant  money 
aforesaid  for  every  hundred  pounds  value  prime  cost  carried  up  Iludsons  river  in  any  vessel  sloops 
boats  or  canoes  or  any  other  way 

Upon  every  barll  of  powder  twelve  shillings 

Upon  every  lb.  weight  of  lead  six  shillings 

For  every  Gun  or  Gun  Baril  with  a  lock  six  shillings 

For  every  Gall',  of  Riuu,  Brandy  or  distilld  Liquors  that  shall  bee  carried  up  Hudsons  river  afore- 
said four  pence  currant  money  aforesaid 

And  likewise  by  the  said  act  is  settled  upon  his  Matr,  his  heirs  (fii  successors  on  excise  upon  all 
liquors  (beer  and  cyder  excepted)  retailed  under  five  gallons  the  sum  of  twelve  pence  currant  mr  ney, 
aforesaid  witliin  y«  city  @  county  of  New  York  per  gallon  as  alsoe  tlie  excise  of  twelve  pence  ci  rrunt 
money  atbresaid  upon  each  gallon  of  llrjuor  carried  up  Hudsons  river.  And  also  an  excise  of  twelve 
pence  on  liquors  retailed  throughout  the  whole  province  &  Depencles  (beer  and  cyder  only  excepted) 

As  alsoe  the  custom  (a)  duty  uiwn  every  beaver  skin  commonly  called  a  whole  Beaver,  nine  pence 

And  tiiat  all  other  ftirs  (<f>  peltry  bee  valued  accordingly  that  is  for  two  lialf  beavers  nine  pence 
lor  four  lappa  nine  pence  three  drillings  one  shilling  sixpence  ten  ratoons  ninepence  four  foxes  nine- 
pence,  four  fishers  nine  pence,  five  catts  ninepence,  four  @  twenty  mees-catts  nine  ponce,  ten  mailers 
nine  pence,  twenty-four  pounds  of  Moose  (S*  Deer  Skin  ninepence.  And  all  other  Peltry  to  be  valued 
equivalent  to  the  whole  beaver  exported  out  of  this  Province  (bull  ®  cowhides  excepted) 

And  alsoe  that  all  Indian  traders  throughout  the  whole  province  @  dependencies  doe  pay  for  tlie 
value  of  eacli  hundred  pounds  prime  cost  thoy  trafflck  with  the  Indians  for,  ten  pounds  money 
aforesaid. 

And  for  all  Beer  &>  Sider  retailed  tliroughout  the  Province  @  dependencies  six  shillings  per  baril, 
and  fur  each  baril  of  beer  or  sider  that  is  sold  to  the  Indians  six  shillings  as  if  retailed 
As  for  the  Quit  Rents  at  my  arrival  tliey  were  very  inconsiderable  most  made  by  S'  Edmund  Andros, 
Quii  Rent!  the  grcatcst  part  whereof  in  Delaware  River  the  most  part  of  the  patents  granted  by  my 
predecessors  were  without  any  reservation  of  any  Quit-Rents  or  acknowledgement  to  his  Mu'y  or 
very  inconsiderable  such  as  several  of  S'  Edmond  Andros's  grants  to  great  townships  reserving  the 
Quit-rent  of  our  Land  only  (Sj  were  but  confirmations  of  former  grants  (oi  Indian  purcliuses.  These 
people  have  renewed  their  patents  under  a  greater  Quit-Rent  as  will  appear  by  tlie  list  sent  herewith 
most  of  these  patents  grantetl  by  mee  were  confirmations  alsoe 

The  methods  that  I  took  for  the  obliging  tliem  to  this  was  finding  several  tracts  of  land  in  their 
townships  not  purchased  of  the  Indians  and  soe  at  his  Maty*  disposal.  They  were  willing  ratlier  to 
submit  to  a  greater  Quit  Rent  than  have  that  unpiwchased  land  disposed  of  to  others  than  themselves 

The  persons  that  have  had  the  collection  receipt  (3^  management  of  his  Maty'*  revenue  for  these 
three  years  past  («!  upwards  are  Mr  Lucas  Santen  by  commission  from  his  Ma'y  then  his  Royal  High- 
ness, Collector  @  Receiver.  John  Smith  one  that  he  brought  out  of  England  was  his  deputy  book- 
keei)er  (q:  surveyor  for  about  three  yeai's  @  one  John  Harlow  a  servant  of  his,  waiter  @  searcher 
sanion  I  gavc  ordcT  to  Mr  Santon  that  for  the  good  management  of  this  small  revenue  to  y«  best 
advantage  hee  should  not  make  any  journey  into  the  country  on  pretence  of  the  King's  business 


UOV.    I)0NUAN*S    RCPOmT   UN   THE     PROVINrK  0»-    NCW-VORK. 


IO!V 


whereby  to  put  him  to  fhar(?f ,  hut  that  when  any  thing  oocurml  hre  »h<mM  iic«|UHlnt  mee  with  It 
thnf  I  mtglit  onler  the  nherlffn  or  Justlwn  of  t!io  Peuco  of  tJw  FUce  to  take  care  of  It.  And  al*)e 
wrat  up  to  AllMiiiy  myself  on  puriK)(ie  to  settle  his  Maty*  business  there  where  I  niiule  one  R»)bert 
MvlncstiuM' CoUerlor  f'rt  Receiver,  with  order  to  acc»  «•••»  C")  pay  Into  Mr  Santer  w»  money  he  sho-' 
n>ceiv<-  fur  which  he  was  to  have  1*  \H't  Pound  of  all  such  moneys  as  slmuld  (tass  through  his  luuuht 
Qi  aK.H«  made  him  Clerk  of  the  Town  that  both  places  together  might  afl'ord  him  a  competent  maln- 
teuiiiice 

At  Esopus  one  TlioraJia  Oarton  was  by  Mr  Santon  made  collector  OD  rec<<lver  who  as  I  And  by  Mr 
Santons  account  hail  not  accounted  with  him  lor  these  three  years  past.  Vintn  wrli  I  was  Ibrct  to 
send  an  order  of  Council  for  his  coming  MMier  with  his  accts  who  wlien  hee  came  gave  In  a  scrole  of 
jtaper  containing  a  conftised  acct  of  alioui  X200.  i)retendlng  that  his  accts  together  with  a  great  deal 
of  corn  ("1  Peltry  by  l>lm  collected  («}  recelvetl  for  his  Maty"  customs  excise  («i  Qult-Hents  were  burnt 
in  his  house  so  tliat  all  tlie  council  ("1  I  could  get  from  Idtn  for  three  years  T"  on  half  past  was  u  boml 
of  X200. 

Since  that  I  have  set  the  Excise  of  that  country  alone  to  Mr  I'uwllng  sherltf  for  XI 10. 

As  for  the  county  of  Richmond  I  Imve  noe  acct  thereof,  as  your  Lop»  will  see  by  the  audit. 

And  for  the  county  of  West  Chester  one  Collins  is  Collector  Cti>  Receiver  tiiere,  whoe  (as  your  Lop« 
nmy  likewise  see  by  the  audit)  has  not  given  any  account — only  this  Mr  Simten  tells  me  that  in 
Sept'  last  lice  took  two  bonds  for  money  payable  in  March  next  which  I  look  upon  to  be  nothing,  ('« 
all  the  Revenue  of  that  County  lost  the  man  having  hardly  bread  to  put  in  his  mouth. 

The  first  year  there  was  X52.  offered  for  the  Excise  of  Long  Island,  but  I  thought  it  unreasonable 
it  being  the  best  iM'opled  place  in  this  Qoverm*  (To  wherein  theres  great  '•onsumj^tlon  of  Rumm  (if-  and 
therefore  I  gave  commission  to  Mr  Nicolls  (Si  Mr  Vaughton  to  gntb^r  it  with  whom  I  made  this  agree- 
ment tliat  out  of  it  they  shoidd  have  forty  pounds,  (n  that  tlw}  should  account  with  Mr  Sjmton  for 
tlie  remainder. 

Since  that  for  these  two  years  past  one  Henry  Fillkin  has  been  Collector  («>  for  his  pains  has  a 
salary  of  X30  per  ann.  What  returns  he  makes  I  referr  to  the  audit  most  part  of  the  people  of 
that  Island  especially  towards  the  East  end  are  of  the  same  stamp  with  those  of  New-England, 
refractory  (<ii  very  loatli  to  have  any  commerce  with,  this  place  to  tlie  great  detrm'  of  his  Maty 
revenue  <(i)  ruin  of  our  merchants.  To  prevent  which  the  uturcmentioned  act  of  Assembly  imposing 
10  pr  cent  upon  all  such  goods  as  should  be  importeti  from  any  colony  where  such  gooils  were  not 
pnnluced  passed,  wliich  was  intended  chiefly  to  hinder  tlieir  carrying  tlieir  oylo  to  Boston  Oil  bring- 
ing goods  from  thence  into  this  Goverm' 

Tliey  tliought  it  a  hartlship  to  be  obliged  as  formerly  to  come  to  this  citty  to  enter  (a!  clear  Oil  on 
their  application  were  allowed  to  have  a  port  where  I  made  Mr  Arnold  Collector  (<»>  Receiver,  with 
order  to  be  accomptable  to  Mr  Santen — What  returns  ho  has  given  I  likewise  referr  to  the  audit 

I  allowed  him  for  3  years  @  half  past  but  X52  with  which  hee  was  well  satisfied  having  had 
some  Pquisits  by  Entrys  @  clearing  there  Notwithstanding  the  desire  of  theirs  was  readily  granted 
they  refused  to  take  our  merchants  money  or  gootls  ®  carried  away  their  Oyle  private  to  Boston 
((7)  brought  back  goods  from  thence  as  formerly.  Therefore  witli  the  advice  of  the  Council  I  made 
an  order  that  all  people  before  they  goe  there  shall  enter  @  clear  here  and  also  I  have  bought  a  Bark 
that  cruseth  there  with  r  riifister,  two  seamen  a  sergeant  Of  six  soldiers  from  the  Garrison  lor  which 
tlie  soldiers  are  allowed  no  more  than  their  pay  except  a  little  pi-ovision  more  than  their  former 
alloAvance,  the  master  ®  two  seamen  I  have  listed  in  the  Company  alsoe  ©allow  them  something 
more  than  soldiers  pay. 

[Vol.  I.]  14 


i  i 


■I 


I 


I 

■3 


)i 

1 


f  ! 


100 


GOV.  DONGAN'S  report  on  THI  province  of  new- YORK. 


As  for  the  Diilces  county  @  county  of  Cornwall  I  refer  to  y  audit.  What  acct  Mr  Santen  gives 
@  Judge  Palmer  whom  I  sent  thither  last  spring  @  has  made  his  returns  to  Mr  Santen  among  which 
theres  an  account  of  the  seizure  of  wines  and  oyl  made  in  the  county  of  Cornwall 

Tlie  first  year  I  left  every  thing  to  the  care  of  Mr  Santon  @  what  officers  liee  tliought  fit  to  put  in, 
but  afterwards  finding  things  ill  managed  I  spake  to  Mr  Santon  several  times,  advising  him  as  a 
friend  to  look  better  to  the  trust  reposed  in  him 

What  returns  hee  has  made  mee  for  my  kindness  I  will  pass  by  @  say  noe  more  of  them  than  I 
am  obliged  to  doe  for  my  own  vindication  having  nothing  of  ill  will  against  liim 

After  the  expiration  of  the  year  I  desired  him  to  bring  in  his  accounts  that  they  might  bee  audited 
which  hee  promised  me  from  time  to  time  but  in  such  manner  as  was  not  fit  for  him  for  always  when 
I  spoke  to  liim  of  moneys  @  accompt  he  flew  into  a  passion 

Upon  which  I  ordered  him  that  since  hee  had  no  better  goverment  of  himself  he  should  refrain 
from  coming  into  my  company  @  after  I  frequently  sent  to  him  by  the  Secy  for  his  accompts  who 
likewise  met  with  the  same  dilatory  answers.  Upon  which  I  had  him  brought  before  the  council  3 
or  4  times  where  he  was  often  ordered  to  bring  in  his  accts  but  all  to  noe  piu-pose  for  upwards  of  a 
year  together  as  y'  Lop'  may  see  by  the  time  of  the  audit  (g  by  the  several  orders  of  council  here- 
with sent 

At  last  when  Iiis  accts  came  I  shewed  them  to  the  coimcil  who  were  mightily  surprised  that  for 
eighteen  @  upwards  the  Revenue  should  amount  but  to  iJ3000  @  odd  pounds  upon  which  I  had 
them  audited  and  thereby  it  was  found  that  a  great  many  frauds  had  been  done  to  the  King  as  your 
LoP»  may  see  by  the  said  audit  @  the  charge  brought  in  @  proved  against  Mr  Santon 

Then  I  desired  him  to  put  John  Smith  from  the  office  of  surveyor  and  out  of  the  custom  house 
having  the  charity  for  mr  Santon  to  believe  that  that  man  has  cheated  him  as  well  as  the  King  (i 
having  had  while  in  England  this  ill  character  of  him  from  S"^  Benj"  Bathurst  that  for  his  misbeha- 
vior he  had  been  turned  out  of  a  good  employment)  But  hee  never  -wo^  comply  with  it  notwith- 
standing several  orders  of  councill  to  that  affect  until  I  put  in  on  Thomas  Coker  to  bee  surveyor, 
upon  which  Smith  being  concerned  at  losing  his  surveyors  place,  grew  very  insolent  and  put  Mr 
Santon  upon  worse  measures  as  is  believed,  for  which  @  other  misdemeanors  as  y  Lop»  may  pceave 
by  the  Minutes  of  Council  sent  over  by  Mr  Sprag  he  was  turned  wliolly  out  of  the  Custom  House 

In  Hatlow  (Serv'  to  Mr  Santon)  that  was  waiter  and  searcher  he  sent  into  England  as  I  am  inlbrmed 
to  the  commissioners  of  thee  custom  house  for  a  commission  to  be  collector  for  the  enumerated 
cx3moditys  here,  @  would  force  so  much  for  his  going  @  coming  as  y  Lop»  may  see  charged  in  his 
acct  brought  in  to  tlie  audit  @  likewise  has  brought  in  a  note  of  Iiis  for  four  and  twenty  pounds  odd 
money  for  going  to  the  east  end  of  Long  Island  in  which  he  did  not  spend  fourteen  days  time 

Tlie  Auditor  finding  noe  cheque  upon  the  collector  his  book  keeper  being  Surveyor  called  upon 
this  Hatlow  for  his  warrants  who  answered  that  hee  had  none  or  that  if  ever  hee  had  any  hee  had 
left  them  in  England 

Upon  wliich  I  put  in  one  Larkin  in  liis  stead  who  upon  an  order  in  Coiuicil  set  up  in  tlie  Custom 
House  commanding  noe  goods  to  goe  ofi"  without  a  warrant  refusing  to  lett  some  goods  bee  exported 
on  the  verbal  order  of  Mr  Santon  only  was  by  him  turned  out  of  tliat  place  as  your  Lop'  will  see  by 
the  aforementioned  charge  @  the  proofs  thereto 

After  the  audit  of  his  first  accts  the  <:  'hers  were  demanded  and  with  the  same  difficulty  as  the 
former  obtained  as  y  Loi'»  may  perceive  by  the  said  minutes  of  Council  particularly  the  order  for 
payment  every  Saturday  which  was  occasioned  thus  The  Council  considering  how  tlilatory  Mr  San- 
ton was  @  with  what  difficulty  he  would  lie  brought  to  account  being  satisfied  that  Mr  Santon  was 
then  behindhand  in  liis  paym"  C"!  that  in  process  of  time  lie  might  bee  yet  more  soe  for  the  prevent- 
ing of  furtlier  erabezlement  of  liis  Ma'y  revenue  they  ordered  liim  that  every  Saturday  hee  should 


GOV.    DONGAn's    report  on   the   province  of   NEW-YORK. 


107 


acct  with  @  pay  into  mee  what  he  had  received  the  preceeding  week  which  was  a  method  taken  in 
the  time  of  S'  Edmond  Andros  with  Capt  Dyer  the  then  Collector  upon  the  like  occasion  tho'  this 
had  not  the  like  effect  thro  Mr  Santens  disobedience,  for  as  liee  did  with  all  other  orders  hee  did  with 
this  liee  took  noe  notice  of  it 

As  alsoe  there  were  several  orders  of  Council  requiring  him  to  liave  all  his  acts  from  the  25*'»  of 
Marcli  to  the  6"»  of  October  ready  for  Mr  Sprag  to  carry  over  audited  with  him  who  had  agreed  for 
his  passage  in  a  ship  @  kept  her  here  on  that  purpose  these  two  months  past.  But  with  all  this  he  made 
noe  compliance  pretending  that  by  a  letter  from  my  Lord  Treasurer  hee  was  satisfied  his  accomps  were 
not  to  be  audited  here  that  hee  was  only  obliged  to  leave  a  duplicate  with  mee  upon  which  the  Council 
upon  sight  of  the  letter  agreed  that  it  was  reasonable  for  him  to  send  liis  accomps  home  but  that 
nevertheless  it  was  my  duty  to  have  them  audited  according  to  former  instruction  @  soe  to  continue 
to  doe  until  I  should  have  orders  to  the  contrary  from  Mr.  Blathwayt  to  whom  my  Lord  Treasurer  in 
his  letter  refers  it  being  otherwise  impossible  for  me  to  answer  this  query 

Seeing  soe  many  abuses  done  to  his  Maty  @  finding  fair  means  to  be  wholly  ineffectual  to  the 
making  Mr.  Santen  discharge  his  duty  @  hee  continuing  still  refractory  @  disobedient  to  the  several 
orders  of  Council  to  him  directed,  the  charge  which  y  Lop»  have  herewith  was  drawn  up  against 
him  to  which  hee  answered  in  such  manner  as  your  Lop»  will  see  on  perusal  of  the  copy  tliereof 
herewith  sent.  Upon  hearing  of  which  charge  and  answer  @  y«  proofs  thereto  herewith  likewise 
sent,  thee  council  made  their  report  to  mee  under  their  hands,  in  manner  as  your  Lop«  sees  by  the 
copy  thereof  which  you  have  likewise  herewith  wherein  altho'  they  positively  say  that  he  has  been 
an  unfaithful  serv*  to  his  Maf  in  the  management  of  his  Revenue,  yet  I  sent  for  him  @  advised  him 
to  give  in  security  for  the  baUance  of  the  acct  that  by  tlie  audit  he  was  found  behind  liand.  And 
for  his  better  carriage  for  the  future  which  if  hee  did  I  promised  to  pass  by  all  former  faults  @  make 
noe  complaint  against  him.  I  not  only  told  him  this  myself  but  from  time  to  time  sent  messages  to 
him  to  this  effect  sometimes  by  such  of  the  council  as  were  his  particular  friends  sometimes  by  the 
ministers  @  often  by  the  Secretary  but  all  to  noe  purpose  hee  still  continued  obstinate 

And  what  returns  hee  made  mee  to  these  several  instances  of  my  kindness  I  shall  not  row  trouble 
your  Lops  with 

Nevertheless  I  forbare  doing  anything  further  against  him  till  the  expiration  of  the  second  audit 
proposing  that  then  when  I  could  know  the  whole  amount  of  his  debt  I  would  at  once  doe  my  best 
to  secure  the  Kings  concerns  from  sustaining  any  loss  by  him 

At  last  hee  brought  in  a  book  without  being  signed  and  said  he  could  not  lieve  them  neither, 
they  being  to  bee  sent  over  to  Mr  Blathwayt  Whereupon  we  were  forct  to  give  him  3  weeks 
longer  to  get  them  copied  @  then  with  great  adoe  he  signed  tliem  @  brought  in  with  tliem  an 
acct  called  a  general  acct,  an  acct  so  extravagant  that  your  Lop«  have  hardly  seen  the  like 

Tlien  I  pressing  the  auditors  to  make  an  end  they  desired  that  they  miglit  liave  his  papers 
to  compare  with  those  books  @  accomps  he  had  delivered  in,  which  by  order  of  council  hee 
was  required  to  deliver  to  them.  But  he  refusing  as  appears  by  the  testimony  of  3  of  the 
auditors  lierewith  sent.  It  was  ordered  that  his  said  papers  should  be  seized  @  he  suspended 
from  the  s*"  office  of  collector  @  receiver  till  liis  Maty»  pleasure  should  be  known  thereon  @ 
hee  taken  into  the  Sheriffs  custody  and  there  remain  till  hee  should  give  in  sucli  security  as 
in  the  said  orders  is  expressed  as  relation  to  the  said  orders  had,  may  more  at  large  appear 

Upon  search  of  the  Pap's  relating  to  his  Maty*  revenue  I  found  a  charge  drawn  up  against 
myself  with  letters  to  his  Maty  Lord  T'sear  Lord  Chancellor  @  several  other  gentlemen  stuft 
with  complaints  against  me  and  other  p'sons  which  are  wholly  false 

Indeed  its  true  the  poor  gentleman  since  his  coming  here  has  been  troubled  with  3  or  4 
hypocondriack  fitts,  he  was  in  one  of  them  when  his  Maty  nomination  of  the  Council  came  over 


108 


GOV.    DONGAN'S   REPORT  ON  THE  PROVINCE  OF   NEW-YORK. 


!»■'     ■( 


life  ' 


upon  which  they  all  thought  it  not  convenient  to  have  him  swoi-n  at  least  at  that  time  as  youi' 
Lopp»  will  see  by  the  minutes  of  council 

And  my  lords  to  bee  short  I  must  say  this  of  him  hes  a  man  wlioUy  unfit  for  business  especially 
this  wlierein  liee  has  noe  more  skill  than  a  cl)ild,  Soe  that  for  the  executing  of  it  hee  must  have  liis 
wliole  dependauce  on  another.  I  am  sure  if  I  liad  not  taken  more  care  of  the  Revenue  than  liee 
did  since  I  foimd  his  failure  it  had  been  more  embezled  than  it  is  for  tiiough  he  received  the 
money  I  was  obliged  to  continual  watching  to  guard  against  his  carelessness  @  neglects 

And  truly  what  he  takes  very  ill  what  there  is  neither  president  nor  establishment  tor 
In  Ills  commission  hee  has  allowed  him  <£200  p^  annum  the  same  allowance  that  Dyer  had  in  the 
time  of  S  Edmond  Andi'os  of  which  JEIOO  was  for  the  Surveyor  Comptroller  @  Waiter  therelbre  I 
finding  no  new  establishment  allow  him  no  more  than  Dyer  had  for  him  @  his  officers  Salary  it 
being  the  sentiment  of  the  Council  that  I  could  not  alter  the  former  practice  with  which  tliey  were 
well  acquaintetl  But  he  gives  Iiimself  a  lar  larger  allowance  he  will  have  it  that  liis  salary  is  ster- 
ling ;  @  to  make  it  so  of  tliis  country  money  he  charges  three  @  thirty  P""  cent  advance  @  one  hun- 
dred pound  more  for  his  two  imder  officers,  Besides  this  Mr  Smith  being  liis  Deputy-Surveyor  @ 
Book-keeper,  hee  would  have  allowance  to  him  of  dSSO  pr  ann  as  his  deputy  i540  P'  ann  as  his  ac- 
comptant  £iO  P'  ann  for  liis  transcribing  liis  books  iJ20  P'  annum  P»  his  diet  besides  his  salary  for 
Surveyor,  For  Jolin  Harlow  hee  would  liave  allowed  <£30  P'  ann  as  waiter,  £18  P'  ann  as  being 
employed  in  the  Kings  service  where  or  how  noe  man  Knows  iJ20  p'  ann  for  his  Diet  and  iJ162  and 
two  voyages  made  into  England  with  des])atches  for  his  Matx  all  this  @  a  great  deal  more  such  for 
his  officers  in  tlie  country,  @  the  like  your  Lop"  will  see  in  Ids  last  general  ace'  a  copy  whereof  is 
herewith  sent. 

Notwithstanding  hee  cliarges  the  King  soe  largely  for  his  officers  salaries,  to  some  of  them  hee  has 
paid  nothing  at  all  insomuch  as  they  are  making  very  great  clamor  for  tlieir  money,  and  not  getting 
it  fiom  him  expect  it  from  the  King 

Of  his  own  head  hee  bought  a  Uttle  rotten  tool  of  a  sloop  on  pretence  for  his  Mat's  service, 
wliich  as  your  Lop»  may  see  by  their  auiUt,  has  stood  the  King  in  near  XIOO  @  now  cannot 
be  sold  for  tliirty  soe  must  either  be  laid  up  or  burnt 

In  his  instructions  @  by  several  orders  from  me  @  the  council  he  was  expressly  forbid  to 
ti'ust  out  his  Mat>s  revenue  notwithstanding  I  was  forc't  to  take  notes  from  him  to  the  value 
of  £800.  besides  a  great  many  more  wliich  hee  pretends  still  to  bee  standing  out  as  youi'  Lop' 
will  perceive  by  the  audit 

Hee  has  likewise  been  negUgent  in  taking  tlie  bonds  required  by  the  laws  of  the  Goverment 
fi-om  the  masters  of  ships  one  ill  consequence  whereof  has  been  the  New  York  Pink  has  carried 
ofl:"  several  Elephants  teeth  without  entry,  @  the  bond  being  inquii'ed  for  there  was  none  taken 
How  he  has  beliaved  himself  touching  an  Interloper  that  came  in  liither  I  have  already  given 
S'  Benj.  Bathurst  an  account,  and  as  for  the  debts  for  him  pretended  to  too  the  auditors  upon 
enquiry  tlie  most  of  tliem  are  found  to  bee  received  by  him.  and  I  believe  of  thee  rest,  tlie 
twentieth  part  will  never  be  had,  they  are  soe  ill 

And  besides  notwithstanding  his  confused  way  of  accounting  @  being  without  a  cheque  upon 
liim  as  aforesaid,  he  is  f<iund  by  his  own  accounts  brought  into  the  audit  to  bee  £1758  15 
shillings  threepence  and  g'*"  of  a  penny  in  debt  to  the  King  as  your  Lop»  may  see  by  the  said 
audit  which  (as  is  to  bee  feared)  is  all  gone  besides  his  salary  and  pc^uisits,  on  whicii  he  might 
have  lived  very  handsomely 

Hee  (as  hee  hath  all  along  done)  docs  to  all  persons  he  converseth  with  speak  scurrilously 
@  and  abusively  of  me  @  y«  Council  wluch  considering  his  circumstances  we  let  pass  without 
taking  any  notice  of 


GOV.    DONGAM's    HKPOHT   on    the   province  of   NEW-YORK. 


109 


Hee  is  likewise  very  troublesome  to  the  present  management  of  his  Mat^^*  customs 

I  desire  that  as  soon  as  may  bee  I  may  know  what  liis  MaV"  pleasure  Is  should  bee  done 
with  liim,  what  ace'  I  have  here  given  y  Lo""  of  him  is  as  motlerate  as  may  bee  faiT  short  of 
what  I  might  have  represented  @  yet  have  spoken  nothing  but  the  truth.  What  I  have  done 
lias  not  been  out  of  malice,  for  I  beare  none  to  liim  ratlier  pitty,  but  purely  with  an  intent  to 
doe  his  Ma*''  service  @  to  secure  his  interest,  as  I  doubt  not  will  appear  to  y  Loi'J''  and  if  I 
bee  to  be  blamed  for  any  tiling  in  the  Series  of  tliis  affair  its  for  too  much  forbearance 

Thus  my  Lords  I  have  given  you  as  good  an  accoimtof  the  Revenue  received,®  by  whom  as  I  can, 
as  also  how  the  same  in  a  great  part  of  it  has  been  mismanaged  and  by  what  meanes  I  shall  there- 
fore now  proceed  to  give  your  Lopp»  an  estimate  of  what  cliarge  the  maintenance  of  tliis  Govermt 
has  been  hitherto  to  mee  @  what  will  bee  requisite  for  its  fm-ther  support 

Its  a  very  hard  thing  upon  mee  that  coming  over  hither  in  troublesome  times,  finding  noe  revenue 
established  @  yet  having  three  garrisons  to  look  after  @  the  forts  in  the  condition  before  mentioned, 
@  finding  such  contest  between  the  Governm*  of  Canada  @  this  about  the  Beaver  Trade  the  Inland 
Country  ({$  the  Indians,  to  purchase,  as  I  was  obliged  by  my  instructions,  sixty  odd  miles,  upon 
the  Hudsons  River  17  or  18  miles  into  the  land  in  one  place  from  the  Indian?.  In  another  place 
up  the  River  IG  miles  And  on  the  south  side  of  Long-Island  twelve  miles  to  give  a  great  deal  to 
tlio  Indians  for  Susquehanna  River  to  bee  at  great  expences  on  the  Assembly  at  their  first  sit- 
ting when  they  gave  the  revenue  @  on  the  Lord  Howard  of  Elfingham  when  here  with  liis  train 
Governor  Pen,  commissioners  from  Boston  @  other  colonies,  the  Gov'  of  Connecticut  East  @  West 
Jersey,  the  running  the  line  between  this  @  East  Jersey,  and  the  like  between  Connecticut  and  this, 
tho'  that  last  not  yet  finished  besides  tlie  establishment  as  will  appear  by  my  books  when  audited  @ 
sent  over,  whicli  shall  be  by  the  very  first  conveniency,  @  had  been  long  ere  now,  had  I  got  Mr. 
Santens  sooner  done 

In  the  meantime  y  Lop»  may  bee  capable  of  making  an  estimate  of  the  constant  charge  of  the 
Goverm'  bj  the  calculation  thereof  herewith  sent  in  which  you  see  that  there  is  set  down  yearly  for 
the  Council  Judges  @  Attorney  General  wliich  tho'  not  at  present  allowed  in  my  opinion  with  sub- 
mission to  yom-  LoP»  there  is  a  necessity  there  should  The  Councilors  being  persons  obliged  to  a 
constant  attendance  from  their  own  business  @  the  judges  such  as  devote  tliemselves  wholly  to  that 
service  @  whose  present  salary  is  soe  small  to  support  them  @  their  familys  in  that  station  as  is  set 
forth  in  their  petition  which  I  have  herewith  sent  to  his  Maty  lor  his  consideration,  neitlier  can  the 
Attorney-generals  small  perquisites  bee  able  to  maintain  him  in  going  thro  his  Maf^  concerns,  which 
may  take  up  his  whole  time,  without  the  addition  of  such  salary  as  his  Maf  shall  think  fitt  to 
allow 

Your  Lops  taking  all  this  into  y"  consideration,  cannot  but  think  his  Maf  must  be  in  debt,  wliich 
however  would  not  have  been  very  much  had  Mr  Santen  done  his  duty 

Wliat  revenue  there  is  is  with  the  ease  @  satisfaction  of  the  people  @  paid  without  grumbling,  tho» 
as  much  as  modesty  can  bee  put  upon  them 

Soe  that  if  Connecticut  be  not  added  to  the  Goverm'  it  can  be  hardly  able  to  support  itself.  But 
if  it  bee  added,  thee  revenue  will  bee  sufficient  to  keep  the  King  wholly  out  of  debt 

Mr  Santen  taxes  me  with  covetousness  in  not  allowing  sufficiently  to  the  officers  employed.  Nig- 
gardly I  have  not  been,  but  the  revenue  being  soe  small  @  having  soe  great  a  charge,  I  endeavored 
to  bee  as  good  a  husband  for  the  King  as  I  could  I'm  sui-e  better  than  I  ever  was  for  myself.  And 
truly  I  have  been  put  soe  to  it  to  make  tilings  doe  that  what  small  pquisits  I  got,  I  have  disbm-st,  @ 
not  only  soe,  but  have  been  forc't  to  engage  my  credit  soe  far  as  t'would  goe  @  that  not  sparing  to 
pawn  my  plate  ibr  money  to  carry  on  the  Kings  affairs  @  now  I  have  sent  som«  of  it  home  by  Mr 


H 


*   'II 
I 

1 1 


''I 


m 


110 


GOV.    DONOAn's   report  on  the   province  of    NEW-YORK. 


Sprag  to  reimburse  S'  Beu  Bathurst  what  hee  has  paid  for  mee,  @  and  to  provide  clothes  for  the 
soldiers  @  some  things  for  my  own  use 

Now  My  Lords  before  I  proceed  to  answer  the  rest  of  your  queries  J  will  take  occasion  here  to  give 
Aniwer  to  y^^  ^oP'  Satisfaction  as  to  those  articles  Mr  Santer  has  been  pleased  to  draw  up  against 
ebSgn"^"'  mee,  a  copie  whereof  I  herewitli  send  for  y  Lopi"  perusal  the  scope  of  which  being  to 
agunat  mo  ^.jj^gg  jjjg  ^jjj^  mismanagement  of  his  Mat"  affairs,  I  thought  noe  place  more  proper  for 
my  making  appear  the  falsity  of  his  accusation  than  here,  wherein  I  have  been  soe  ijong  treating  of 
the  mismanagement  of  the  revenue  in  wlilch  this  man  himself  had  soe  large  a  share,  which 
answers  follow  distinctly  with  relation  to  such  proofs  as  are  herewith  sent  necessary  for  my  vin- 
dication 

^s  to  the  FIRST  Article — concerning  a  copartnership  in  a  Trade  to  France  fyc 
For  my  justification  @  making  appear  the  falsehood  of  this  article  is  the  testimony  of  Mr  John 
Sprag  @  Mr  Gabriel  Minvielle  taken  before  Mr  Swinton  clerk  of  the  Council  hereunto  annexed 

To  the  Second  concerning  a  partnership  in  trade  to  JVeuifoundland 
This  is  noe  less  true  than  the  other  as  appears  by  Major  Brokhelles  testimony  &c  @  truly  had  I 
any  such  design  I  had  not  communicated  with  the  Kings  collector  especially  to  a  man  of  his  dispo- 
sition @  subject  to  soe  many  follies  @  infirmitys  that  he  was  never  capable  of  concealing  his  own 
secrets  from  the  very  rabble  of  tlie  town,  @  always  made  the  debates  of  the  Council  (while  he  was  a 
member  of  it)  the  subject  matter  of  his  Tavern  discourse 

To  the  Third  concerning  my  going  sharer  with  the  Privateers 
Wherein  hee  does  mee  the  honor  to  join  mee  in  partnership  with  privateers  I  dont  believe  that 
Frederick  Flipson  ever  went  sharer  with  any  body  in  a  ship  @  am  sure  Beekman  never  had  a  vessel 
nor  a  share  in  a  vessel  in  his  Ufe  Had  I  had  2  or  3  men's  shares  of  what  was  got  upon  the  wreck  I 
think  it  had  been  noe  breach  of  Law  or  my  instructions  it  being  customary  in  such  cases  for  the 
Gov"  of  plantations  to  have  it.  But  Mr  Santen  too  was  mistaken  in  this  they  did  not  clear  for  the 
wreck  @  least  they  should  make  incursion  upon  the  Spaniards  I  took  security  from  them  that  they 
should  not,  in  short  for  my  justification  on  this  point  I  refer  myself  to  the  testimonies  of  Frederic 
Flipson  @  Beakman  @  the  obligation  aforesaid  herewith  sent 

To  the  Fourth  Copartnership  mth  Mr  Antill  for  Jamaica 
Hee  does  me  wrong  I  never  was  concerned  with  Mr  Antill  in  copartnership  One  Vaughan  half 
brother  to  Mr  Sprag  that  had  been  a  volunteer  2  or  3  years  on  board  Capt"  Temple,  @  happening  to 
bee  in  London  when  I  came  away  ofiered  liis  service  to  come  along  with  mee,  wliom  finding  a  pretty 
ingenious  young  man  @  out  of  employment  I  promised  to  help  him  with  a  little  money  when  hee 
stood  in  need  of  it  for  to  put  him  into  some  way.  Whereupon  not  long  after  this  Antill  purposed  if 
he  could  get  money  lix>m  his  brother  or  any  other  to  purchase  the  half  of  a  little  sliip  then  to  bee 
sold  hee  would  piu*chase  the  other  @  that  Vaughton  should  goe  master  of  her  upon  which  hee  came 
to  mee  into  tlie  country  where  I  then  was  @  acquainted  mee  with  y«  proposal  @  desired  my  assist- 
ance to  enable  him  to  comply  with  it.  I  demanded  what  security  hee  could  give  mee,  hee  proposed 
to  make  over  his  share  in  the  vessel  for  it.  Upon  which  in  kindness  to  him  I  let  him  have  the 
money  @  took  the  vessel  in  security  for  it  @  by  him  sent  as  a  venture  ten  Barils  of  Oyle  of  a  drift 
Wliale  that  came  to  my  share,  @  thirteen  half  Barils  of  Flower,  to  purchase  Sugar  Molasses  Sweet- 
meats Oranges  and  other  necessaries  for  use  in  my  family.  And  this  (as  Mr.  Santen  knows  as  well 
as  I  @  most  of  the  town)  was  all  the  concerns  I  ever  had  with  Antil 


GOV.    DONGAN'S    report  on   the  province  of   NEW-YORK. 


Ill 


To  the  Fi»TH  concerning  the  Dogger 
This  Mr  Beekman  having  a  Sloop  went  from  this  place  to  Nevis  @  S'  William  Stapleton  hearing  of 
a  dutch  privateer  gave  him  a  commission  to  goe  after  him,  which  hee  did  ®  took  a  great  ugly  vessel 
y«  dutch  have  for  fishing  with  one  deck  @  went  back  wil  i  her  to  Nevis  Whereupon  S»  W™  in 
reward  of  his  good  service  gave  him  the  Kings  @  his  own  share  in  her  soe  hee  brought  her  liither 
wliere  shee  being  a  Dutch  built  (fi)  and  the  man  having  a  mind  to  sell  her,  had  her  condemned  at  a 
Court  of  Admiralty.  Upon  which  I  forgave  him  the  Kings  share  which  by  apprizement  amounted 
to  as  doth  appear  by  Mr  Beekman's  testimony 

To  the  SIXTH  concerning  Heathcofs  Sloop. 
Mr.  Santen  does  me  wrong  in  this  for  upon  the  word  of  a  Christian,  I  know  not  at  this  minute 
who  were  the  apprizers  they  having  been  appointed  by  the  Court  where  the  sloop  @  goods  were 
condemned,  @  they  too  upon  their  oaths.  Neither  had  I  any  advantage  by  that  vessel  as  Mr  Santen 
knows  tho'  hee  had  by  making  George  Heathcot  pay  him  ninety  pounds  @  charges  which  was  more 
then  the  third  part  the  condemnation  came  to  soe  that  I  hope  this  is  not  the  voyage  hee  charges  the 
King  with  soe  much  for,  tho'  it  is  the  only  remarkable  one  hee  ever  made  @  yet  but  ten  miles  dis- 
tant from  this  place 


To  the  SEVENTH  concerning  my  Lord  J^dll  Campbells  goods 
My  Lord  Neill  Campbell  its  true  desired  my  bill  of  store  tor  the  10  P^  cent  which  I  did 
grant,  but  Mr  Santen  does  mee  wrong  to  say  that  I  ordered  they  should  bee  entered  without 
examination  to  the  best  of  my  remembrance  there  was  noe  such  thing:  but  here  hee  forgets 
what  hee  has  done  himself  what  goods  he  has  admitted  to  entry  without  examination  contrary 
to  Act  of  Assembly  @  my  order  as  appears  by  his  own  books  to  the  great  diminution  of  his 
Mat"  revenue  in  this  Province :  neither  does  he  remember  what  bills  of  store  hee  has  granted 
notwithstanding  several  orders  to  the  contrary 

To  the  EIGHTH  concerning  one  Riddell 
Mr  Santen  does  mee  wrong  in  this.  One  Mr  Riddell  a  poor  Gentleman  that  brought  into  this 
city  without  entry  (as  a  great  many  others  have  done  without  Mx*  Santen  or  his  officers  taking 
notice  thereof)  a  small  parcel  of  linen  afterwards  appraised  to  be  of  the  value  of  3  or  5  pounds. 
And  after  that  this  Riddell  @  one  of  the  officers  of  the  Custom  House  drinking  drunk  together, 
fell  a  quarrellmg,  on  which  the  Officer  went  out  @  meeting  with  Vaughton  about  one  or  two 
in  the  morning,  compelled  him  to  goe  along  with  him  to  seize  uncostomed  r  ids  at  Riddell's 
lodging,  where  when  they  came  they  broke  open  the  door  upon  this  Riddtii  who  being  still 
drunk  endeavoured  to  keep  them  out  @  in  the  struggling  stabbed  Mr  Vaughton.  Whereupon 
he  was  secured  in  prison  where  hee  lay  a  long  time  till  Vaughton  recovered.  Afterw-ards  the 
poor  man  being  in  a  starving  conditicm  on  the  application  of  Mr  Vaughton  @  himself  @  Mr 
Sprag  @  several  others  hee  was  set  at  liberty,  and  on  a  petition  of  his  to  the  Council  his  goods 
were  ordered  to  bee  released,  hee  paying  all  charges  which  being  more  than  the  value  of  the 
goods  Mr  Sprag  in  charity  to  Riddell  paid  the  Surgeons  their  demands  which  was  ten  pounds 
without  taking  any  thing  fi*om  him 


h 


To  the  NINTH  concerning  Capt  Santen's  warrants  to  the  Sheriffs  S^c 
Mr  Santen  knows  himself  that  from  time  to  time  by  order  of  Council,  all  the  Sheriffs  have  been 
obUged  to  account  with  him  tor  all  rents.  Quit  rents  @  arrearages  of  rent  &c  yet  this  would  not  doe 
to  make  himself  seem  great,  he  woidd  needs  issue  forth  his  own  warrants,  which  poor  man  was  done 


112 


GOV.    DONGAN  8   REPORT   ON   THE    PROVINCE   OF   NEW-YORK. 


1 1 : 


in  one  of  his  fltts  ®  indeed  they  met  with  such  reception  as  they  deserved,  the  sheriffs  took  noe  other 
notice  of  thera  than  to  send  them  to  mee  Wliereupon  I  being  somewhat  (surprised  at  his  manner  of 
proceedure  called  him  before  the  Council  where  (being  asked  how  he  came  to  issue  Ibrtli  such  war- 
rants) his  answer  was  that  to  his  knouledge  the  Lord  Treasurer  did  soe  in  England,  But  here  I  would 
ask  Capt  Sauteu  why  ho  hath  not  given  a  better  account  of  Such  Quit  rents  &,c  as  have  passed  tlu-ough 
his  hands 

To  t/ie  Tenth  concerning  my  covetousness  as  he  is  pleased  to  term  it 

Here  (if  Mr.  Santen  speaks  true  in  saying  I  have  been  covetous)  it  was  in  the  management  of  this 
small  revenue  to  the  best  advantage,  @  had  Mr  Santen  been  as  just  as  I  have  been  careful,  the  King 
hatl  not  been  in  debt,  as  I  had  more  in  my  pocket  than  now  I  have 

It  may  be  true  when  I  called  for  the  King's  money  ("i  accompts  from  Mr  Santen  (a).  I  met  with  un- 
becoming returns  I  might  use  some  passionat  expressions 

And  as  for  my  pincliing  Officers  if  hee  means  himself  it  was  because  he  took  it  very  ill  that  I 
would  not  allow  him  7  or  800  poimds  extravagant  expenses.  As  for  Fran.  Barber  I  never  spoke  a 
word  to  him  of  salary  in  my  life  @  and  leave  it  to  the  audit  what  acct  hee  gives  of  the  Revenue  of  that 
County  for  three  years  @  on  half 

To  the  Eleventh  concerning  the  excise  of  Long  Island  Sfc 
What  Mr  Santen  says  concerning  the  offer  of  £b2  for  the  excise  p'  a  year  may  bee  true  I  thought 
it  very  unreasonable  that  the  excise  of  three  Countys  should  be  farmed  for  soe  little,  theretbre  I  lixed 
upon  Mr  Vaughton  @  Mr.  NicoUs  looking  upon  them  to  bee  honest  men  ©  agreed  with  tliem  for 
£20  P  P'@  wliat  they  could  make  over  (<^  above  they  should  deliver  to  Mr  Santen  That  Da".. 
Whitehead  offered  me  three  pounds  for  my  license  it  is  false,  or  that  I  had  iJlO,  from  Nicolls  (3), 
Vaughton  is  likewise  false  as  doth  appear  by  Mr  Nicolls  testimony  @  would  by  that  of  Mr  Vaughton 
were  hee  here.  Neither  had  I  even  any  mony  Ibr  licenses  since  I  came  into  ,'his  Government  except 
from  Albany  @  this  place  .£24,  but  on  the  contrary  gave  it  all  to  the  collectors  of  the  respective 
coimtys  for  their  encouragement 


I 

■  I 

t 


To  the  tavelfe  concerning  Mr  Pretty  S^c. 
Mr.  Pretty  is  Sheriff  of  that  County  @  liaving  a  great  deal  of  other  concerns  upon  his  hands  for 
the  King  @  countreys  service,  that  being  a  frontier  Courity  to  Canada,  soe  that  hee  could  not  jwssibly 
attend  the  Surveyors  place  I  put  in  William  Shaw  who  had  that  place  before  in  the  time  of  S'  Ed- 
mond  Andros  @  as  Mayor  Brockhelles  informs  us  behaved  himself  faithfully  therein.  And  as  to  his 
allegation  in  liis  memorandums  that  Shaw  was  put  iu  for  satisfaction  for  two  or  three  years  pay  due 
to  him,  it  is  wholly  untrue  as  does  appear  by  the  testimony  of  Mayor  Baxter,  Mr  Coker,  («•  by  the 
receipt  under  Shaws  own  hand 


15  ? 


To  the  Thirteenth  concerning  the  deprivations  of  the  Officers  S)X 
This  John  Smith  is  a  man  that  if  hee  were  as  honest  as  hee  is  able  the  King  had  liad  more  justice 
done  him  @  Mr.  Santen  more  money  in  his  pocket.    What  accoimt  S'  Ben  Sathiu-st  gave  mee  of  him 
I  have  already  acquainted  y  Loi'»'«  with,  @  for  what  reason  hee  was  turned  out  of  the  Custom  House 
is  herein  before  given  to  yom*  Lo'". 

To  the  Fourteenth  concerning  the  Pasture  of  Albany  6,'c 
As  for  this  of  the  Pasture,  he  is  mistaken,  it  was  never  yet  in  the  King's  hands,  but  hee  that  was 
the  commander  took  some  profits  of  it,  which  was  a  great  grievance  to  the  people  it  having  been 
patented  by  governor  Nicolls  to  several  people  @  by  them  built  upon  whose  buildings  have  been 


M 


GOV.   DONGAN'B   REPOAT  ON  THE    PROVINCE  OF  NEW-YORK. 


118 


since  carried  away  by  the  overflowing  of  the  river,  It  does  not  contain  above  fifteen  or  sixteen  acres. 
I  doubt  not  but  I  shall  make  it  appear  that  I  have  done  nothing  in  this  to  his  Mai'i  prejudice  I  con- 
ceive I  have  done  the  King  very  good  service  in  Albany.  The  town  of  Albany  lyes  within  the 
Banslaers  Colony,  and  to  say  truth  the  Ranslaers  had  the  right  to  it  for  it  was  they  settled  the  place, 
®  upon  a  petition  of  one  of  them  to  our  present  King  about  Albany  the  petitioner  was  referred  to 
his  MtiV  coiincil  at  law  who  upon  a  perusal  of  the  Ranslaers  papers  made  their  return  that  it  was 
their  opinion  that  it  did  belong  to  them  Upon  which  there  was  an  order  sent  over  to  S»  Edmund  An- 
dros  that  the  Ranslaers  should  be  put  in  possession  of  Albany,  @  that  every  house  should  pay  some 
two  beavers,  some  more  some  less  according  to  their  dimensions  p'  annum,  for  thirty  years,  @  after- 
wards the  Ranslaers  to  put  what  rent  upon  them  they  could  agree  for — What  reason  S<^£dmond  An- 
dros  has  given  for  not  putting  these  orders  in  execution  I  know  not 

The  Ranslaers  came  @  brought  me  the  same  orde  rs  which  I  thought  not  convenient  to  execute 
judging  it  not  for  his  Maty*  interest  that  the  second  town  of  the  Goverment  @  which  brings  his  MaV 
soe  great  a  Revenue  should  bee  in  the  hands  of  any  particular  men  The  town  of  itself  is  upon  a 
barren  sandy  spot  of  land,  @  the  inhabitants  live  wholly  upon  trade  with  the  Indians.  By  the  meanes 
of  Mr  James  Oraham  Judge  Palmer  @  Mr  Cortlandt  that  have  great  influence  on  that  people  I  got 
the  Ranslears  to  release  their  pretence  to  the  town  @  sixteen  miles  into  the  country  for  commons  to 
the  King  with  liberty  to  cut  firewood  withia  the  Colony  for  one  @  twenty  years.  After  I  had  ob- 
tained this  release  of  the  Ranslaers  I  passed  the  patent  for  Albany  wherein  was  included  the  afore 
mentioned  pasture,  to  which  the  people  apprehended  they  had  so  good  a  right  that  they  expressed 
themselves  discontented  at  my  reserving  a  small  spot  of  it  for  a  garden  for  the  use  of  the  Garrison 

That  the  people  of  Albany  has  given  me  dE700.  is  untrue  I  am  but  promised  JC300,  which  is  not 
near  my  P'quisits,  viz,  ten  shillings  for  every  house  @  the  like  for  every  hundred  acres  patented  by 
me,  established  by  a  committee  appointed  by  the  Assembly  for  the  establishing  of  all  fees,  where 
Cap*  Santen  may  remember  himself  was  chairman,  Alsoe  what  they  have  given  to  those  other  Gen- 
tlemen I  know  nothing  of  it  @  upon  my  word  in  Gen'  I  have  not  got  the  fourth  part  of  my  Pquisits, 
chusing  rather  to  want  them  than  take  from  the  poor  people  that  cannot  spare  it 

To  the  Fifteenth  concerning  a  farm  at  East  Jersey  belonging  to  his  Mafi  fyc 
Mr  Santen  might  have  given  a  better  account  of  this  if  his  malice  had  sufiered  him  The  Farm  at 
East  Jersey  paid  JSIO,  p'  annum  to  his  Maty  @  at  a  Rack-rent,  the  proprietors  of  East  Jersey  putting 
us  to  more  trouble  than  the  value  of  it,  they  constantly  disturbing  the  Tenants  on  pretence  that  his 
Mat^  had  granted  that  to  them,  so  that  I  conclude  it  would  be  more  inconvenient  to  keep  it  than  to 
part  with  it.  Therefore  Judge  Palmer  having  an  interest  in  East-Jersey  @  an  influence  with  the 
Governor  there,  on  his  giving  mee  his  obligation  to  pay  as  a  fine  the  summ  of  £60.  to  the  lining  in 
case  hee  should  not  think  fit  to  forgive  it  @  the  rent  of  twenty  shillings  p<^  ann.  ®  to  defe;>d  the  title, 
I  gave  him  a  lease  of  the  Reversion  of  it 


To  the  Sixteenth  concerning  Rockaway  JVeck  fyc 

Mr  Santen  poor  man  neither  understands  his  own  nor  others  concerns,  hee  was  one  of  the  Council 
himself  when  Cap*  Palmer  petitioned  for  licence  to  purchase  this  land,  lying  without  tlie  meers  ® 
bounds  of  Hempsted  @  when  the  same  was  granted,  @  before  hee  had  had  liis  patent  granted,  the 
people  of  Hempstead  were  summoned  to  appear  to  show  cause,  if  they  had  any  why  it  should  not 
bee  granted.  Thereupon  one  person  came  to  mee  @  told  mee  that  it  was  his  land  @  that  it  was  within 
the  meers  @  bounds  of  Hempstead  on  which  I  ordered  him  to  put  a  Caveat  in  to  the  Secry'  office 
against  the  passing  of  Judge  Palmers  patent,  and  then  the  Surveyor  went  to  survey  the  lands  accom- 
panied by  some  of  the  Inhabitants  of  Hempsted,  to  show  him  their  bounds  who  returning  this  lands 

[Vol.  I.]  15 


114 


GOV.    DONOAn'S   REFOBT   on   the   province  of   NEW-YORK, 


Ml 


1 


*^l  , 


n 


to  bee  without  their  meers  @  bounds  the  patent  was  passed  in  which  Capt"  Palmer  is  expressly 
boimded  where  hee  adjoins  to  Hempsted  by  their  line,  And,  wherein  hee  says  the  Hempsted  people 
were  frighted  to  let  their  Suits  fall,  its  quite  otherwise,  for  tliis  Pearsall,  upon  the  granting  of  this 
Patent  got  into  possession  of  this  land,  inasmuch  as  Judge  Palmer  was  forcet  to  commence  suits 
against  him  Where  after  it  had  sometime  depended,  Pearsall  ilnding  tiiat  to  insist  on  his  pretence 
would  not  avail  him,  suffered  judgement  to  goe  against  Iiim,  and  as  for  his  being  frightened  into  it 
by  Capt"  Palmers  being  Judge,  there's  noe  such  thing  lor  on  purpose  he  withdrew  himself  &  left  the 
management  of  that  Court  to  liis  Collegue  Judge  Nicolls  and  as  for  the  lands  being  the  only  pasture 
of  the  town  its  wholly  false  for  its  noe  pasture  at  all,  being  all  woodland,  and  that  town  bavins  a 
plain  of  upwards  of  40,000  aci'es  of  good  pasture  without  a  sticlc  upon  it  @  as  for  its^value  I  believe 
Judge  Palmer  would  think  hir  elf  obliged  to  Cap*  Santen  or  any  others  that  would  give  him  X200. 
for  it. 

To  the  Seventeenth  concerning  Mr  Grahams  iminuation 

Mr  Santen  is  in  the  right  that  Mr  Graham  is  Attorney-general  @  supervisor  of  all  Patents  @  soe 
made  upon  Mr  Rudyard's  gohig  from  this  place  to  Barbadoes  @  is  a  person  understanding  in  the 
law,  it  being  his  whole  business  Wherefore  I  thought  it  not  fit  to  pass  any  patents  without  his 
perusal  least  I  might  doe  prejudice  to  the  King.  It  is  likewise  true  that  I  have  called  in  former  patents 
@  still  continue  to  doe  so,  that  I  might  see  by  what  Tenure  they  hold  their  lands,  which  I  find  gene- 
raUy  to  be  by  none,  they  paying  noe  acknowledgment  to  the  King  Whereupon  being  convinced  of 
that  defect  by  the  resolution  of  y"  Judges  the  people  for  their  own  ease  ®  quiet  ®  that  of  their 
posterity  which  otherwise  might  have  fallen  under  the  lash  of  succeeding  Governors,  without  the 
least  murmuring  have  renewed  their  patents  with  a  reservation  of  a  certain  Quit-Rent  to  the  King 
to  the  noe  small  advancement  of  his  Revenue,  @  this  done  with  general  satisfaction  @  of  which 
none  will  in  the  least  complain  but  on  the  contrary  express  themselves  thankful  for  it 

Mr  Santen  sure  when  hee  wrote  this  article  against  mee  did  not  consider  the  obligation  that  was 
upon  us  both  to  advance  the  Kings  interest  in  our  sevextd  stations,  far  less  how  inconsistent  it  was 
with  his  office  to  bee  the  only  pson  aggrieved  at  the  advancement  of  his  Maf*  revenue,  when  the 
people  themselves  that  are  concerned  are  not  only  satisfied  but  pleased  with  it 

Again  hee  forgets  that  hee  was  a  member  of  the  Council  when  they  gave  it  for  their  opinion  that 
those  former  patents  were  insufficient®  and  were  then  dayly  consenting  to  the  passing  of  new  ones. 
As  for  siuns  of  money  exacted  I  own  I  have  received  X200  from  Ranslaer,  but  its  nothing  to  what 
my  perquisits  would  have  amounted  to  according  to  the  aforementioned  regulation  hee  having  a  vast 
tract  of  land 

From  Hempted  I  rec*i  one  hundred  pound  by  forty  @  that  in  Cattle  which  is  far  less  than  my 
pquisits  they  hauing  upwards  of  100.000  acres,  I  own  alsoe  I  have  received  JC300  fjx>m  the  citty  of 
New  York,  @  have  granted  them  nothing  more  than  what  they  had  from  my  predecessors,  ®  is  now 
before  his  M&tr  for  a  confirmation 

The  land  that  Mr  Santen  complains  of  to  bee  such  a  grievance,  is  the  Dock  which  the  town  at 
their  own  proper  charge  have  taken  from  the  sea,  @  and  dayly  are  at  vast  expense  to  maintain,  @ 
what  use  they  make  of  it  is  not  my  business  to  inquire,  but  as  to  their  selling  to  the  value  of  JC1600 
for  my  use  its  wholly  false.  And  as  for  those  other  sums  of  50,  30  @  20  poimd,  its  not  soe.  I  was 
never  covetous  to  take  from  the  poor  people  what  they  could  not  well  spare,  the  Secratary  is  my 
witness,  but  if  I  had  it  never  amounted  to  my  pquisits,  according  to  the  regulation  aforesaid 
Besides  the  charge  herein  before  answered  were  found  several  memorandums  of  what  Mr  Santen 
intended  to  complain  against  me.  Among  which  there  being  some  things  not  mentioned  in 
c*pi8uttni  the  said  charge,  the  same  as  I  presume  not  being  perfected,  I  presume  farther  to  trouble 
your  Lop*  with  what  I  have  to  say  therein  in  my  vindication 


5    ! 


>:i 


GOV.    noNOAN'S    RKPORT   ON   THE    PROVINCE  OK    NEW-YORK. 


115 


CokarV 
Honie 


Anliir* 
buiincH 


I  am  sorry  Mr.  Santen  has  not  a  better  memory.  The  Kings  share  of  Cobbys  Ship  came  by  apprize- 
cobbytship  ment  to  XI 9  7*  6*>  which  was  by  Judge  Palmer  paid  into  Capt"  Sautens  own  hands  as 
appears  by  the  testimony  of  Capt  Palmer 

Mtnituhouw  As  to  Mr  ^'  .iits  housc  it  does  not  pay  soe  much  rent  as  Capt  Santen  pretends  @  is  too 
quite  out  of  repaire,  ready  to  drop  down 

And  as  to  the  Farm  liee  might  have  remembered  that  I  showed  him  a  letter  fh>m  S'  B  Bathurst 
The  Farm  whcrein  was  intimated  that  his  Royal  Higlmess  now  his  Maf  was  pleased  I  should  have 
both  the  farm  C'»)  the  house  during  the  time  of  my  government  of  this  place 

For  Coker's  house  I  am  glad  Capt"  Santen  has  Ibuud  so  considerable  a  rent,  for  my  part  1  never 
received  a  peny  for  it,  therefore  I  shall  now  charge  £12,  more,  being  four  years  rent  to  Capt 
Santens  account  for  which  he  lias  not  yet  given  the  King  credit  Tliere  was  a  cooper  liv'd 
in  the  next  house  to  it  and  paid  12  or  15  pound  p'  ann  for  which  I  find  no  credit  given  to  the  King 
in  Capt  Santens  books,  since  the  cooper  left  the  poorest  p'sou  in  town  would  not  live  in  it  it  being 
ready  to  drop  down  @  Cokers  is  not  in  a  better  condition,  soe  bad  tliey  are  that  its  a  wonder  to  every 
body  that  they  stand  yet,  in  soe  much  that  when  Dr  Junes  brought  me  my  Lord  Middletons  oi-der  to 
let  him  have  them  @  I  showed  them  to  him  hee  would  not  live  in  them 

Two  or  three  years  agoe  S'  John  Worden  sent  me  an  order  to  give  a  long  lease  of  tliem  to  any 
that  would  take  it,  I  have  not  met  with  any  such  person  @  I  am  sure  if  rebuilt  by  the  King,  it  would 
not  give  him  the  interest  of  his  money  @  Merrits  house  is  in  the  same  condition,  as  appears  by  the 
return  of  the  Survey  made  by  some  of  tlie  Council  and  Carpenters  sent  to  view  it 
As  for  the  business  between  Mr  Santen  @  Mr  Antill  its  a  thing  soe  scandalous  that  I  will  not  trouble 
your  LoP»  with  an  account  of  it,  only  this  I'll  say  that  Mr  Antill  sent  severall  to  him 
and  I  spake  to  him  myself  to  let  liim  know  that  Mr  Antill  would  be  satisfied  with  an 
acknowledgement  that  hee  had  done  him  wrong  in  speaking  those  scandalous  words  @  that  it  was 
the  effects  of  drink.  But  Mr  Santens  pride  was  such  that  hee  would  not  doe  it,  but  continued  to 
justify  what  hee  had  said.  Whereupon  Mr  Antill  took  out  the  execution  against  him  (he  not  being 
then  of  the  Council)  but  before  the  serving  sent  him  y«  like  message  as  before  with  the  same  effect 
whereupon  the  execution  was  served 
urkuw  Cue     As  for  Laxkius  case  I  refer  to  the  orders  of  Council  herewith  sent 

And  as  for  the  Kings  concerns  going  in  a  right  channel  I  am  sure  they  never  can  where  he  has 
powers.  As  for  desiring  a  list  of  his  Maty*  Quit-Rents  @  my  denying  it  to  him,  its  wholly  untrue 
for  he  has  a  book  with  an  acct  of  all  the  Quit-Rents  that  then  were  to  bee  found  mentioned  in  the 
records  of  Patents  kept  in  the  Secretarys  office,  which  I  caused  Copier  to  draw  out  on  purpose  for 
him 

Smith  kept  the  key  of  the  Granary  @  what  corn  I  received  for  my  own  use  or  the  use  of  the 
Garrison  was  taken  out  by  Coker  @  it  was  shown  to  Mr  Smith  where  I  gave  credit  to  the  King  for 
it  in  my  books.  Afterwards  finding  that  Santen  gave  no  credit  to  the  King  ibr  what  com  came  into 
the  Granary  I  took  the  key  from  Smith  @  gave  it  to  James  Larkens  with  order  to  him  to  give 
receipts  for  what  should  bee  brought  in  @  to  give  an  account  of  it  to  Smith  that  he  might  enter  it 
upon  the  books 

Hee  does  Judge  Palmer  @  Mr  Graham  wrong  for  they  are  psons  look't  upon  by  the  Council  as  fittest 
for  those  employments  they  are  in,  viz.  Palmer  Judge  @  Graham  attorney  for  the  King,  And 
»*jlir  j«6ra-if  Mr  Sautcn  would  speak  truth  he  must  needs  say  they  both  have  been  very  serviceable 
"°  for  the  King  in  the  advancement  of  his  Revenue,  @  that  they  still  continue  with  their  ut- 

most endeavors  soe  to  bee  And  though  their  way  of  living  is  by  the  law,  yet  their  management  has 
been  such  by  arbitration  @  such  other  aild  courses  that  were  there  was  ten  actions  formerly  there  is 


H   I 


!  '! 


116 


OOy.   DOIfGAN's   KEPOKT  ON  THE  PHOVIKCE  OF   mCW-YOMC. 


not  one  now.    And  the  Council  had  soe  good  an  opinion  of  Gapt"  Palmer  that  hee  was  thought  the 
fittest  to  bee  the  Judge  of  y*  court  for  the  Kings  affairs 

As  for  sloops  &c  going  from  this  to  Newfoundland,  if  it  was  against  the  act  of  navigation  hee  did 
ill  to  admit  soe  many  to  clear  @  enter  to  (a)  fW)m  thence  without  soe  much  as  taking  notice  of  it,  till 
hee  @  M^jor  Brockhelles  falling  out,  hee  took  occasion  to  seize  his  sloop,  which  the  Council  @  I 
looking  upon  to  bee  only  malicious  discharged  taking  security  from  him  till  his  Maty»  fUrther  plea- 
sure were  known  Mr  Mayne  rx)raing  here  @  shewing  mee  his  instruction,  noe  vessel  has  gone  from 
hence  thither  since. 

And  had  I  not  relyed  soe  much  upon  Cap*  Santen  none  had  gone,  di  for  his  sake  I'll  not  trust  to 
another  soe  much  {^ain 

Mr  Santen  was  in  the  right  I  was  angry  to  find  a  cart-load  of  goods  going  off  the  bridge  after 
■hutting  up  the  Custom  House  without  entry  @  demanding  of  the  man  how  long  they  had  been 
there,  hee  answered  from  seven  in  the  morning,  without  any  officers  taking  notice  of  them,  Upon 
my  speaking  to  Mr.  Santen  he  fell  excusing  his  ofiScers  ®  gave  mee  ill  words.  What  thereupon  hap- 
pened I  refer  to  My  Lord  Neal  @  Mr  Mayne's  testimonies  that  were  then  witnesses  of  it 

As  for  Woolsford's  case  I  have  already  referred  your  Lo'»  to  the  account  given  thereof  to  8'  Ben- 
jamin Bathurst. 

The  negro-story  I  refer  to  the  record  herewith  sent  I  never  did  anything  since  I  came  into  the 
government  without  the  advice  @  consent  of  the  Council 
The  ship  Charts  was  cleared  upon  trial  Mr  Gimten  had  nothing  to  allege  against  her 
The  sloop  Lancaster  is  the  same  with  that  of  Gov.  Ueathcot  before  mentioned 
The  Boat  of  D'Morez  was  condemned  for  going  to  the  Mill  with  Corn  without  the  Oovernm*  ® 
seized  by  Capt  Santen 

The  Sloop  Fortune  was  condemned  @  my  own  share  as  well  as  the  Kings  forgiven,  the  poor  man 
having  done  what  he  did  innocently 

The  Sloop  Lewis  came  from  Pettiquaves,  @  brought  here  some  of  our  people  who  had  been  taken 
by  the  Spaniards,  in  going  to  Jamaica  with  provisions  @  had  fled  to  Pettiquaves  ®  the  sloop  coming 
hither  the  master  sent  up  word  from  Sandy  Hook  that  hee  would  willingly  come  @  live  here  which 
I  willingly  granted  him  liberty  to  doe,  @  in  consideration  of  his  service  in  bringing  home  our  people 
I  forgave  the  Kings  @  my  own  part  in  the  sloop  after  shee  was  condemned  with  the  proviso  that  if 
his  Matr  did  not  approve  of  it  hee  should  pay  that  share  according  to  appraizement  for  which  Bond 
was  accordingly  taken,  as  will  appear  to  y  Lov*  by  the  attested  copie  herewith  sent  In  short  all  that 
FU  say,  hee's  fitter  for  a  retired  life,  than  to  bee  the  Kings  Collector 

To  the  three  4*  lyentieth 

WhilMiBMia 

r^hrnfTk^  The  answer  thereof  is  referred  to  the  next 

MUM)  «e 

In  answer  to  the  tenth  fyfour  ®  T\centieth  querie 
Every  Town  ought  to  have  a  Minister  New  York  has  first  a  Chaplain  belonging  to  the  Fort  of  the 

Church  of  England ;  Secondly,  a  Dutch  Calvinist,  thirdly  a  French  Calvinist,  fourthly  a 
•►Biu^n  R.11.'  Dutch  Lutheran — ^Here  bee  not  many  of  the  Church  of  England ;  few  Roman  Catholicks ; 

abundance  of  Quakers  preachers  men  @  Women  especially;  Singing  Quakers,  Ranting 
Quakers;  Sabbatarians;  Antisabbatarians ;  Some  Anabaptists  some  Independents;  some  Jews;  in 
short  of  all  sorts  of  opinions  there  are  some,  and  the  most  part  of  none  at  all 
The  Great  Church  which  serves  both  the  English  @  the  Dutch  is  within  the  Fort  which  is  found  to 
Tb*  ckveh  bee  very  inconvenient  therefore  I  desire  that  there  may  bee  an  order  for  their  building  an 


i  \[ 


coy.  donoan'i  RcroRT  on  the  provincc  or  niw-york. 


117 


other  ground  already  being  layd  out  for  that  purpose  (%  they  wanting  not  money  in  Store  wherewlth- 
aU  to  buUd  it 

The  most  prevailing  opinion  is  that  of  the  Dutch  Calvinists 

To  the  five  and  twentieth 
It  is  the  endeavor  of  all  Psons  here  to  bring  up  their  children  @  servants  in  that  opinion  which 
wbtieoorMfte  themselves  profess,  but  this  I  observe  that  they  talce  no  care  of  the  conversion  of  their 
Slaves. 

Every  Town  @  County  are  obliged  to  maintain  their  own  poor,  which  makes  them  bee  soe  careful 
that  noe  Vagabonds,  Beggars,  nor  Idle  Persons  are  suffered  to  live  here 

But  as  for  the  Kings  natural-born-subjects  that  live  on  long-Island  @  other  parts  of  the  Govern- 
ment I  find  it  a  hard  task  to  make  them  pay  their  Ministers. 

Tho.  Dongan 
My  Lords 

Since  my  writing  of  this,  on  Perusal  of  some  Papers  in  the  Secretary's  office,  I  found  dome  Memo- 
randums of  Sir  Edmond  Andros  whereby  I  understand  that  in  the  year  167j  hee  sent  liome  Capt" 
Salisbury  for  England  to  let  his  Royal  Highness  now  his  Ma^r  know  how  impossible  it  was,  for  this 
Government  to  subsist  without  the  addition  of  Connecticut.  And  hee  himself  went  with  some 
soldiers  to  surprise  them,  intending  when  he  had  done  it  to  keep  possession  by  a  Fort  he  designed 
to  make  at  a  place  called  Seabrook  but  was  prevented  by  the  opposition  of  two  Companys  of  men 
then  lodged  there  ready  to  goe  out  ag«*  the  Indians  with  whom  they  were  in  Warr 

Much  less  it  can  subsist  now  without  it,  being  at  more  expense  than  in  the  time  of  Sir  Edmond 
@  having  lost  Delaware  @  soe  consequently  the  Peltry  Trade  which  is  not  much  inferiour  to  that  of 
the  Beaver,  Iwsides  much  Quit-rents  @  the  Excise  which  would  have  been  a  very  considerable  Revenue 
And  too,  what  helps,  he  had  these  from  East  @  West  Jersey. 

Weighing  this  with  the  reasons  aforementioned,  I  hope  his  Ma*y  will  be  graciously  pleased  to  add 
that  Colony  to  this  which  is  the  Centre  of  all  His  Dominions  in  America.  And  the  people  thereof 
have  been  more  inclined  to  his  Ma*y»  service  and  have  expressed  upon  all  occasions  more  Loyalty 
than  any  other  of  these  parts 

Likewise  I  am  to  give  y  Lop*  an  account  that  since!  received  my  Instructions,  I  caused  a  Vessel 
which  came  to  Amboy  to  come  hither  @  enter — It  being  the  opinion  of  the  Council,  that  it  was  both 
agreeable  to  my  Instructions  and  former  practise  especially  in  the  time  of  Sir  £dm*i  Andros 
I  am  now  informed  that  the  people  of  Pensilvania  have  had  last  year  from  the  Indians,  upward  of 
pemiivuii*  200  packs  of  Beaver  down  to  the  Skonshill  @  will  have  more  this,  as  I  have  reason  to  believe, 
which  if  not  prevented,  his  Ma'r  must  not  expect  this  Govemm*  can  maintain  itstlf,  besides  that 
it  will  wholly  depopulate  both  this  Town  @  Albany 

One  Rogers  the  Weighmaster  being  found  indebted  to  the  King  in  £190-17-^  I  demanded  the 
money  from  him  to  wiiich  hee  returned  for  answer ;  that  he  was  Mr.  Santen's  servant  @  would  live 
@  die  by  him  @  would  not  pay  it  without  his  order.  On  which  an  Extent  was  made  out  against 
him  @  hee  taken  thereupon  @  put  into  Prison ;  Where  after  many  endeavors  of  Mr  Saten  to  the 
contrary  as  will  appear  by  the  Minutes  of  Council  hee  at  last  paid  dei40  of  it  which  I  was  willing  to 
take  rather  than  lose  the  whole 

I  am  afraid  we  shall  not  have  soe  good  an  account  of  the  rest  of  the  debts 

Being  informed  that  Mr  Smith  has  never  accounted  with  Mr  Santen  @  having  the  opinion  of  Capt" 
Palmer  @  Mr  Graham  that  he  is  accountable  to  the  King  at  least  for  soe  much  of  the  money  as  he 
has  received  to  his  own  use  on  pretence  of  Salary  without  any  authority  for  the  same.  I  have  caused 
him  to  be  arrested  in  an  action  of  account  at  his  Ma'y»  suit,  upon  which  hee  lies  a  prisoner  to  answer 
it  at  the  Court  appointed  for  the  management  of  his  Maty*  Revenue 


!':« 


i] 


118 


GOV.    DONOAN'B    KCPOftT   ON    TUK   rROVINCK   0>'   NEW-TOHK. 


Mr  S«nten  since  his  ooininitmt  hath  be«n  aoe  unruly  ®  abuiive  to  mee  and  the  Council  that  In 
our  own  defeuce,  Wee  are  force't  to  send  him  home,  threatnlng  us  with  Chains  at  least  Ibr  what  wee 
have  done.  ...  . 

ooMMiion  The  names  of  y*  Councilors 

M^jor  Anthony  Brookhells 
Frederick  Fllpson 
Stephen  V  Courtlandt 
John  Spragg 
■  Oenrls  Baxter  ^ 

The  Council  thought  fit  not  to  give  Mr.  Santen  his  oath  as  appears  by  the  Minutes  of  Council 
John  Young  had  his  oath  given  him  but  hee  lives  150  miles  fVom  this,  @  has  no  estate  of  his  own 
and  very  old,  that  it  is  a  thing  impossible  for  him  to  serve 

There  being  a  clause  in  my  Instructions  wherein  I  am  limited  not  to  act  without  five,  therefore 
Mr  John  Spragg  ®  M^jor  Jervis  Baxter  going  for  England,  and  there  not  being  a  sufficient  number 
to  make  a  quorum,  I  have  by  Vertue  of  a  clause  in  my  letters  Patents,  impowrlng  mee  in  case  of 
absence  out  of  the  Government  death  or  Suspension  to  add  of  the  principal  Freeholders)  given  the 
oath  to  Judge  Palmer  and  Nicolas  Bayard  the  present  Mayor  to  serve  .n  the  Coimcil  until  his  Maty* 
pleasure  be  known 

And  whereas  there  is  a  clause  in  my  Instructions  to  send  over  the  names  of  six  persons  more  fltt 
to  supply  the  vacancy  of  the  Council  six  of  the  fittest  I  find  in  this  Government  are  as  followeth 

Mathias  Nichols  Judge 
James  Graham 
William  Smith 
Gabriel  Minvlelle 
Francis  Rumbouls 
M^jor  Nicolas  Demyre 


H 


vn. 


PAPERS 


KELATIMO  TO 


M.   it   tUtnonvxlit's   HxiptiUxon 


TO 


THE  GENESEE  COUNTRY-  AND  NIAGARA. 


1607. 


I 


EXTRACT  PROM  THE  KING'S  INSTRUCTIONS  TO  THE  MARQUIS  DE  DENONVILLE. 

March  10,  1685. 

[  Paris  Doc.  III.  ] 

His  principal  object  ought  to  be  to  establish  the  repose  of  the  Colony  by  a  firm  and  solid  peace. 
But  to  render  this  peace  durable  he  must  lower  the  pride  of  the  Iroquois,  support  the  Illinois  and 
the  other  aUies  whom  S""  de  la  Barre  has  abandoned,  and  by  a  firm  and  vigorous  policy  to  let  the  said 
Iroquois  know  that  they  will  have  every  thing  to  fear  if  they  do  not  submit  to  the  conditions  which 
he  intends  to  impose  on  them. 

He  will,  then,  first  declare  to  them  that  he  shall  protect  with  all  his  power  the  allies  of  the  French ; 
inform  the  Illinois,  the  Outaouacs,  Miamis  and  others  of  the  same  thing,  and  should  he  deem  it  proper 
to  back  this  declaration  by  troops  and  an  expedition  against  the  Senecas,  His  Majesty  leaves  it  to 
him  to  adopt,  in  his  regard,  such  resolutions  as  he  shall  deem  most  suitable,  being  well  persuaded 
that  he  will  follow  the  best  course,  and  that  his  experience  in  war  will  place  him  in  a  position  to 
bring  that  to  a  speedy  conclusion  if  he  be  obliged  to  undertake  it. 

He  ought  to  be  informed  that  the  Commandant  of  New  York  has  pretended  to  aid  the  Iroquois 
and  to  extend  the  English  domination"  even  to  the  bank  of  the  River  St.  Lawrence  and  over  the  whole 
extent  of  Country  inhabited  by  those  Savages.  And  though  His  Majesty  doubts  not  but  the  King  of 
England  to  whom  he  has  made  representations  by  his  Ambassador,  will  give  orders  to  his  Com- 
mandant to  put  a  stop  to  these  unjust  pretensions,  he,'  notwithstanding,  considers  it  necessary  to 
explain  to  him  that  he  ought  to  do  every  thing  to  maintain  good  understanding  between  the  French 
and  EngUsh :  Yet  should  the  latter,  contrary  to  every  appearance,  rouse  the  Savages  and  afford  them 
succor,  he  must  act  towards  them  as  towards  enemies,  when  he  finds  them  in  the  Indian  Country, 
without,  however,  attempting  any  thing  in  the  countries  under  the  King  of  England's  obedience. 


FATHER  LAMBERVILLE  TO  GOV.  DONGAN. 

[  London  Doc.  V.  ] 

From  Onnontaguf ,  10  Sept.  1685. 

My  Lord— I  had  the  honour  not  long  since  to  write  to  you— it  was  last  month ;  since  the  despatch 
of  ray  last  letter,  the  Senecas  who  were  desirous  to  make  trouble  and  to  persuade  the  Mohawks  and 
other  villages  to  unite  with  them  against  Mons''  de  la  Barre,  liave  changed  their  minds ;  since  tliey 
were  assured  that  the  peace  concluded  last  year,  as  you  desired,  should  not  be  broken  by  M.  de  la 
Barre,  as  they  were  maliciously  told,  and  as  a  hundred  false  reports  which  are  never  ceased  being 

[Vol.  I.]  16 


I 


i1 


:i 


i 


3!; 


122 


DENOKVILLE  S   EXPEDITION    TO   THE   GENESEE  COUNTRY   AND   NIAGARA. 


related  would  persuade  them.  To  complete  successfully  what  you  have  so  well  begun,  it  only  re- 
mains to  exhort  the  Senecas  to  add  a  few  more  peltries  to  the  ten  beavers  and  thirty  otters  which 
tliey  left  in  deposit  with  the  Onnontagu<;s  to  sntisly  M'  de  la  Barre,  as  you  recommended  them  to  do 
last  year.  Let  your  zeal  for  the  public  peace,  and  especially  for  the  Christians  of  this  America  induce 
you,  if  you  please,  to  put  the  finishing  hand  to  this  good  work  and  to  recommend  the  Senecas  and 
other  villages  not  to  attach  credit  to  the  new  floating  rumors,  since  it  is  true  that  the  Gov'  of  Canada 
desires  witli  all  his  heart  that  all  tilings  should  be  quiet  and  to  second  your  just  intentions.  T!ie 
Onnontagu^s  and  those  who  are  of  their  opinions,  have  operated  powerfully  on  the  minds  of  the  said 
Senecas  to  induce  them  to  resume  thoughts  of  peace,  as  well  as  Mr.  Amout,  bearer  of  this  letter, 
who  was  present  at  what  was  done  and  said ;  and  who  can  inform  you,  and  from  whom  you  will  be 
glad  to  receive  tliis  report. 

Since  peace,  through  your  care,  will  aparently  last,  we  shall  continue  to  carry  the  Cliristian  faith 
through  this  Country,  and  to  solicit  the  Indians,  whom  you  honor  with  your  friendship,  to  embrace 
it  as  you  yourself  embrace  it,  for  this  is  the  sole  object  that  has  caused  us  to  come  here,  that  the 
blood  of  Jesus  Christ,  shed  for  all  men,  may  be  useful  to  them,  and  that  His  glory  may  be  great 
throughout  tlie  earth. 

If  you  will  please  to  honour  me  with  a  line  from  your  hand,  you  can  have  your  letter  given  to 
one  named  Oarakontie  who  is  deputed  from  the  Onnontagu^s  to  repair  to  the  Diet  which  you  have 
convoked  at  Albany.  Do  liim  the  charity  to  exhort  him  to  be  a  good  Christian,  as  he  was  whose 
name  he  bears,  and  who  was  his  brother.  Recommend  him  I  beseech  you  not  to  get  drunk  any 
more,  as  be  promised  when  he  was  baptized,  and  to  perform  the  duties  of  a  Christian.  One  word 
from  you  will  have  a  wonderful  effect  on  his  mind,  and  he  will  publish  throughout  that  it  is  not  true 
that  the  Englisli  forbid  them  to  be  Christians  since  you  who  command  them  will  have  exhorted 
them  to  persevere  therein. 

I  pray  God,  who  has  given  us  the  grace  to  be  united  in  the  same  Catliollc  fuith,  to  unite  us  also  in 
Heaven ;  and  that  he  may  heap  his  graces  on  you  here  on  earth,  is  the  wish  of  him  who  is  perfectly 
and  with  all  manner  of  respect.  My  Lord, 

Your  very  humble  and 

very  obedient  servant, 

Jean  de  Lamberville, 
of  the  order  of  Jesuits,  (called  in  Indian,  Teiorhensere.) 

Oblige  me,  I  request  you,  to  have  the  enclosed  sent  to  its  address. 

Please,  My  Lord,  pardon  me  the  liberty  which  I  take  to  present  my  humble  respects  to  the  Gover- 
nor of  Virginia,  who  is  called  among  the  Indians,  Big  Sword  or  Cutlass,  who  I  learn  is  Avith  you  at 
Albany,  to  whom,  some  time  ago,  I  caused  to  be  restored  an  EngUshman  named  Rolelman,  whom 
these  Indians  here  had  plundered  and  captured  and  whom  I  took  into  my  hut  to  save  him  from  the 
fury  of  some  refractory  people  and  from  those  who  would  make  him  tlieir  slave.  It  is  the  least  ser- 
vice I  would  desire  to  render  him. 


DENONVILLE's   expedition  to   the   GENESEE  COUNTRY   AND  NIAGARA. 


123 


MEMOIR  CONCERNING  THE  PRESENT  STATE  OF  CANADA 


AND  THE  MEASURES  THAT  MAY  BE  ADOPTED  FOR  THE  SECURITY  OF  THE  COUNTRY.   12  NOVEMBER  1685. 

(Extract.) 
[Paris  Doc.  III.] 

The  most  to  be  feared  is  the  Irocjuois  who  are  the  most  powerful  in  conse{]uence  of  the  facility 
with  which  they  obtain  arms  from  the  English  and  the  number  of  slaves  they  make  daily  among 
their  neighbours  by  carrying  away  at  an  early  age  their  children,  whom  they  adopt ;  this  is  the  only 
means  of  their  increase,  for  thro'  their  debaucheries  of  Brandy  which  lead  them  into  frightful  dis- 
orders, the  few  children  their  women  raise  could  not  of  themselves  assuredly  sust^iin  them,  if  they 
did  not  make  prisoners. 

The  great  trade  in  arms  and  ammunition  at  a  low  rate,  among  the  English  has  given  tliem  hitherto 
that  advantage  which  they  have  over  other  nations  who  in  order  to  be  disarmed  have  been  destroyed 
by  the  former  who  are  all  of  them  insolent.  Even  the  English  in  Virginia  have  suffered  and  still 
suffer  from  them  every  day ;  but  the  interest  of  the  trader  at  Orange  and  Manatte  supersedes  the 
public  interest,  for  if  they  would  not  sell  them  powder,  that  nation  could  be  more  easily  conquered 
than  any  other.  It  consists  of  five  principal  villages,  each  of  wliich  have  other  smaller  ones  depen- 
dant on  them ;  the  first  is  called  Anni6  (Mohawk)  which  can  furnish  two  hundred  men  fit  for  service 
and  are  ten  leagues  from  Orange  (Albany)  ;  the  second  is  Oneyoust  (Oneida)  which  can  furnish  one 
hundred  and  fifty  men  at  from  15  to  20  leagues  from  Annie ;  the  tliird  is  Onnontague  which  could 
bring  out  three  hundred  men,  ('tis  one  hundred  leagues  from  Montreal)  ;  the  fourth  is  Goyoguoain 
(Cayuga)  wliich  could  put  two  himdred  men  a-foot,  at  twelve  leagues  from  Lake  Ontario,  and  the 
Sonoutouans  (Senecas)  the  fifth,  who  comprize,  as  it  is  reported,  twelve  hundred  men  bearing  arms, 
at  five  leagues  South  of  the  Lake. 

The  Senecas  being  the  strongest,  are  the  most  insolent.  The  idea  must  not  be  entertained  that  tliis 
Nation  can  ever  be  reduced  except  by  being  in  a  position  to  pounce  on  them ;  which  cannot  be  done 
without  approaching  them,  occupying  some  posts  where  provisions  can  be  placed  for  the  troops  who 
will  be  sent  after  them.  To  accomplish  this  sufficiently  apropos  without  being  perceived  by  the 
enemy,  in  consequence  of  the  navigation  of  the  river,  whicli  is  full  of  Rapids  and  Cascades,  impass- 
able except  by  portages,  independent  of  the  distance — herein  consists  all  the  care  and  difficulty. 

The  post  of  Catarokuy  appe^lrs  to  me  the  most  advantageous,  by  placing  it  in  a  better  state  of  de- 
fence than  it  is.  It  is  at  the  entrance  of  Lake  Ontario  from  the  extremity  of  which  the  Senecas  arc 
distant  only  five  or  six  leagues,  in  a  beautiful  country  towards  the  South. 

The  position  of  tliis  fort  is  sufficiently  favorable  to  secure  the  bai-ks  against  the  storms  and  the  at- 
tacks of  the  Indians  at  a  trifling  expense  which  will  require  to  be  made  on  it.  The  passfige  to  be 
made  through  this  lake  is  forty  or  fifty  leagues  before  disembarking  near  tlie  Senecas.  The  three 
barks  at  Catarokuy  will  be  particularly  useful  in  this  enterprize  by  putting  them  in  repair,  for  tliey 
have  been  much  neglected. 


It  appears  to  me  extremely  important  tlmt  the  King  render  himself  absolute  master  of  this  Lake, 
which  is  more  than  three  hundred  leagues  in  circumference.  I  am  persuaded  that  the  English  would 
like  particularly  to  have  a  post  there,  which  would  be  immensely  prejudicial  to  the  Colony  and  the 
King's  power  on  this  Continent ;  his  Majesty  could  easily  make  himself  master  of  it,  without  any 
oppoiiition,  by  the  permanent  establishment  of  a  post,  with  vessels  on  tliis  lake,  and  by  another  fort 


(I 


\A 


i 


II: 


'■H- 


I 


iV 


124 


DENONVILLe's   expedition   to   the   GENESEE  COUNTRY   AND  NIAGARA. 


and  vessels  on  lake  Erie  which  is  only  two  leagues  distant,  by  the  Niagara  River,  from  this  lake  On- 
tario ;  but  as  this  post  cannot  be  established  until  after  the  Iroquois  are  conquered,  I  shall,  before 
entering  into  a  detail  of  the  means  of  conquering  that  Nation,  again  say,  regarding  the  importance 
of  occupying  those  posts,  that  the  English  have  so  great  a  facility  to  establish  themselves  there  that 
it  is  the  power  of  the  Iroquois  alone  which  has  prevented  them  having  posts  there,  since  Lake  On- 
tai-io  can  be  easily  reached  on  horseback  from  Manatte  and  Orange,  there  being  a  distance  of  only 
one  hundred  leagues  through  a  fine  country. 

The  importance  of  the  post  to  be  occupied  on  lake  Erie  is  easily  perceived,  since  we  can  easily  go 
in  vessels  from  that  lake  to  Missilimakina  which  would  be  a  great  facility  for  the  trade  of  the  country, 
to  keep  the  Outaouacs  in  check  and  in  obedience  to  the  King ;  besides,  we  should  have  the  means  of 
reaching  through  this  lake  the  Illinois,  and  surmoimt  by  this  communication  with  ships  many  of  the 
difficulties  experienced  in  the  Rivers  in  consequence  of  the  number  of  portages.  Being  masters  of 
these  two  lakes  and  cruizing  there  with  our  vessels,  the  English  would  lose  the  Beaver  trade  in  that 
quarter,  of  which  they  have  abundance. 

A  durable  peace  with  the  Iroquois  Indians  would  be  more  advantageous  to  the  Colony  than  prose- 
cuting a  war ;  but  this  Nation  has  assumed  such  excessively  insolent  and  haughty  airs  towards  all 
the  other  tribes  against  whom  they  wage  war  and  at  whose  expense  they  daily  increase ;  and  joined 
to  that,  the  odds  they  have  had  from  a  disadvantageous  peace  concluded  last  year  with  us,has  placed 
them  in  a  position  that,  we  may  be  assured,  they  will  break  with  us  on  the  first  opportunity.  It  is 
yet  more  certain  that  if  they  be  not  checked,  they  will  reassume  their  former  insolent  air  the  moment 
there  will  be  no  more  troops  in  this  country,  however  they  may  promise  us  at  present,  and  will  no 
doubt  insult  us,  and  subject  us  to  all  possible  outrage. 

It  is  necessary,  then,  to  examine  the  most  certain  means  of  destroying  and  conquering  their  five 
villages,  which  according  to  tlie  above  estimate,  may  bring  into  the  field  about  two  thousand  men 
bearing  arms,  and  in  a  condition  to  go  to  war. 

I  consider  that  what  troops  we  have,  and  what  militia  we  can  collect  together,  if  we  had  them  all 
with  some  of  our  Savages,  would  suffice  to  attack  them ;  but  as  it  is  not  sufficient  to  make  them  let 
go  their  foot,  and  it  becomes  necessary  to  deprive  them  of  all  means  of  disturbing  us  in  our  settle- 
ments, we  must  not  go  after  them  to  chastise  them  by  halves  but  to  annihilate  them  if  possible.  This 
cannot  be  done  without  the  aid  of  a  number  of  Savages  sufficiently  great  to  pursue  them  in  security 
to  the  distant  forests  towards  Maryland  and  Andastes  whither  they  will  retreat  if  they  find  that  we 
are  more  powerful  than  they ;  and  as  it  is  of  extreme  importance  not  to  declare  war  against  them 
until  we  are  in  a  condition  to  vanquish  them,  it  will  be  absolutely  necessary  to  adopt  measures  with 
the  Illinois,  their  enemies,  and  with  the  Savages  our  allies,  to  engage  them  to  unite  with  us  in  attack- 
ing them  and  pursuing  them  into  the  woods  whither  they  never  fail  to  retire,  daring  not  to  stand 
against  us.  For  as  it  would  be  very  unfortunate  not  to  vanquish  them  if  we  attack  them,  notliing 
ought  to  be  neglected  that  can  be  done,  to  endeavor  to  destroy  them  and  put  it  beyond  their  power 
to  injure  the  Colony.    If  we  succeed,  I  calculate  the  English  will  lose  their  trade  in  that  quarter. 

I  find  all  our  allies  so  discontented  with  us,  and  so  dissatisfied  on  account  of  the  idle  march  which 
we  caused  them  to  make  last  year,  that  according  to  what  I  learn,  I  do  not  believe  that  any  of  them 
can  be  relied  on. 

Before  engaging  in  a  war,  then,  I  considered  it  prudent  to  permit  the  continuance  of  the  negotia- 
tions of  a  certain  Onontague  savage,  accredited  by  tliem  and  the  other  Iroquois,  who  is  said  to  wish 
lor  nothing  but  peace.  Notwithstanding  I  bethought  me  of  managing  tlie  Illinois  by  promising  them 
every  protection,  and  as  Chevalier  de  Tonty,  who  is  in  command  at  the  fort  on  behalf  of  M.  de  La- 
salle,  has  considerable  influence  among  the  Illinois,  I  have  deemed  it  a  duty  to  advise  him  of  my 


H 


DENONVILLE'B   expedition  to  the  GENESEE  COUNTRY   AND  NIAGARA. 


125 


arrival  and  of  he  necessity  which  exists  that  he  should  speak,  as  soon  as  possible,  for  the  King's 
interest. 

I  likewise  sent  to  M.  de  Ladurantaye  who  is  at  lake  Superior  \mder  orders  from  M.  de  Labarre, 
and  to  Sieur  Duluth  who  is  also  at  a  great  distance  in  another  direction,  and  all  so  far  beyond  reach 
that  neither  the  one  nor  the  other  can  have  news  from  me  this  year,  so  that  not  being  able  to  see  them 
all,  at  soonest  before  next  July,  I  considered  it  best  not  to  think  of  undertaking  any  thing  during  the 
whole  of  next  year,  especially  as  a  great  number  of  our  best  men  of  the  Colony  are  among  the 
Outaouacs,  and  cannot  return  before  the  ensuing  summer. 

Moreover,  learning  that  six  tribes  of  our  friends  and  allies  are  at  war  with  each  other,  and  as  it  is 
absolutely  necessary  to  reconcile  them  before  thinking  of  deriving  any  advantage  from  them,  I  sent 
presents  and  instructions  to  M.  Ladurantaye  to  collect  our  French  and  put  himself  at  their  head,  in 
order  to  support  his  reasoning  and  to  have  more  authority  to  reconcile  them  in  concert  with  Father 
Anjeblan  Jesuit  Missionary  at  Missilimakina. 

We  shall,  however,  lose  no  time  in  putting  ourselves  in  a  position  to  resent  the  insults  that  the 
Iroquois  may  offer  the  Colony,  which  would  suffer  very  much  if  we  were  mastered,  and  we  will  not 
let  pass  any  negotiations  that  offer  so  as  to  lull  the  Senecas  who  are  the  most  insolent,  and  with 
whom  there  is  no  permanent  peace  to  be  expected,  much  less  that  they  will  observe  it  with  our  allied 
whose  total  destruction  they  contemplate. 

Chevalier  de  Tonty  commandant  of  M  de  Lasalle's  fort  among  the  Illinois,  coming  next  week,  we 
shall  agree  together  as  to  what  is  best  to  be  done  to  secure  the  conquest  of  this  Nation,  which  I  un- 
derstand can  be  done  if  he  can  march  with  a  sufficiently  large  body  of  Illinois  behind  lake  Erie  and 
come  to  Niagara,  as  Sieur  de  la  Forest  who  commanded  at  Fort  Catarokvy  told  me  could  be  done, 
who  also  assured  me  that  powder  and  at  least  four  or  five  hundred  guns  would  be  required  to  arm 
these  people.  Tliis  is  but  a  loan,  which  the  said  Sieur  de  Laforest  is  certain  will  be  reimbursed  in 
cash,  by  the  said  Sieur  de  Tonty. 

The  said  Sieur  de  La  Forest  having  demanded  my  permission  to  go  and  join  said  Sieur  de  Tonty 
on  M  de  Lasalle's  business,  I  deemed  it  proper  to  select  a  capable  person  to  guarantee  the  safety  of 
the  Post  of  Catarokvy.  I  chose  Sieur  D'Orvilliers  a  very  i^rudent  and  intelligent  man  and  who  has 
much  experience,  whose  conduct  during  M  de  Labarre's  administration  is  praised  and  approved  by 
all  persons  of  property  in  the  country. 

I  gave  liim  his  company  as  a  garrison,  with  some  vorkmen  as  well  to  refit  the  vessels  as  to  repair 
the  barracks,  and  to  put  the  fort  in  the  best  possible  condition  to  pass  the  winter. 

And  as  there  is  a  great  resort  of  Iroquois  at  that  place,  and  as  there  is  quite  a  number  established 
there,  I  requested  the  Jesuit  Fathers  to  station  Father  Milet  there  to  act  as  Interpreter  and  to  corres- 
pond with  Father  de  Lamberville  who  is  a  Missionary  among  the  Onontagues  who  evince  a  desire 
for  peace. 

In  regard  to  Sieur  Duluth  I  sent  him  orders  to  repair  here  so  that  I  may  learn  from  himself  the 
number  of  savages  on  whom  I  may  depend :  he  is  accredited  among  them  and  rendered  great  services 
to  M  de  Lalwirre  by  a  considerable  number  of  sav^es  whom  he  brought  to  him  to  Niagara,  who  alone 
would  have  attacked  the  Senecas  were  it  not  for  an  express  order  from  M  de  Labarre  to  the  contrary. 

On  ai-riving  here  I  found  neither  batteaux  nor  canoes  for  our  troops,  and  as  they  are  absolutely 
useless  if  not  adapted  to  pass  from  one  point  to  another ;  knowing  by  experience  that  the  expense  of 
canoes  is  too  great  and  that  tliey  require  too  much  attention  and  repair,  I  thought  I  could  not  do 
better  than  to  order  plank  to  be  prepared  for  one  hundred  flat  batteaux,  which  will  carry  twice  more 
than  canoes  and  will  be  much  cheaper  both  in  cost  and  repair,  because  a  batteau  that  will  carry  two 
thousand  pounds  will  not  cost  more  than  a  canoe  which  will  carry  only  one. 

The  means  for  preparing  to  wage  war  against  the  Iroquois,  if  the  King  approve  of  it,  so  that  that 
Natioq  may  not  We  any  suspicion,  remain  to  be  considered. 


■'? 


}': 


ij. 


l\ 


126 


DENOKVILLe's    expedition   to  the   GENESEE   CODNTBY   AND   NIAGARA. 


It  is  very  much  to  be  desired  that  first  of  all,  sufficient  flour  and  other  provisions  might  be  put 
into  Catarokvy  next  year,  so  as  to  have  nothing  to  do  the  following  yeai-  but  to  marcli  against  the 
enemy ;  but  as  I  do  not  think  it  possible  to  convey  the  whole  quantity  of  provisions  necessary  thither 
without  the  savages  naturally  suspicious  taking  umbrage,  measures  must  be  adopted  to  accomplish 
all  in  the  same  year  with  great  diligence,  which  cannot  be  effected  without  trouble  and  expense,  for 
in  truth,  the  difficulties  in  surmounting  rapids  and  cascades,  twenty-five  to  thirty  leagues  in  extent, 
are  immense. 

This,  however,  is  not  all ;  for  it  is  well  to  consider  that  the  arrangements  are  not  easy  to  l>e  made 
so  as  to  secure  puuctuaUty,  since  from  the  Illinois  country  there  are  four  hundred  leagues  to  be 
travelled  to  arrive  at  Niagara,  the  place  of  rendezvous ;  and  from  the  Outaouacs  and  Savages  of  lake 
Superior,  three  hundred  leagues,  and  from  Quebec  nearly  two  hundred  to  the  said  place  of  Niagara. 
All  this  must  make  me  think  of  putting  myself  in  a  condition  to  be,  myself,  sufficiently  strong  to 
fight  them  without  any  other  aid  than  that  of  this  country. 

The  conveyance  of  supplies  and  the  expense  are  my  sole  difficulties.  The  neighbourhood  of  Cata- 
rokvy  indifferently  fertile  in  grain,  produces  good  peas ;  M.  de  Laforest  assures  me  that  he  has  nearly 
three  hundred  minots.  I  caused  him  to  give  orders  to  have  them  all  sown,  and  M.  d'Orvilliers  not 
to  allow  any  to  be  consumed,  but  will  make  the  soldiers  work  and  oblige  them  to  plant  some.    That 

will  be  a  trifling  supply  of  four  or  five  hundred  minots  for  next  year. 

*  ********** 

It  will  require  considerable  expense  to  render  the  river  navigable ;  the  Map  I  have  caused  to  be 
made  of  it  will  afford  some  imperfect  idea  by  remarking  the  pitch  in  several  places  tliere. 

The  surest  remedy  against  the  English  of  New  York  would  be  to  purchase  that  place  from  the 
King  of  England  who  in  the  present  state  of  his  affairs,  will,  without  doubt,  require  money  of  the 
King.    By  that  means  we  should  be  masters  of  the  Iroquois  without  waging  war. 


m, 


t  n 


M.  DE  DENONVILLE  TO  THE  MINISTER,  8  May  1686. 

[  Parii  Doc.  III.  ] 

I  learu  that  the  news  which  T  had  the  honour  to  send  you  of  the  appearance  on  Lakes  Ontario  and 
Erie  of  English  Canoes  accompanied  by  French  Deserters  on  their  way  to  the  Outaouacs  is  true. 
There  are  ten  of  them  loaded  with  merchandize.  Thereupon,  my  Lord,  I  sent  orders  to  Missilimakina, 
to  Catarokouy  and  other  places  where  we  had  Frenchmen,  to  run  and  seize  tliem,  and  I  am  resolved 
to  send  another  officer  with  twelve  reliable  men  to  join  Sieur  D'Orvilliers  at  Catarosky,  who  is  to  go 
with  Sieur  de  Lasalle's  bark  to  Nij^ara  to  treat  there  with  the  Iroquois  Indians  on  their  return  from 
hunting.  He  will  take  some  men  with  liim.  This  officer,  with  the  aid  of  this  bark  and  some  canoes 
which  shall  be  furnished  him,  will  post  himself  witli  twenty  good  men  at  tl\e  River,  communicating 
from  Lake  Erie  with  that  of  Ontario,  near  Niagara  by  which  place  the  EngUsh  who  ascended  Lake 
Eri^  must  of  necessity  pass  on  tlieir  return  liome  with  their  peltries.  I  regard,  my  Lord,  as  of 
primary  importance  the  pi-ohibition  of  tliis  trade  to  the  English,  who  without  doubt,  would  entirely 
ruin  ours  both  by  the  cheaper  bargains  they  could  give  the  Indians  and  by  attiacting  to  them  the 
Frenchmen  of  our  Colony  who  are  accustomed  to  go  into  the  woods. 


H 


DENONVILLe's   expedition   to  the  GENESEE  COUNTBY   AND  NIAGAIU. 


127 


I  am  persuaded  that  the  Iroquois  are  very  anxious  for  peace  now  that  they  see  troops,  but  I  do 
not  at  all  believe  that  they  will  submit  not  to  make  war  any  more  against  the  other  Nations  our 
allies,  therefore  there  is  no  doubt  but  we  must  prepare  to  humble  them. 

Wliat  I  should  consider  most  effectual  to  accomplish  this,  would  be  the  establishment  of  a  right 
good  post  at  Niagara. 

The  manner  in  which  the  English  have  managed  with  the  Iroquois  hitherto,  when  desirous  to 
establish  themselves  in  their  neighbourhood,  has  been  to  make  them  presents  for  the  purchase  of  the 
soil  and  the  proporty  of  the  land  they  wish  to  occupy.  What  I  see  most  certain  is,  wh»  'ler  we 
act  so  by  them  or  have  peace  or  war  with  theji,  they  will  submit  with  considerable  impatience 
to  see  a  f-^vt  V-'  at  Niagara  which  would  secure  to  us  the  communication  between  the  two  lakes ; 
would  .(er  w.  sters  of  the  road  the  5"  :;.  ■  take  in  going  to  hunt  for  furs,  none  of  which  they 
have  on  their  owu  grounds ;  it  is  likewise  their  rendezvous  when  hunting  for  their  supplies  of  meat 
with  which  as  well  as  with  all  sorts  of  fish,  this  country  aboimds. 

Tliis  post  would  be  of  great  advantage  to  the  other  nations  who  are  at  war  with  these,  and  who 
durst  not  approach  them,  having  too  long  a  road  to  travel  when  retreaing.  It  would  keep  them  in 
check  and  in  obedience,  especially  by  building  a  Fort  sufficiently  large  to  contain  a  force  of  4  or  500 
men  to  make  war  on  them ;  tliis  cannot  be  done  without  expense  because  it  must  be  enclosed  by  a 
simple,  ordinary  picket  fence  to  place  it  beyond  all  insult,  not  being  in  a  position  to  be  relieved  by  us. 

To  guarantee  its  construction,  it  must  not  be  doubted  for  a  moment,  though  at  peace  with  them, 
but  a  guard  would  be  necessary  there  for  the  security  of  the  workmen.  The  freiglit  of  provisions 
as  well  for  the  garrison  as  the  troops  to  be  stationed  there  is  very  high,  since  a  thousand  pounds  w' 
which  is  a  load  for  a  canoe,  costs  110  liv.  from  Ville  Marie  on  tlie  Island  of  Montreal  to  Catai-akouy. 
Independent  of  mere  provisions,  how  many  other  necessaries  and  munitions  are  required  ! 
p-  This  post,  my  Lord,  would  absolutely  close  the  entire  road  to  the  Outaouacs  against  the  English, 
and  would  enable  us  to  prevent  the  Iroquois  carrying  their  peltries  to  the  latter ;  for  with  the  redoubt 
at  Catarokouy  which  would  serve  us  as  an  Entrepot  to  shelter  our  barks  from  the  storms  in  winter, 
we  having  posts  at  both  sides  of  the  Lake  could  render  ourselves  Masters  of  the  hunting  of  that 
Nation  who  can  support  itself  merely  by  that  means  and  would  draw  but  little  from  the  English  if  it 
had  no  more  peltries  to  give  them  :  What  is  very  cert^n,  they  would  carry  them  much  fewer  than 
heretofore. 

I  propose  to  send  Sieixr  D'Orvilliers  to  Niagara  this  year  withSieur  de  ■Villeneuve,the  draughtsman 
whom  you  gave  me,  to  draw  the  plan,  and  after  I  shall  have  seen  the  Iroquois  at  Villemarie  on  the 
Island  of  Montreal  and  we  shall  know  what  we  have  to  expect  from  them,  I'll  see  if  I  shall  not  be 
able  to  take  a  trip  thither  myself,  in  order  to  furnish  you  with  a  more  certain  report  thereon ;  for  to 
rely  on  Sieur  de  Villeueuve  alone,  he  is  a  very  good,  very  accurate,  very  faithful  draughtsman,  but 
in  other  respects  he  has  not  a  very  well  ordered  mind ;  it  is  too  confined  to  be  pble  to  furnish  out  of 
his  own  head  any  ideas  for  the  establishment  of  a  post  and  its  management. 

I  am  assured  that  the  land  in  the  neighbourhood  is  very  fine  and  fertile,  easy  of  cultivation ;  it  is 
situate  about  the  44th  degree.  Everything  I  learn  confirms  me  in  the  opinion  which  I  entertain,  that 
this  post  would,  in  three  years  at  farthest,  support  itself.  It  is  to  be  feared  that  fortifying  it  would 
(Jraw  war  on  us,  if  you  wish  to  avoid  it ;  but  at  the  same  time  I  believe  that  were  the  Senecas  to  see 
us  well  planted  there,  they  would  be  more  pliant. 

Should  this  plan  be  agreeable  to  you,  my  Lord,  please  send  masons  and  plenty  of  instruments  to 
break  up  the  ground  and  convey  stone. 

You  will  be  surprised,  my  Lord,  to  learn  that  Sieur  de  Chailly,  of  whom  I  had  the  honour  to  write 
you  this  fall,  not  being  able  to  have  his  cmge  &om  me  to  retire  to  France  with  all  his  property  which 


hi 


h 


lis 


DENONYILLk's   expedition  to   the  OEMEaEE  COUNTRY  AND  MUQABA. 


he  lent  off  last  year  before  my  arrival,  has  fled  and  deserted  the  Country,  to  pass  over  to  Orange 
(Albany)  and  thence  without  doubt  by  way  of  England  to  France. 

What  is  disagreeable  in  it  is,  that  he  will  have  informed  Governor  Dongan  of  every  thing  he 
knows  of  our  expeditions  to  the  Bate  du  Jford  (Hudson's  Bay)  and  has  learned  of  the  interests  of 
the  country  and  our  designs.  I  beg  of  you,  my  Lord,  to  permit  of  the  oonflscation  of  whatever 
property  may  be  foimd  belonging  to  him  for  the  benefit  of  the  two  hospitals  of  the  Co'.ony. 


FROM  GOV.  DONGAN  TO  M.  DE  DENONVILLE. 

[London  Doe.  V. }  Par.  Doo.  III.] 

Albur,  Majr  32.  1688. 

Sir — I  have  sent  for  the  five  Nations  of  Indians  y*  belongs  to  this  Govemm^  to  meet  me  at  this 
place,  to  give  them  in  charge  that  they  should  not  goe  to  your  side  of  the  Great  Lakes  nor  disturbe 
your  Indians  and  Traders,  butt  since  my  coming  here  I  am  informed  that  our  Indians  are  apprehen- 
sive of  warr  by  your  putting  stores  into  Cataract  [Cataraqui]  and  ordering  some  forces  to  meet  there. 
I  know  you  are  a  man  of  judgment  and  that  you  will  not  attack  the  King  of  England's  subjects. 
Being  informed  that  those  Indians  with  whom  our  Indians  are  engaged  in  war  with,  are  to  the  West 
and  Southwest  of  the  greate  Lakes  (if  so)  in  reason  you  can  have  no  pretence  to  them.  It  is  my 
intention  that  our  Indians  shall  not  warr  with  the  &rr  Indians.  Whether  they  doe  or  not  it  does 
not  seem  reasonable  that  you  should  ingage  yourself  in  the  quarrell  of  Indians  wee  pretend  to, 
against  our  own  Indians.  Whether  these  Territories  belong  to  our  or  the  French  King  is  not  to  be 
decided  here,  but  by  our  Masters  at  home ;  and  your  business  &  mine  is  to  take  Mapps  of  the 
Country  so  well  as  we  can  and  to  send  them  home  for  the  limits  to  be  adjusted  there. 

I  am  likewise  informed  that  you  are  intended  to  build  a  Ifort  at  a  place  called  Ohniagero  on  this 
side  of  the  Lake  within  my  Masters  territoryes  without  question  (I  cannot  believe  it,)  that  a  person 
that  has  your  reputation  in  the  world  would  follow  the  steps  of  Mons'  Labarre  and  be  ill  advised  by 
some  interested  persons  in  your  Govemm*  to  make  disturbance  between  our  Masters  subjects  in 
these  parts  of  the  world  for  a  Uttle  pillitree ;  when  all  these  differences  may  be  ended  by  an  amicable 
correspondence  between  us,  If  there  be  any  thing  amiss  I  doe  assure  you  it  shall  not  be  my  fault, 
though  we  have  suffered  much,  and  doe  dayly  by  your  People's  trading  within  the  King  of  England's 
territoryes.  I  have  had  two  letters  from  the  two  Fathers  that  lives  amongst  our  Indians,  and  I  find 
them  somewhat  disturbed  with  an  apprehension  of  war,  which  is  groundlesse,  being  resolved  that  it 
shall  not  begin  here,  and  I  hope  your  prudent  conduct  will  prevent  it  there,  and  referr  all  differences 
home  as  I  shall  doe.  I  heare  one  of  the  Fathers  is  gone  to  you,  and  the  other  that  staid  I  have  sent 
for  him  here  lest  the  Indians  should  insult  over  him,  tho'  its  a  thousand  pittys  that  those  that  have 
made  such  progress  in  the  service  of  Ck)d  should  be  disturbed,  and  that  by  the  fhult  of  those  that 
laid  the  foundation  of  Christianity  amongst  these  barbarous  people. 

Setting  apart  the  station  I  am  in  I  am  as  much  Mons'  Desnonville's  humble  Servant  as  any  friend 
he  has,  and  will  omit  noe  opportunity  of  manifesting  the  same 


» 


Tour  humble  Serv< 


Tho*  Donoam. 


DENONVILLl's   EXPEDITION   TO   THE   GENKSEE  COUNTRY   AND   NIAGARA. 


iU 


This  Rumor  of  y'  coming  to  Gataracto  has  prevented  my  sending  a  gentleman  to  Quebec  to  con- 
gratulate your  arryval  in  y*  Governm'  soe  am  constrained  to  make  use  of  y*  Father  for  y*  saft 
conveyance  of  this  to  your  hands 


M.  DE  DENONVILLE  TO  GOV.  DONGAN. 

[Par.  Doe.  III.] 

VUle  marie,  June  2U.  1686. 

I  received,  Sir,  the  letter  which  you  did  me  the  honour  to  write  me  on  the  22°<>  May  last, 
You  will  sufficiently  learn,  in  the  end,  how  devoid  of  all  foimdation  are  the  advices  which  you  have 
had  of  my  pretended  designs  and  that  all  that  has  been  told  you  by  the  deserters  from  the  Colony 
ought  to  be  much  suspected  by  you. 

You  are,  Sir,  too  well  acquainted  with  the  service  and  the  manner  that  things  must  be  conducted, 
to  take  any  umbrage  at  the  supplies  which  I  send  to  Cataracouy  for  the  subsistence  of  the  soldiers 
which  I  have  there. 

You  know  the  savages  sufficiently  to  be  well  assured  that  it  would  be  very  imprudent  on  my  part 
to  leave  that  place  without  having  enough  of  supplies  and  munitions  there  for  one  year's  time.  You 
are  not  ignorant  that  it  is  impossible  to  get  up  there  at  all  seasons ;  if  I  were  to  have  them  conveyed 
for  a  large  force,  I  should  have  used  other  means. 

The  natural  treachery  of  a  people  without  faith  and  without  religion,  require  us  to  be  so  far  dis- 
tnistAil  of  them  that  you  ought  not  to  blame  me  for  using  precaution  against  their  restlessness  and 
caprice. 

I  had  the  honor  to  inform  you  by  my  letter  of  the  6^^  June  last  that  the  orders  I  have  from  my 
Master  manifest  merely  the  zeal  which  His  Majesty  entertains  for  the  progress  of  Religion  and  for 
the  support  and  maintenance  of  the  Missionaries.  I  expect  from  your  piety  that  you  will  not  be 
opposed  to  that,  knowing  well  how  much  you  love  religion.  Do  you  think,  Sir,  that  they  will  reap 
much  fruit  whilst  the  savages  are  allowed  no  peace  in  the  villages  in  which  our  Missionaries  are 
established  1 

When  I  came  here,  I  thought  Peace  was  assured  between  the  Iroquois  and  us  and  our  Savage  allies. 
You  see.  Sir,  what  has  been  the  conduct  of  the  Iroquois  in  this  rencounter.  Can  you  say.  Sir,  that  I 
am  wrong  in  distrusting  them  1 

They  arc  alarmed  at  the  war  which  they  fancy  I  shall  wage  against  them ;  their  conscience  only 
could  have  impressed  them  with  this  idea,  since  I  have  not  done  the  least  thing  to  make  them  believe 
that  I  want  any  tiling  else  from  them  than  to  see  peace  well  established  throughout  all  the  country. 
'  What  have  I  done  to  cause  them  the  least  imeasiness  1    And  what  do  they  want  *? 

In  respect  to  the  pretensions  which  you  say  you  have  to  the  lands  of  this  country,  certainly  you 
are  not  well  informed  of  all  the  entries  into  possession  {prises  de  possessions)  which  have  been  made 
in  the  name  of  the  King  my  Master,  and  of  the  establishments  which  we  have  of  long  standing  on 
the  lands  and  on  the  lakes ;  and  as  I  have  no  doubt  but  our  Masters  will  easily  agree  among  them- 
selves, seeing  the  unionand  good  understanding  that  obtain  between  thtm,  I  willingly  consent  with 
you  that  their  Majesties  regulate  the  limits  among  themselves  wishing  nothing  more  than  to  live  with 
you  in  good  understanding;  but  to  that  end,  Sir,  it  would  be  very  apropos  that  a  gentleman  so 

[Vol.  I.]  '  17 


4 


lao 


DBKONTILLri   EXPEDITION  TO  THE  OKIfESEE  COVNTKY  AND  NIAOARA. 


worthy  as  you  should  not  grant  protection  to  all  the  rogues,  vagabonds  and  thieves  who  desert  and 
seok  reAige  with  you,  and  au,  to  acquire  some  merit  with  you  believe  they  cannot  do  better  than  to 
tell  you'raany  impertinencles  of  us,  which  will  have  no  end  so  long  as  you  will  listen  to  them. 

The  letter  which  the  Rev.  Father  de  Lamberville  has  l)een  so  kind  as  to  be  the  bearer  of  iVom  me 
on  the  O'h  June  last  ought  to  suffice,  Sir,  to  put  you  perfectly  in  possession  of  my  intentions.  It 
would  be  unnecessary  that  I  should  make  any  other  reply  to  your  last  of  the  22i>  of  May,  were  it  not 
tiiat  I  was  very  glad  hereby  to  prove  to  you  again  that  I  shall  always  feel  a  great  pleasure  in  seizing 
every  opportunity  to  shew  that  I  am 

Sir, 
'     '  Your  very  humble  k 

very  obedient  Servant. 


COL.  DONGAN  TO  M.  DE  DENONVILLE. 

[  Lond.  Doe.  V.)  Far.  Doe.  III.  ] 

Naw  York,  ZTth  Juljr.  1686. 

Sir — I  had  the  honour  to  receave  two  letters  flwm  you  one  dated  the  6'i»  and  the  other  the  20*  of 
June  last  and  in  them  I  have  found  very  mucli  satisfaction  by  the  hopes  of  a  good  correspondence 
with  a  person  of  so  great  merit  worth  and  repute  spread  abroad  in  the  army  in  which  I  served.  Be- 
lieve it  it  is  much  joy  to  have  soe  good  a  neighbour  of  soe  excellent  qualifications  and  temper  and  of 
a  humour  altogether  differing  from  Monsieur  de  la  Barre  your  predecessor  who  was  so  furious  and 
hasty  very  much  addicted  to  great  words  as  if  I  had  bin  to  have  bin  frighted  by  them.  The  Indians 
peradventure  might  justly  offend  him  for  they  as  you  well  remarke  are  not  people  of  the  greatest 
credit  and  reputation,  but  certainly  I  did  not  amiss  in  offering  sincerely  to  compose  the  difference 
and  I  went  expressly  to  Albany  to  do  it  and  yet  no  suitable  returns  were  made  by  him  for  it.  I 
doubt  not  but  your  Masters  inclinations  are  very  strongly  bent  to  propagate  the  Christian  Religion 
and  I  do  assure  you  that  my  master  had  no  less  a  share  in  so  pious  intentions ;  for  my  pai-t  I  shall 
take  all  imaginable  care  that  the  Fathers  who  preach  the  Holy  Gospell  to  those  Indians  over  whom 
I  have  power  bee  not  in  the  least  ill  treated  and  upon  that  very  accompt  have  sent  for  one  of  each 
nation  to  come  to  me  and  then  those  beastly  crimes  you  reproove  shall  be  checked  severely  and  all 
my  endeavours  used  to  suppress  their  filthy  drunkennesse  disorders,  debauches,  warring  and  quarrels 
and  whatsoever  doth  obstruct  the  growth  and  enlargement  of  the  Christian  ikith  amongst  those 
people. 

I  have  heard  that  before  ever  the  King  your  Master  pretended  to  Cannida,  the  Indians  so  farr  as 
the  South  Sea  were  under  the  English  Dominion  and  always  traded  with  Albany  Maryland  and  Vir- 
ginia, but  that  according  to  your  desire  with  very  good  reason  Is  wholly  referred  to  our  Masters, 
and  I  heartily  pray  that  neither  you  nor  myselfe  give  occasion  of  any  of  the  least  misunderstanding 
between  them  but  that  a  prosperous  correspondence  stricht  amity  and  union  may  perpettually  bee 
continued  between  those  monarchs,  The  stricktest  care  shall  be  taken  concerning  runawayes  from 
you  and  those  who  are  here  if  you  please  to  send  for  them  shall  bee  all  conveyed  to  you — but  if 
there  bee  any  soldiers  who  have  deserted,  I  desire  you  to  give  me  the  assurance  that  they  shall  not 
loose  their  lives,  And  now.  Sir.  I  beg  your  pardon  for  giveing  you  the  trouble  of  my  particular 
affairs  which  is  thus :  when  my  Prince  called  me  out  of  the  French  service  twenty  five  thousand 


dcnonville'b  expedition  to  the  oemesee  country  and  nuoaba. 


ISl 


livres  were  due  to  me  as  was  stated  and  certifycd  to  Mens''  Do  Lenoy  by  the  Intendant  of  Nancy — my 
stay  was  so  short  that  I  had  nu  time  to  kisse  the  King's  hands  and  petition  for  itt — a  very  great 
misfortune  after  so  long  service,  for  in  the  circumstances  I  was  then  in  I  servtd  him  ihithiViIly  to  the 
uttermost  of  my  power.  After  I  quitted  France  I  went  to  Tangier  and  havcing  left  that  place  some- 
time atler  came  hither  so  that  I  never  had  time  to  represent  my  case  to  His  Majesty  which  I  request 
you  to  espouse  for  me  that  so  by  your  means  I  may  obtaine  either  all  or  at  least  some  part  of  that 
which  is  due  to  me— The  King  I  know  had  bin  bountifuU  to  all  a-id  I  am  confident  hath  too  much 
generosity  to  see  me  suffer ;  however  it  happens  I  shall  as  heartily  pray  for  his  good  health  and  happy 
success  in  all  his  undertakings  as  any  one  breathing  and  be  ever  ready  to  make  all  Just  acknow- 
ledgements to  yourselfe  for  so  great  an  obligation  and  ihvour;  wishing  heartily  for  a  favorable 
occasion  to  demonstrate  how  profound  an  esteem  I  have  for  your  person  and  merritts  and  give  un- 
denyable  proofs  that  I  am  sincerely  and  with  all  respects 

Sir 
Your  most  humble  and  affectionate  servant 

Tho»  Donoan 


M.  DE  DENONVILLE  TO  GOV.  DONGAN. 

[Paris  Doc.  III.] 

2»  Sept.  1686. 

I  received  by  the  Rev.  Father  de  Lamberville,  the  elder,  missionary  among  the  Iroquois  of  the 
village  of  the  Onontagu6s  the  letter  which  you  took  the  trouble  to  write  to  me  on  the  27*'»  July.  I 
repeat.  Sir,  what  I  already  had  the  honour  to  state  to  you  that  it  will  not  be  my  fault  that  we  shall 
not  live  in  very  good  intelligence.  I  am  willing  to  believe,  Sir,  that  you  will  contribute  thereunto 
on  your  side,  and  that  you  will  put  an  end  to  nil  those*  causes  that  may  exist  for  dissatisfaction  at 
what  is  doing  under  your  government  by  your  traders  and  others  whom  you  protect. 

I  do  not  believe,  Sir,  that  the  King  your  master  approves  of  all  the  trouble  you  have  taken  in 
arming  and  soliciting  by  presents  all  the  Iroquois  Nation  to  wage  war  on  us  tliis  year,  ncitlier  the 
exhortations  you  have  made  them  to  plunder  our  Frenchmen  who  trade  to  places  which  up  to  the 
present  time  we  have  acquired  long  before  New  York  was  what  it  is. 

You  have  proposed,  Sir,  to  submit  every  thing  to  the  decision  of  our  Masters,  yet  your  emissary  to 
the  Onuontagues,  told  all  the  nations  in  your  name  to  pillage  and  .^o  make  war  on  us.  This  is  so 
notorious  a  matter  that  it  cannot  be  doubted,  and  it  will  be  maintained  before  your  emissary ;  whether 
he  acted  by  your  order,  or  at  the  suggestion  of  your  merchants  at  Orange,  it  has  been  said  and  done. 
You  are  not  ignorant  of  the  expedition  of  your  merchants  against  Michilimaquina.  I  ask  you,  Sir, 
what  do  you  wish  that  I  should  think  of  all  this,  and  if  this  behaviour  accord  with  the  letter  whicli 
you  did  me  the  honour  to  write  on  the  Z?"*  July  filled  with  courtesies  and  friendly  expressions  as 
well  regarding  Religion  as  the  good  understanding  and  Mendsliip  existing  between  our  Masiers  which 
ought  to  be  imitated  in  tliis  country  in  token  of  our  respect  and  oliedience  to  tliem. 

You  had  the  civility  to  tell  me  that  you  would  give  me  up  all  tlie  deserters,  who  to  escape  the 
chastisement  of  their  knaveries,  take  refuge  with  you ;  yet  you,  Sir,  cannot  be  ignorant  of  tliose  who 
are  there,  but  as  all  these  are  for  the  major  part  bankrupts  and  thieves  I  trust  they  will  finally  give 
you  reason  to  repent  of  having  given  them  shelter,  and  that  your  merchants  who  employ  them  will 


I  ' 


I 


IS 


IM 


DBMONTILLB't   BXPEOITION  TO  THE  OKMESKE  COUNTRY   AMD  MUOAftA. 


be  puniihed  for  having  conflded  in  rogues  who  will  not  be  more  laithftil  to  them  than  they  liave  been 
to  Ui. 

You  know,  Sir,  they  spare  neither  the  Outuouas,  our  most  antient  allies,  nor  the  other  tribes  among 
whom  we  liave  Preachers  of  the  Gospel  and  with  whoso  cruelties  to  our  holy  Missionaries,  whom  they 
have  martyred,  you  are  ac<|Uainted.  Are  all  these  reasons,  Sir,  not  sufficiently  conclusive  to  induce  you 
to  contribute  to  designs  so  pious  as  those  of  your  Master  1  Tlilnk  you,  Sir,  that  Keliglou  will  pro- 
gress whilst  your  Merchants  supply,  as  they  do,£au  de  Vie  in  abundance  whioli  converts  the  savnc^^s, 
as  you  ought  to  know,  into  Lemons  and  tlieir  cabins  into  counterparts  and  theatres  of  Hell. 

I  hope,  Sir,  you  will  reHect  on  uU  this,  and  that  you  will  be  so  good  as  to  contribute  t*>  that  union 
which  I  desire,  and  you  wish  for. 

Finally,  Sir,  you  must  be  persuaded  that  I  will  contribute,  willingly  and  with  pleasiire,  my  best  to 
obtain  for  you  the  fkvor  you  desire  from  the  King  my  master.  I  shoiild  have  wished.  Sir,  tliat  you 
hod  explained  your  case  more  clearly,  and  that  you  had  placed  in  my  hands  the  proofs  or  vouchers 
of  your  debt,  so  as  to  explain  it  to  the  King,  fur  so  many  things  pass  through  the  liands  of  Mess'*, 
his  M^esty's  Ministers  that  I  fear  M.  de  Lonnoy  will  not  recollect  your  afluir,  whicli  he  cannot  know 
except  through  the  Intendant  who  was  at  Nancy,  wliose  narae  you  do  not  mention.  I  shall  not  fail, 
Sir,  to  endeavoiu-  to  obtain  for  you  some  favor  fVom  the  King  my  master  for  the  services  whicli  you 
have  rendered  liis  majesty.  I  should  wish,  Sir,  to  have  an  opportimity,  on  some  other  more  fitting 
occasion  to  prove  tiiat  I  am. 

Sir, 

Your  very  humble  and  very  obedient  Servant. 


M.  DE  DENONVILLE'S  MEMOIR 

ON   THE  PRESENT   STATE  OF   AFFAIRS    I^   CANADA    AND   THE   NECESSITY    OF   MAKING    WAR   NEXT   YEAR   ON 

THE   IROQUOIS. 

[  Pull  DOO.  III.  ] 

Quebec    the  8th  8b«r  1686. 

Our  reputation  is  absolutely  destroyed  both  among  our  friends  and  our  enemies.  It  is  no  trifling 
thing.  My  lord,  to  reestablish  it  in  view  of  the  expense  and  labor  and  the  dreadful  consequences  of  a 
war,  absolutely  necessary.  But,  My  lord,  when  we  are  certain  that  it  is  God's  business  and  the 
King's  glory  that  are  in  question,  and  that  all  those  to  whom  they  are  committed  have  head  and  heart 
occupied  only  with  zeal  to  perform  their  duty  so  as  to  have  nothing  wherewith  to  reproach  themselves, 
we  labour  untroubled,  confident  that  Heaven  will  supply  the  defects  of  our  understanding  and 
abilities,  more  especially  having  you  as  our  Protector  near  to  King  with  whom  all  things  are  possible, 
his  piety  being  the  foundation  and  motive  of  all  his  undertakings. 

I  annex  to  this  Memoir,  the  duplicate  of  the  letter  of  June  last  in  which  I  advised  My  lord  of  the 
expedition  of  the  Iroquois  against  our  allies  theHurons  and  Ottawas  of  Missilimakina  in  the  Saguinan.' 
I  have  learned  since  that  the  English  had  more  to  do  with  that  expedition  than  even  the  Iroquois 
who  struck  the  blow.  Their  intrigues.  My  lord,  reach  a  point  that  without  doubt  it  would  be  much 
better  that  they  should  have  recoiu^  to  open  acts  of  hostOity  by  firing  our  settlements,  than  to  do 
what  they  are  doing  through  the  Iroquois  for  our  destruction. 

1  The  Country  betwera  LikkM  Erie  ua  Huron  WM  thus  eaUtd.    Paris  Doe.  Hi.  84. 


DENONVILLK^I   tXPKDITlON   TO  THE   OCMMKK  COUMTiY   AKD  MUUAkA. 


18S 


i 


I  know,  beyond  a  moment's  doubt  tliat  Mr.  OoDgan  bat  caused  all  tbe  Five  IroquoU  Nationi  to  be 
collected,  this  spring,  at  Orange  to  tell  them  publicly,  so  as  to  stimulate  tbem  against  us,  that  I  want 
to  declan)  war  against  them  ;  that  they  must  plunder  our  Frenchmen  in  the  Bush  which  they  can 
easily  effect  by  making  an  incursion  into  the  country,  and  for  tliat  purpose  Mr.  Dongan  caused  pre- 
sents of  arms  und  ommunltion  to  be  given  them  by  the  merchants,  neither  more  nor  less  than  if  it 
were  himself  who  was  to  make  war.  There  is  no  artifice,  therefore  My  lord,  that  he  did  not  employ 
to  persuade  them  of  tlieir  destruction,  unless  they  destroyed  us. 

Fatlier  do  Lumberville,  Jesuit  Missionary  at  Onoutagufi,  one  of  tlie  five  villages,  being  advised  of 
tlie  wicked  designs  of  tlie  Englisl),  set  all  his  fVlunds  to  work  to  avert  the  storm,  and  ei\)oinlng  them 
to  reix)rt  everything  to  him,  he  obtained  Arom  them  that  they  would  not  budge  until  he  had  seen 
me.  During  his  absence  Mr.  Donguu  sent  an  express  to  the  Iroquois  to  notify  them  to  march  with- 
out delay  and  full  on  the  Colony,  ordering  Father  de  Lambervllle's  brother,  who  had  remained  as 
hostage  to  bo  brought  to  him,  thinking  to  deprive  us  of  all  oui  missionaries  among  the  Iroquois. 
At  tlie  same  time, he  sent  emissaries  among ou  savages  at  Montreal  to  debauch  them  and  draw  them 
to  him,  promising  them  Missionaries  to  instruct  tliem,  assurirg  them  that  he  would  prevent  Brandy 
being  conveyed  to  theii'  villages.  All  these  intrigues  liave  given  me  no  small  exercise  all  summer  to 
ward  off  this  blow. 

Mr.  Dongun  wrote  me,  and  I  answered  him  t.3  a  man  •>  \y  do  wb  wishu  to  dissemble,  and  who 
cannot  yet  get  angry,  much  less  crush  his  loe.  I  thouglit  it  bett  to  temporise  and  answer  Mr. 
Dongan  by  eluding  rather  than  exliiblting  one's  chogrin  witht  ;  having  the  power  to  injure  his 
enemy.  The  letters  which  I  rec<i  from  him  and  my  answers,  copies  of  whicl  T  send,  will  advise  you 
of  my  conduct  in  this  conjuncture.  Mr.  Dongan,  notv  'lii.iuiding  works  str^etly  with  all  the  arti- 
fices in  the  world,  to  debauch  our  Frenchmen  and  In  'iaus.  Col.  Dongan's  letters  will  sufficiently 
explain  Ills  pretensions  which  embrace  no  less  than  from  the  Lakes  inclusive  to  the  Soith  ea.  Mi3- 
silimackinac  belongs  to  them.  They  have  taken  its  elevation.  They  have  been  there  treating  with 
our  Outawas  and  Huron  Indians,  who  received  them  there  very  well  on  account  of  the  excellent 
trade  they  made  there  in  selling  their  goods  for  beaver  which  they  purchase  much  dearer  than  we. 
Unfortunately  we  had  at  the  time  but  very  few  Frei.oh  at  Missilimackinac.  M.  de  la  Durantaye 
on  arriving  there  would  pursue  the  English  to  plundec  them ;  the  Hurons  ran  to  escort  them  after 
saying  many  bad  things  of  us.  M.  de  la  Durantaye  did  not  overtake  the  English,  who  met  on  their 
rood  tlie  Senecas  going  to  meet  them  to  escort  them  through  lakes  Erie  and  Ontario  imtil  they  were 
beyond  the  risk  of  being  attacked  by  us. 

Thus  you  see,  My  lord,  that  the  Senecas  and  the  English  understand  each  other  charmingly,  and 
are  in  perfect  harmony  and  tliis  alllan>  h  made  particularly  with  the  army  whom  M.  de  la  Barre 
went  against,  for  at  the  time  of  his  max".  ;:ie  Senecas  ran  to  Orange  to  find  Colonel  Dongan  to  beg 
him  to  take  them  under  his  protection,  giving  themselves  over  to  him  by  a  public  Acte  which  was 
registered  and  sent  to  England,  and,  then,  he  caused  poles  with  the  arms  of  England  to  be  planted  in 
all  their  villages. 

Nevertheless,  previous  to  thp*:  time  we  had  missionaries  there,  the  first  before  any  Englishman  had 
an  idea  that  there  were  Senecas  there.  I  annex  to  this  letter  a  memoir  of  our  Right  to  all  that 
Country  of  which  our  registers  ought  to  be  full,  but  of  which  we  can  find  no  trace.  I  am  told  that 
M.  Tallon  had  originals  of  the  entries  of  possession  {prises  de  possessions)  of  many  discoveries  made 
in  this  country,  which  our  registers  ought  to  contain.  Doubtless  he  has  given  them  to  my  late  lord, 
your  fatlier. 

Father  de  Lambervllle  having  given  me  an  account  of  all  the  Colonel's  intrigues  which  tended  to 
take  the  Hurons  away  from  us  ar  t  to  draw  off  the  Outawas,  I  entrusted  him  with  presents  to  gain 
over  the  principal  and  most  in..riguing  of  the  Iroquois  to  secure  the  friendship  of  the  young  men 


I 


134 


DENOMTILLE's  expedition  to  the  GENESEE  OOUimr  AND  RIAGAKi. 


1 


:li 


who  were  disposed  to  be  out  of  humor  with  us.  He  arrived  in  very  good  season,  for  all  the  Nations, 
assured  by  Mr.  Dongan  that  the  good  Father  would  not  return,  had  assembled  and  were  marching, 
bnt  his  return  woke  up  the  Father's  party,  who  by  means  of  secret,  which  are  called  here  "under- 
ground" presents,  dispelled  the  storm. 

All  the  summer  has  been  spent  in  comings  and  goings  to  get  back  the  prisoners,  the  Outawas 
wishing  to  demand  them  of  the  Iroquois  without  my  participation,  according  to  the  promises  of  the 
Senecas  to  restore  them,  provided  I  did  not  demand  them.  In  fine  the  Hurons  and  the  Outawas 
resolved  to  repair  to  Cataraqui,  and  the  Onontagu^s  alone  have  given  up  their  prisoners,  the  Senecas 
.wying  that  theirs  did  not  wish  to  return  home.  Father  de  Lamberville  returned  here  in  the  latter 
part  of  September,  he  gave  me  an  account  of  all  his  cares,  and  of  all  his  troubles  and  fetigues. 
Whatever  affection  he  may  have  for  the  mission  where  he  has  been  stationed  fifteen  or  sixteen  years 
every  year  in  danger  of  being  killed  by  the  Iroquois,  he  admits  himself  that  nothing  is  to  be  done 
for  the  mission  unless  that  nation  be  humbled.  This,  My  lord,  is  so  true  that  the  Ii-oquois  have  no 
other  design  than  to  destroy  all  our  allies,  one  ajfter  the  other,  in  order  afterwards  to  annihilate  us ; 
and  in  that  consists  all  the  policy  of  Mr.  Dongan  and  his  Traders,  who  have  no  other  object  than  to 
post  themselves  at  Niagara,  to  block  us ;  but  until  now  they  have  not  dared  to  touch  that  string  with 
the  Iroquois,  who  dread  and  hate  their  domination  more  than  ours,  loving  them  not,  in  truth,  except 
on  account  of  their  cheap  bai^ains. 

Mr.  Dongan  caresses  considerably  those  deserters  of  ours  whom  he  requires  to  execute  his  designs 
for  the  destruction  and  ruin  of  our  trade  by  promoting  his  own.  This  wakes  up  our  restless  spirits 
and  obliges  me  to  manage  them,  until  I  shall  be  in  a  position  to  treat  them  more  severely.  Tou  will 
notice.  My  lord,  by  a  letter  of  the  Colonel's  how  desirous  he  is  for  something  from  the  King  which 
he  says  is  due  t6  him.  He  is  a  very  selfish  man,  who  would  assuredly  govern  himself  thereby  if  you 
thought  proper ;  but  the  fact  is  he  is  not  the  master  of  those  merchants  from  whom  he  draws  money. 

Father  de  Lamberville  has  returned  with  orders  from  me  to  assemble  all  the  Iroquois  nations  next 
spring  at  Cataraqui  to  have  a  talk  about  our  affairs.  I  am  persuaded  that  scarcely  any  will  come,but 
my  chief  design  is  to  draw  [them]  thither,  (the  Jesuit  Father  remaining  alone  for  he  must  this  year 
send  back  his  younger  brother,)  in  order  that  he  may  have  less  trouble  in  withdrawing  himself. 
This  poor  Father  knows,  however,  nothing  of  our  designs.  He  is  a  man  of  talent,  and  who  says 
himself  that  matters  cannot  remain  in  their  present  state.  I  am  very  sorry  to  see  him  exposed,  but 
if  I  withdraw  him  this  year  the  storm  without  doubt  will  burst  sooner  on  us,  for  they  would  be  sure 
of  our  plans  by  his  retiring. 

I  have  advices,  notwithstanding,  that  the  Five  Nations  are  making  a  large  war  party,  supposed  to 
be  against  the  Oumiamis  and  other  savages  of  the  Bay  des  Puans  who  were  attacked  this  year,  one  of 
their  villages  having  been  destroyed  by  the  Iroquois ;  on  receiving  notice  thereof  the  hunters  of 
those  tribes  pursued  the  Iroquois  party  whom  they  overtook  and  fought  with  considerable  vigor, 
having  recovered  several  prisoners  and  killed  many  of  the  Iroquois,  who  without  doubt  pant  for 
revenge.  I  sent  them  word,  to  be  on  their  guard  and  to  have  their  women  and  children  removed 
to  a  distance  when  they  will  be  required  to  march  to  join  me  I  say  nothing  to  you  of  v/hat  they 
have  done  to  the  Illinv'»is  whom  they  spare  not,  having  since  two  years  committed  vast  destruction  on 
them. 

Nothing  more.  My  lord,  is  required  to  convince  you  that  we  cannot  hesitate,  and  that  the  Colony 
must  be  put  down  as  lost  if  war  is  not  waged  next  year ;  they  destroy  on  ail  sides  our  allies  who 
are  on  the  point  of  turning  their  backs  on  us  if  we  do  not  declare  for  them.  The  Iroquois  plunder 
our  canoes  whereever  they  find  tl.am,  and  no  longer  observe  appearances.  Nevertheless,  My  lord, 
;u  the  deranged  state  of  the  Colony,  war  is  the  most  dangerous  thing  in  the  world ;  nothing  tan  save 
us  but  the  troops  you  will  send  and  the  redoubts  which  it  is  necessary  for  us  to  build.    Tet,  I  dare 


DENONTILLE'S   expedition  to  the  GENESEE  COVNTRT  AND  NIAGABA. 


135 


not  begin  to  work  at  these,  for  if  I  make  the  least  movement  for  these  Redoubts,  I  will  assuredly 
draw  all  the  Iroquois  down  on  us,  before  I  am  in  a  condition  to  attack  them. 

The  copy  I  transmit  of  the  orders  I  have  issued  for  our  next  year's  expedition  will  advise  you  of 
all  the  measures  I  have  adopted  to  ensure  the  success  of  our  plans.  The  distance  is  terribfe  and 
success  is  in  the  hands  of  God.  If  you  will  be  pleased,  My  lord,  to  take  the  trouble  to  read  all  these 
orders  with  the  Map  w!Jch  I  send,  you  will  perceive  all  my  projects.  I  have  overrated  a  little  the 
number  of  the  force  I  shall  have  with  me,  in  order  to  give  a  little  more  character  to  our  expedition. 
I  cannot  draw  more  than  eight  hundred  militia,  one  hundred  of  the  best  of  whom  will  be  required 
to  manage  the  fifty  canoes  for  convoys.  These  will  do  nothing  else  than  come  and  go  during  our  ex- 
pedition to  transport  provisions  for  our  troops  and  for  those  whom  we  shall  station  during  the 
winter  at  the  Post  which  we  must  occupy  either  at  Niagara  or  near  the  Senecas,  to  serve  as  a  retreat 
for  those  of  our  Indians  who  will  be  desirous  to  harrass  them  during  the  winter  and  the  following 
year.  Without  this  nothing  effectual  will  have  been  done  to  humble  this  Nation,  for  to  be  satisfied 
in  driving  them  &om  their  villages  and  then  to  retire,  is  not  accomplishing  any  great  thing,  as  they 
immediately  return  and  re-establish  themselves  in  their  Villages. 

As  you,  My  lord,  are  perfectly  acquainted  with  the  ruinous  condition  of  this  Colony,  you  under- 
stand very  well  the  deplorable  consequences  of  this  war  which  require  that  the  settlements  be  con- 
tracted, and  it  is  here  we  must  anticipate  many  difficulties ;  for  in  truth  the  establishment  of  the 
Ck>lony  would  have  to  be  almost  begun  over  again,  and  this  it  is  which  causes  me  repeat  the  demand 
that  I  have  already  made  for  regular  troops  to  support  our  habitans,  and  to  occupy  the  posts  neces- 
sary to  be  guarded,  without  which  I  cannot  preserve  many  points  very  requisite  to  be  protected ; 
among  others  Chambly,  where  I  should  like  to  station  a  strong  post,  because  it  is  the  most  important 
pass  to  reach  the  English  by  lake  Ghamplain.  That  post  will  moreover  always  be  a  subject  of  un- 
easiness to  the  Indians  who  would  incline  to  cross  the  River  Richelieu  thence  to  our  settlements  on 
the  River  St.  Francis ;  in  addition  to  which,  communicating  as  it  does  with  that  of  la  Prairie  de  la 
Madelaine,  would  secure,  in  some  sort,  all  the  country  from  Sorel  unto  la  Prairie  de  la  Madelaine. 
Reflect  again.  My  lord,  if  you  please,  how  Important  is  that  post  of  Bout  de  I'IsIe  de  Mont  Real, 
that  of  Chateaugu6,  that  of  la  Chesnaye  and  that  of  I'Isle  Jesus. 

I  say  nothing,  My  lord,  of  all  the  other  settlements  that  are  isolated  and  without  communication, 
which  we  must  endeavor  to  secure  from  insult.  Those  details.  My  lord,  require  considerable  troops, 
which  could  not  &il  to  greatly  advance  this  country  by  laboring  to  draw  (resserer)  the  Colony  closer 
together  and  make  it  more  compact,  by  means  of  forts  around  which  clearances  would  be  made. 

All  this,  My  lord,  is  no  trifling  work  to  be  prepared.  For  what  certainty  can  there  be  of  destroy- 
ing so  powerful  an  enemy  as  that  Nation  whicli  has  assuredly  two  thousand  men  under  arms  inde- 
pendent of  a  large  niunber  of  other  tribes  their  allies,  estimated  at  twelve  hundred  1  The  vast  extent 
of  forest  into  which  they  will  retreat  and  where  Indians  alone  can  pursue  them ;  the  uncertainty  of 
the  strength  of  the  Indians  which  we  shall  have  with  us ;  the  difficulty  of  rendezvousing  so  far 
off— all  these  considerations  ought  to  make  us  reflect  on  the  means  of  sustaining  ourselves  in  case 
we  should  not  meet  that  success  we  may  desire,  and  which  cannot  come  without  a  manifest  inter- 
position of  Heaven  for  the  success  of  projects  so  scattered. 

It  is  very  certain  that  were  I  in  a  position  to  be  able  to  send  a  strong  detachment  to  the  Mohawk 
Country  by  the  River  Richelieu  whilst  I  was  proceedmg  against  the  Senecas,  not  only  should  I  create 
considerable  alarm  among  the  English  which  would  keep  them  at  home,  but  I  would  obtain  a  great 
advantage  over  the  Iroquois  by  separating  and  pillaging  them  and  laying  waste  their  corn  fields  at 
both  ends  of  the  Iroquois  towns.  It  would  be  very  desirable  that  I  could  destroy  all  the  corn  in  the 
same  year,  so  that  the  one  coxild  no  longer  support  the  other ;  this  would  reduce  them  to  great 
wretchedness  and  would  put  a  burthen  on  the  English,  if  they  sought  a  refuge  there  for  means  to 


$ 


ill 


DEMOMVILLE's  expedition  to  TH£  GENESEE  COUNTRY  AND  NIAGARA. 


j,  :i 


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live.  Had  I  a  sufficiency  of  troops  I  should  not  &il  to  undertake  that  enterprize,  but  having  only 
what  I  have,  I  must  attack  one  ailer  the  other,  and  endeavour  to  raise  another  army,  which  it  is 
impossible  to  effect  at  first.  'Tis  true,  were  all  done  at  once  it  would  be  much  better,  and  promote 
our  expedition  and  dishearten  our  enemies  considerably. 

I  am  very  sorry.  My  lord,  to  witness  all  the  expence  necessary  for  the  support  of  Fort  Cataracouy, 
merely  with  a  garrison  of  fifty  men.  It  is  very  unfortunate  that  the  lands  thereabout  are  not  better, 
so  that  it  might  support  itself  I  am  not  yet  sufficiently  well  informed  of  the  environs  to  be  able 
to  write  you  with  sufficient  accuracy  all  that  could  be  effected  there ;  notwithstanding  it  is  of  great 
consequence  to  preserve  that  Post  at  the  entrance  to  the  Lake,  though  the  Posts  in  this  Country  do 
not  command  the  passages  so  completely  that  the  Savages  cannot  avoid  them,  two  or  three  leagues 
either  above  or  below.  Yet  that  Post,  and  one  at  Niagara  would  render  us  entire  masters,  and  keep 
the  Iroquois  in  great  check  and  respect,  and  give  us  immense  advantages  in  our  trade  with  the 
Illinois  and  Outtawas ;  that  road  being  shorter,  and  much  less  difficult  than  the  one  we  take,  in 
which  there  is  an  infinitude  of  portages  and  rapids,  much  more  dangerous  than  those  on  the 
Cataracouy  side. 

The  letters  I  wrote  to  Sieurs  du  Lhu  and  de  la  Durantaye,  of  which  I  sent  you  copies,  will  inform  you 
of  my  orders  to  them  to  fortify  the  two  passes  leading  to  Michilimaquina.  Sieur  du  Lhu  is  at  that  of 
the  Detroit  of  Lake  Erie,  and  Sieur  de  la  Durantaye  at  that  of  the  portage  of  Taronto.  These  two 
Posts  will  block  the  passage  against  the  English,  if  they  undertake  to  go  again  to  Michilimaquina,  and 
will  serve  as  retreats  to  the  Savages  our  allies,  either  while  hunting  or  marching  against  the  Iroquois. 

I  send  you  again.  My  lord,  copy  of  the  orders  I  have  issued  for  the  assembling,  marching  and 
repairing  of  our  Savage  allies  to  Niagara  with  Sieurs  du  Lhu  and  de  la  Durantaye.  You  will,  also, 
see.  My  lord,  the  orders  I  have  issued  for  marching  the  Illinois  in  the  rear  of  the  Iroquois.  It  looks 
very  well  on  paper,  but  the  business  is  yet  to  be  executed.  Many  difficulties  may  be  encountered  as 
well  in  regard  to  the  nature  of  the  Savages  who  are  little  accustomed  to  obedience  and  the  prosecu- 
tion of  a  design  during  several  months,  which  are  required  to  reach  the  rear  of  the  Senecas  from 
their  country.  Chevalier  Tonty,  who  came  to  see  me  at  Montreal  in  the  month  of  July  last,  has 
taken  charge  of  all  these  matters.  I  gave  him  twenty  good  Canadians,  with  eight  canoes  loaded  with 
one  hundred  and  fifty  muskets,  which  was  all  I  could  collect  in  the  coimtry.  He  carries  powder  and 
lead  and  other  things  for  the  trade.  Had  the  guns  you  sent  me  arrived  I  should  have  given  him  a 
good  number.  He  left  at  the  end  of  August  and  calculates  to  arrive  at  Fort  St.  Louis*  before  the 
departure  of  the  hunters.  He  could  not  assure  me  of  the  number  of  Savages  he  could  bring  with 
him,  but  I'm  certain  he  will  make  great  exertions  to  succeed  in  this  affair  in  which  he  will  participate 
largely  if  the  Indians  will  allow  themselves  to  be  governed  and  led  by  him.  I  cannot  sufficiently 
praise  his  zeal  for  the  success  of  this  enterprize.  He  is  a  lad  of  great  enterprize  and  boldness,  who 
undertakes  considerable.  He  left  Fort  des  Illinois  ln<t  February  to  seek  after  M.  de  la  Salle  at  the 
lower  end  of  the  Mississippi.  He  has  been  as  far  as  the  sea,  where  he  learned  nothing  of  M.  de  la 
Salle  except  that  some  Savages  had  seen  him  set  sail  and  go  towards  the  South.  He  returned  on  the 
receipt  of  this  intelligence  to  Fort  St.  Louis  des  Mnois,  and  thence  to  Montreal,  where  he  arrived  in 
the  beginning  of  July  with  two  IDinois  Chiefs,  to  whom  I  had  made  some  presents,  and  to  anotlier 
who  had  not  come.  They  promised  me  wonders.  Nothing  remains  but  the  execution  wliich  is  in 
the  hands  of  God,  for  according  to  what  I'm  told  of  the  temper  of  these  Savages,  a  mere  nothing 
sometimes  is  only  necessary  to  cause  them  to  change  their  minds.  He  will  have  about  twenty  good 
Canadians  with  him  to  march  at  the  head  of  the  Indians,  which  he  hopes  will  encourage  them.  He 
will  have  to  walk  three  hundred  leagues  over  ianu,  for  those  Savages  are  not  accustomed  to  canoes 
(ne  sont  pcu  gms  de  Canot.) 

1  Now  Peoria,  lU. 


■'f.  > 


DENOMVILLE'S   expedition  to  the  GENESEE  OODMTBY   AND  NIAGARA. 


iffy 


I  should  have  greatly  desired  to  shorten  my  letters  to  you.  But,  My  lord,  as  it  is  necessary  to 
inform  you  of  the  state  of  our  affairs  and  to  render  you  an  account  of  my  coiaduct,  I  thought  I  would 
send  you  all  the  orders  as  I  had  issued  them,  so  that  I  might  be  corrected  if  I  fail  in  any  respect, 
being  very  anxious  to  satisfy  you. 

I  receive  letters  from  the  most  distant  quarters ;  from  the  head  of  the  River  Mississippi,  from  the 
head  of  Lake  Superior,  from  Lake  des  Lenemyngon'  where  they  propose  wonders  to  me  Sy  estab- 
lishing posts  for  the  Missions  and  for  the  Beavers  which  abound  there.  But  in  truth  so  long  as  the 
interior  of  the  Colony  is  not  consolidated  and  secured,  nothing  certain  can  be  expected  from  all  those 
distant  posts  where  liitherto  people  have  lived  in  great  disorder  and  in  a  manner  to  convert  our  best 
Canadians  into  banditti.  All  these  distant  posts  cannot  maintain  themselves  except  from  the  interior 
of  the  Colony,  and  by  a  secure  communication  with  them  from  here.  Whilst  we  have  the  Iroquois 
on  our  hands,  can  we  be  certain  of  an]rthing  1  Solicited  by  the  English,  they  daily  plunder  our 
canoes  and  openly  declare  they  will  continue  (to  do  so)  being  unwilling  that  we  should  carry 
ammunition  to  the  Savages,  their  enemies  and  our  allies. 

The  principal  affair  at  present  is  the  security  of  this  Colony  which  is  in  evident  danger  of  perishing 
whether  the  Iroquois  be  let  alone  or  we  make  war  without  having  a  decided  advantage  over  them, 
and  however  decided  ours  may  be,  the  people  separated  as  they  are  will  always  be  in  danger.  Yet 
My  lord,  if  you  aid  us  with  troops,  war  will  be  the  least  inconvenience,  for  if  we  do  not  wage  it, 
I  do  not  believe  that  the  next  year  will  pass  away  without  the  whole  trade  being  absolutely  lost ;  the 
savages,  our  friends,  would  revolt  against  us,  and  place  themselves  at  the  mercy  of  the  Iroquois, 
more  powerful  because  better  armed,  than  any  of  them.  The  whole  of  the  Hurons  are  waiting  only 
for  the  moment  to  do  it.  Had  I  not  by  the  care  of  Father  de  Lamberville  fortunately  avoided  the 
war  this  year,  not  a  single  canoe  would  have  come  down  from  the  forests  without  having  been  cap- 
tured and  plundered  in  the  river  of  the  Outtawas.  We  should  have  lost  a  great  number  of  good 
men. 

This,  My  lord,  is  a  long  narrative  about  the  state  of  the  affairs  of  the  country  with  the  Iroquois 
which  absolutely  require  that  we  M'age  war  without  longer  delay.  Every  person  sees  its  necessity  so 
clearly  that  those  concur  in  it  now,  who  had  been  hitherto  the  most  opposed  to  it.  I  hope  that  on 
the  sketch  I  give  you  of  our  wants,  you  wUl  aid  us  both  in  men  and  other  necessaries.  In  regard  to 
troops.  My  lord,  I  had  the  honor  to  ask  you  for  Regulars,  for  in  truth  the  employment  of  people 
picked  up  anywhere  is  very  unwise.  It  requires  time  to  make  them  fit  for  service  and  on  their 
arrival  they  will  have  to  take  arms  in  their  hands  and  drill.  If  you  propose  to  send  us  some  it  would 
be  well  to  have  them  arrive  about  the  end  of  May  which  is  the  season  when  the  North  West  winds 
prevail  in  our  River.  For  that  reason,  the  ships  ought  to  leave  Rochelle  in  the  month  of  March. 
Sieur  Dambour,  one  of  our  best  ship  captains  that  come  to  Canada,  can  give  good  advice  thereupon. 

Our  march  cannot  begin  before  the  fifteenth  of  May,  for  we  must  let  the  sowing  be  finished,  and 
the  storms  before  that  time  are  furious  on  our  river  and  Lake  Ontario.  I  say  nothing  of  the  risks 
to  be  incurred  that  the  harvest  will  not  be  saved  next  year  on  account  of  the  war,  nor  of  the  neces- 
sity of  making  store-houses.  By  sending  us  troops,  many  things  will  be  done  of  which  we  dare  not 
dream  if  you  do  not  send  any. 

A  few  days  since  a  man  named  Antoine  L'Epinart,  an  old  resident  among  the  Dutch,  at  present 
among  the  English,  came  to  Ville  Marie  on  the  Island  of  Montreal  in  search  of  a  child  he  had  boarding 
with  the  Jesuits.  He  reports  that  the  English  kept  watch  three  months  tliis  summer,  our  deserters 
having  told  them  that  I  would  attack  them  for  having  armed  the  Iroquois  against  us.  He  also  says 
that  the  Iroquois  are  drawing  to  them  the  Loups  (Mohegans)  and  other  tribes  towai-d  the  Audastes, 
with  whom  they  are  forming  alliances ;  he  b-jUeved  the  Iroquois  had  evil  intentions  toward  us — that 

1  Most  probtbly.  Lake  Aleminipigon  of  the  old  mapi;  now  L.  St.  Ami}  north  of  Lake  Superior. 
\yOL.  I.]  18 


H 


^i 


!' 


:i: 


m 


138 


DEMONVILLe's  expedition  to  the  GENESEE  COUNTBY  AND  NIA6ARA. 


the  English  who  had  been  to  the  Outtawas  had  been  well  received  and  invited  to  return  among  them 
with  merchandize,  and  well  nigh  procured  from  the  Iroquois  the  restitution  of  their  prisoners,  by 
which  means  they  will  be  more  attached  to  them  than  to  us ;  that  the  Merchants  at  Orange  had 
urgently  entreated  Colonel  Dongan  to  request  the  Senecas  to  surrender  the  prisoners ;  that  the  Colonel 
had  convoked  a  meeting  of  the  Five  Nations  who  went  together  to  see  him ;  that  it  is  the  general 
belief  that  the  Colonel  will  obtain  satisfaction  of  the  Iroquois  and  thus  the  English  will  attract  to 
them  both  the  Outtawas  and  the  Hurons  and  that  their  cheap  bargains  will  ruin  our  trade.  The 
said  Antonie  L'Epinart  assures  moreover,  that  there  is  a  Company  of  fifty  men  formed  to  go  Missili- 
makina ;  that  their  canoes  were  purchased,  and  that  the  low  state  of  the  waters  had  prevented  them 
starting;  that  they  waited  only  the  rising  of  the  rivers  by  the  rain;  and  that  the  Senecas  promised 
to  escort  them. 

I  have  heard  that  Sieur  du  Lhu  is  arrived  at  the  post  at  Detroit  of  Lake  Eri6,  with  fifty  good  men 
well  armed,  with  munitions  of  war  and  provisions  and  all  other  necessaries  sufficient  to  guarantee 
them  against  the  severe  cold  and  to  render  them  comfortable  during  the  whole  winter  on  the  spot 
where  they  will  entrench  themselves.  M.  de  la  Durantaye  is  collecting  people  to  entrench  himself 
at  Michilimaquina  and  to  occupy  the  other  pass  which  the  English  may  take  by  Taronto,  the  other 
entrance  to  Lake  Iluron.    In  this  way  our  Englishmen  will  find  somebody  to  speak  to. 

All  this  cannot  be  accomplished  without  considerable  expense,  but  still  we  must  maintain  our 
honor  and  our  prosperity. 

The  Oumeamies  and  other  savages  of  the  Bay  des  Puans  have  expressed  much  Joy  to  me  on  learning 
that  Sieur  du  Lhu  was  posted  at  Detroit,  but  1  am  very  sorry  to  hear  that  Tonty  has  learned  on  the 
road  that  these  same  savages  had  quarrelled  with  the  Illinois,  which  would  prevent  the  Ulinoia 
attacking  the  rear  of  the  Senecas,  as  we  had  projected.  It  would,  in  truth  be  an  afiiicting  circum- 
stance to  see  our  allies  devouring  one  another  instead  of  uniting  with  us  to  destroy  the  common 
enemy.  But  it  is  useless  to  be  vexed  at  it.  Nothing  remains  but  to  be  prepared  for  everything  that 
may  happen,  and  rely  only  on  ourselves.  If  God  give  us  the  advantage,  the  people  will  rouse  to  our 
aid. 

My  lord  ought  to  place  no  reliance  on  the  changeable  disposition  of  a  people  without  discipline, 
or  any  sort  of  subordination.  The  King  must  be  the  master  in  this  country  to  effect  any  sort  of  good, 
and  success  cannot  be  secured  without  expense. 

The  M.  de  Denonville. 


M.  DE  DENONVILLE  TO  THE  MINISTER. 

[  From  the  same.  ] 

Qucbae,  16th  Nov.  1686. 

My  Lord, — Since  my  letters  were  written  a  very  intelligent  man  whom  I  sent  to  Manat,  who 
has  conversed  and  had  much  intercourse  with  Colonel  Dongan,  reports  to  me  that  the  said 
Colonel  has  despatched  fifty  citizens  of  Orange  and  Manat  among  whom  are  some  Frenchmen, 
to  winter  with  the  Senecas  whence  they  will  depart,  at  the  close  of  the  winter,  under  the  escort 
of  the  Senecas,  for  Michilimaquina,  carrying  with  them  the  Huron  prisoners  to  restore  them  on 
the  part  of  the  English  Governor,  who  is  desirous  to  prevail  on  the  Outaouas,  by  the  service 
which  he  renders  them,  to  abandon  our  alliance  in  order  to  attach  themselves  to  the  English. 
They  carry  an  abundance  of  merchandise  thither  to  fUrnish  it  at  a  much  lower  rate  thai^  we. 


DENOMTIIXE's   EXriOITION  TO  THE  GENESEE  COUNTRY   AND  NUOAaA. 


139 


This  is  not  all.  Colouel  Dongan  has  given  orders  that  one  hundred  and  fifty  other  English  should 
depart,  accompanied  by  several  Mohegan  Indians  to  follow  the  first  fifty  Englishmen  with  goods. 
But  this  detachment  is  not  to  leave  until  spring.  I  believe  there  is  no  room  to  doubt  but  the  design 
is  to  seize  the  post  of  Niagara.  Were  the  English  once  established  there,  they  must  be  driven  oft'  or 
we  must  bid  adieu  to  the  whole  trade  of  the  country. 

The  same  man  who  came  from  Manat  told  me  that  within  a  short  time  fifty  or  sixty  men,  Huge- 
nots,  arrived  there  from  the  Islands  of  St.  Christophers  and  Martinique,  who  are  establishing  them- 
selves at  Manat  and  its  environs.  I  know  that  some  have  arrived  at  Boston  from  France.  There 
again,  are  people  to  operate  as  Banditti. 

Whilst  writing  this,  My  lord,  further  advice  is  come  from  Orange  that  Colonel  Dongan  sent  to  tell 
the  fifty  men  who  are  to  winter  among  the  Senecas,  not  to  leuve  until  the  arrival  at  the  Senecas  of 
the  one  hundred  and  fifty  men  which  he  is  to  despatch  in  the  spring  to  support  them.  The  reason 
of  this  order  is  that  he  has  learned  by  Indians  that  the  Sieur  Du  Lhut  is  posted  at  the  Detroit  of 
Lake  Erid.  If  those  men  commanded  with  the  savages  attack  that  post,  you  perceive,  my  lord,  that 
I  have  nothing  more  to  manage  with  the  English.  Send  mc,  if  you  please,  orders  on  this  point,  for 
my  disposition  is  to  go  straight  to  Orange,  drive  them  into-their  fort,  and  burn  the  whole. 


n 


The  English  governor  prompted  at  present  by  the  cupidity  of  the  merchants  and  by  his  avarice  to 
drag  money  from  them,  pretends  that  all  the  country  is  his,  and  will  trade  thither  though  an  English- 
man has  never  been  there.  He  gives  passes  under  pretext  of  hunting,  to  his  creatures,  from  whom 
one  was  taken  at  Michilimaquina,  which  I  would  have  sent,  had  he  who  was  bringing  it,  not  upset 
in  the  water  and  been  thereby  drowned. 

Whilst  writing  this  letter  here.  My  lord,  I  receive  from  Father  de  Lamberville  confirmation  of  the 
news  which  I  had  the  honor  to  communicate  to  you  respecting  Colonel  Dongan.  I  send  you  what  he 
writes  me  of  the  speech  made  by  the  said  Cofonel  to  the  Iroquois  assembled  by  his  order  at  Manat. 
Be  so  good  as  to  read  it  yourself  my  lord.' 


COL.  DONGAN  TO  M.  DE  DENONVILLE. 

[Par.  Doo.  III.  t  Lond.  Doe.  V.] 

1  Decern.  1(>8(>. 

Sir — I  had  the  honour  to  receiue  your  letter  of  the  first  of  October  1686  and  had  sooner  sent  an 
answer,  butt  that  I  wanted  a  convenient  opportunity  to  do  itt,  I  find  you  was  angry  at  the  writing 
and  therefore  for  fear  it  was  ill  turned  into  French  for  I  have  no  great  skill  in  your  language,  have 
sent  a  copy  of  it  in  English.  I  desire  you  to  continue  in  your  opinion  that  nothing  shall  bee  wanting 
on  ray  part  that  may  contribute  to  a  good  and  friendly  correspondence,  and  that  I  will  not  protect 
either  merchant  or  others  that  shall  give  any  just  occasion  to  suspect  it.  Bee  assured.  Sir,  that  I 
have  not  solicited  nor  bribed  the  Indians  to  arrae  and  make  warr  against  you,  all  the  paines  I  have 
taken  hath  bin  to  keep  those  people  in  quiet  who  are  so  inclineable  to  warr  that  one  word  is  enough  for 
theia.    I  have  forbidden  their  joining  (if  they  should  be  entreated)  with  any  others  against  you 

1  Saapoitea,  «  Suiquehanm  Paperi,»  for  an  extract  from  tbiitpeeoh. 


{ill 

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140 


OENOMVIIXE'S   expedition    to  the  GEMESEF  OOVMTRT   and  MIAOAi^. 


neither  have  I  ever  allowed  any  to  plunder.  I  have  only  permitted  several!  of  Albany  to  trade 
amongst  the  remotest  Indians  with  strict  orders  not  to  meddle  with  any  of  your  people,  and  I  hope 
they  will  flnde  the  same  civillity  from  you — It  being  so  farr  from  pillageing  that  I  beleeve  it  as  law- 
ful for  the  English  as  French  nations  to  trade  there  we  being  nearer  by  many  leagues  than  you  are — 
I  desire  you  to  send  me  word  who  it  was  that  pretended  to  have  my  orders  for  the  Indians  to  plunder 
and  fight  you;  that  I  am  altogether  as  ignorant  of  any  enterprise  made  by  the  Indians  out  of 
this  Government  as  I  am  of  what  you  nieane  by  "mihilmiqum"  and  neither  have  I  acted  nny  tiling 
contrary  to  what  I  have  written,  but  will  stricktly  endeavour  to  immitate  the  ammity  and  friendship 
between  our  masters — I  have  desired  you  to  send  for  the  deserters,  I  know  not  who  they  are  but 
had  rather  such  Rascalls  and  Bankrouts  as  you  call  them  were  amongst  their  own  countrymen  than 
this  people,  and  will  when  you  send  word  who  they  are,  expell,  not  detain  them  and  use  all  possible 
means  to  preuent  your  good  wishes  and  hopes  that  our  merchants  may  suffer  by  them — Tis  true  I 
ordered  our  Indians  if  they  should  meet  with  any  of  your  people  or  ours  on  this  :ide  of  the  lake 
without  a  passe  from  you  or  me,  that  they  should  bring  them  to  Albany  and  i,nat  as  I  thought  by 
your  own  desire  expressed  in  your  letter,  they  being  as  you  have  very  well  remarked  very  ill  people 
and  such  that  usually  tell  lyes  as  well  to  Christians  as  Heathens,  The  Missionary  Fathers,  if  they 
please  but  do  me  justice  can  give  you  an  account  how  careM  I  have  bin  to  preserve  them,  I  have 
ordered  our  Indians  strictly  not  to  exercise  any  cruelty  or  Insolence  against  them  and  have  written 
to  the  King  my  master  who  bath  as  axw^  zeal  as  any  prince  living  to  propagate  the  Christian  faith 
and  assure  him  how  necessary  it  is  to  send  hither  some  Fathers  to  preach  the  Gospell  to  the  natives 
allyed  to  us  and  care  would  be  then  taken  to  dissuade  them  from  their  drunken  debouches  though 
certainly  our  Rum  does  as  little  hurt  as  your  Brandy  and  in  the  opinion  of  Christians  is  much  more 
wholesome :  however  to  keep  the  Indians  temperate  and  sober  is  a  very  good  and  Christian  per- 
formance but  to  prohibit  them  all  strong  liquors  seems  a  little  hard  and  very  turkish — ^What  I  wrote 
concerning  what  was  due  to  me  for  my  service  in  France  was  very  true,  Mons'  Chamell,  the  Inten- 
dant  at  Nancy,  adjusted  and  sent  them  to  Mons'  Lenoy  signed  by  himself  and  me  and  I  gave  the 
copies  of  them  to  Mons'  Pagaion  living  in  the  street  of  S*  Hon"  to  putt  them  into  the  hands  of 
Mons'  Carillon  Chaplaine  to  the  Duchesse  of  Orleans,  but.  Sir,  you  need  not  to  trouble  yourself 
about  itt  for  I  intend  to  get  it  represented  out  of  England  and  doubt  not  but  the  Kiug  your  master 
who  is  so  bountiful  a  prince  will  be  so  just  as  to  pay  what  became  my  due  by  a  great  deal  of  fatigue 
and  labour,  however  I  humbly  thank  you  for  the  civill  obliging  offers  you  make  and  doe  assure  you 
shall  bee  heartily  glad  of  any  occasion  to  requite  them  desiring  you  to  believe  I  earnestly  wish  and 
contend  for  the  union  (you  say)  you  desire  and  will  contribute  all  in  my  power  to  promote  and  pre- 
serve it  which  is  all  the  refSection  I  shall  make  on  your  letter  being — 
Sir,  assuredly  with  all  due  respect  your  most  humble 

and  affectionate 

servant — T.  Donoan. 


DBNOMTILLk's   EXTKDITION   to  THK  OENESEB  COVHTRT   AMD  MUOARA. 


141 


MEMOIB  FOR  THE  MARQUIS  OF  SEIGN£LAY 


KEGARDINO   THE  DAMGEBS   THAT   THREATEN   CANADA,   THE    MEANS  OF   REMEDTINQ   THEM,  AND  OF   FIRMLY 
ESTABLISHING   RELIGION   COMMERCE   AND  THE  KINg's   POWER   IN   NORTH   AMERICA.       JANVARY    1687. 

[  Pari!  Doe.  III.  ] 

Canada  is  encompassed  by  many  powerftil  English  Colonies  who  labour  incessantly  to  ruin  it,  by 
exciting  all  our  savages,  and  drawing  them  away  with  their  peltries  for  which  the  English  give  them 
a  great  deal  more  merchandize  than  the  French,  because  they  pay  no  duty  to  the  King  of  England. 
This  profit  attracts  towards  the  English,  also,  all  our  Bush  rangers  {Cmreurs  de  bois)  and  French 
libertines  who  carry  their  peltries  to  them,  deserting  our  Colony  and  establishing  themselves  in  those 
of  the  English  who  take  great  pains  to  attract  them. 

They  advantageously  employ  those  French  deserters  to  bring  the  far  savages  to  them  who  formerly 
brought  their  peltries  into  our  Colony  which  wholly  destroys  its  trade. 

The  English  began  by  the  most  powerful  and  best  disciplined  [Indians]  of  all  America.  They 
have  excited  them  entirely  against  us  by  the  avowed  protection  they  afibrd  them,  and  the  manifest 
usurpation  they  claim  to  the  sovereignty  of  their  country,  which  belongs  beyond  contradiction  to  the 
King  for  nearly  a  century  without  the  English  having  up  to  this  present  time  had  any  pretension 
to  it. 

They  also  employ  the  Iroquois  to  incite  all  our  other  Indians  against  us.  They  set  them  last  year 
to  attack  the  Hurons  and  tho  Outawas,  our  most  ancient  subjects ;  swept  by  surprise  from  them 
more  than  75  prisoners  among  whom  were  some  of  their  principal  Chiefs,  killed  several  others,  and 
finally  offered  them  peace  and  the  restitution  of  their  prisoners,  if  they  would  quit  the  French  and 
acknowledge  the  English. 

They  sent  the  same  Iroquois  to  attack  the  Illinois  and  the  Miamis  our  allies  who  are  in  the  neigh- 
borhood of  Fort  St.  Louis,  built  by  Mons'  de  la  Salle  on  the  Illinois  River  which  empties  into  the 
River  Colbert  or  Mississippi ;  massacred  and  burnt  a  great  number  of  them  and  carried  off  many 
prisoners  with  threats  of  entire  extermination  if  they  would  not  unite  with  them  against  the  French. 

Colonel  Dongan,  Governor  of  New  York,  has  pushed  this  usurpation  to  the  point  of  sending 
Fuglishmen  to  take  possession,  in  the  King  of  England's  name,  of  the  post  of  Mislimakinac  which  is 
a  Strait  communicating  between  lake  Huron  and  lake  des  Illinois,  and  has  even  declared  that  all 
those  lakes  including  the  river  St.  Lawrence  which  serves  as  an  outlet  to  them  and  on  which  our 
Colony  is  settled,  belong  to  the  English. 

The  Reverend  Father  Lamberville,  a  French  Jesuit  who  has  been  18  years  a  Missionary  among 
the  Iroquois  in  company  with  one  of  his  brothers  also  a  Jesuit,  wrote  on  the  first  of  November  to 
Chevalier  de  Callieres,  Governor  of  Montreal,  who  informed  the  Grovernor  General  that  Colonel 
Dongan  has  assembled  the  Five  Iroquois  Nations  at  Manatte  where  he  resides,  and  declared  to  them 
as  follows : 

1.  That  he  forbids  them  to  go  to  Cata.acouy  or  Fort  Frontenac  and  to  have  any  more  intercourse 
with  the  French. 

2.  That  he  orders  them  to  restore  the  prisoners  they  took  ftom  the  Hurons  and  Outawacs,  in  order 
to  attract  them  to  himself. 

3.  That  he  sends  thirty  English  to  take  possession  of  Missilimakinak  and  the  lakes,  rivers  and 
adjoining  lands  and  orders  the  Iroquois  to  escort  them  and  to  afibrd  them  physical  assistance. 

4.  That  he  has  sent  to  recall  the  Iroquois  Christians  belonging  to  the  Mohawk  tribe,  who  have 
settled  a  long  time  ago  at  Saut  St.  Louis,  adjoining  the  Island  of  Montreal,  where  they  have  been 


142 


DKNONTILLs'l  EXPSDItlON  TO  THE  OKNSSIC  OOVimt  AND  KlAOlBA. 


established  bjr  us  and  converted  by  the  care  of  oiir  Reverend  Jesuit  Fathers,  and  that  he  would 
glve_them  other  land  and  an  English  Jesuit,  to  govern  them. 

6.  That  he  wishes  that  they  shotdd  have  Missionaries  only  from  him  throughout  the  whole  of 
the  Five  Iroquois  Nations,  and  that  they  cause  our  French  Jesuits  to  withdraw,  who  have  been  so 
long  established  there. 

6.  That  if  Monsieiur  de  Denonville  attacks  them,  he  will  have  to  do  with  him. 

7.  That  he  orders  them  to  plunder  all  the  French  who  will  visit  them ;  to  bind  them  and  bring 
them  to  him,  and  what  they'll  take  from  them  shall  be  good  prize. 

The  Iboquois. — He  accompanied  his  orders  with  presents  to  the  Five  Iroquois  Nations,  and  de- 
spatched his  thirty  English,  escorted  by  Iroquois,  to  make  an  establishment  at  Missilimakinak. 

The  Iroquois  pillage  our  Frenchmen  every  where  they  meet  them,  and  threaten  to  fire  their  settle 
meuts  which  are  much  exposed  and  unfortified. 

These  measures,  and  the  discredit  we  are  in  among  all  the  savages  for  having  abandoned  ou::  allies 
in  M.  de  la  Barre's  time,  for  having  siiffered  them  to  be  exterminated  by  the  Iroquois  and  borne  the 
insults  of  the  latter,  render  war  against  them  absolutely  necessary  to  avert  firom  us  a  General  Re- 
bellion of  the  Savages  which  would  bring  ruin  on  our  trade  and  finaUy  the  extirpation  of  our 
Colony. 

It  is  likewise  necessary  for  the  establishment  of  Religion  which  will  never  spread  itself  there, 
except  by  the  destruction  of  the  Iroquois :  so  that  on  the  success  of  the  war  which  the  Governor- 
General  of  Canada  proposes  to  commence  against  the  Iroquois  on  the  Ib^  of  May  next,  depends 
either  the  Ruin  of  the  Country  and  of  Religion  if  he  be  not  assisted,  or  the  Establishment  of  Religion, 
Commerce  and  the  Kings'  Power  over  all  North  America  If  he  be  granted  the  aid  he  demands. 

If  the  merit  in  the  eyes  of  God,  the  Glory  and  utilitv  which  the  King  will  derive  ttom  this  succor 
be  considered,  it  is  easy  to  conclude  that  expense  was  er  better  employed  since,  independent  of 
the  Salvation  of  the  quantity  of  Souls  in  that  vast  Country  to  which  His  M^esty  will  contribute  by 
establishing  the  Faith  there,  he  will  secure  to  himself  an  Empire  of  more  than  a  thousand  leagues  in 
extent,  from  the  mouth  of  the  River  Saint  Lawrence  to  that  of  the  River  Mississipi  in  the  Gulf  of 
Mexico ;  a  country  discovered  by  the  French  alone,  to  which  other  nations  have  no  right,  and  from 
which  we  shall  eventually  derive  great  Commercial  advantages,  and  a  considerable  ai^gmentation  of 
His  Majesty's  Revenues  in  those  countries. 

The  Marquis  de  Denonville,  whose  zeal,  industry  and  capacity  admit  of  no  addition,  requires  a 
reinforcement  of  1500  men  to  sueiceed  in  his  enterprize.  If  less  be  granted  him,  success  is  doubtful 
and  a  war  is  made  to  drag  along,  the  continuation  of  which  for  many  years  will  cost  His  Majesty 
more  to  sustain  than  would  the  immediate  expense  necessary  to  guarantee  its  success  and  prompt 
termination. 

It  is  necessary  to  attack  the  Iroquois  in  two  directions.  The  first  and  principal  attack,  through 
the  Seneca  Nation  on  the  borders  of  Lake  Ontario ;  the  second,  by  the  River  Richelieu  and  Lake 
Champlain  on  the  side  of  the  Mohawk  Nation.  3000  Frenchmen  will  be  required  for  that  purpose. 
Of  these  there  are  sixteen  companies  which  make  800  men  and  800  selected  from  the  habitans,  100 
of  the  best  of  which  the  Governor  General  destines  to  conduct  50  canoes  which  will  go  and  come 
incessantly  to  convey  provisions.  Of  these  3000  Frenchmen,  of  which  he  has  only  the  half  though 
he  boasts  of  more  for  reputation's  sake,  because  the  other  hahitans  are  necessary  to  protect  and  culti- 
vate the  farms  of  the  Colony,  a  part  must  be  employed  in  guarding  the  posts  of  Fort  Frotenac, 
Niagara,  Toronto,  Missilimakinak  so  as  to  secure  the  aid  he  expects  from  the  Illinois  and  other  Sava- 
ges, on  whom  however  he  cannot  rely  unless  he  will  be  able  alone  to  defeat  the  Five  Iroquois  Nations. 

The  Iroquois  force  consists  of  two  thousand  picked  wai-riors  (cTe/i/e)  brave,  active,  more  skilAil  in 
the  use  of  the  gun  than  our  Europeans  and  all  well  armed;  besides  twelve  hundred  Mohegans 


OEMOHVIULe'b  expedition  to  the  OENEBEE  OOOMTRY  AMD  MUOABA. 


143 


■'  ,tl 


(Loups),  another  tribe  in  alliance  with  them  as  brave  aa  they,  not  including  the  English  who  will 
supply  them  with  officers  to  lead  them,  and  to  fortify  them  in  their  villages. 

If  they  be  not  attacked  all  at  once  at  the  two  points  indicated,  it  is  impossible  to  destroy  them  or 
to  drive  them  from  their  retreat,  but  if  encompassed  on  both  sides,  all  their  plantations  of  Indian 
corn  wUl  be  destroyed,  their  villages  burnt,  their  women,  their  children  and  old  men  captured  and 
other  warriors  driven  into  the  woods  where  they  will  be  pursued  and  annihilated  by  the  other 
savages. 

After  having  defeated  and  dispersed  them  the  winter  must  be  spent  in  fortifying  the  post][of  Nia- 
gara, the  most  important  in  America,  by  means  of  which  all  the  other  nations  will  be  shut  out  from 
the  lakes  whence  all  the  peltries  are  obtained ;  it  will  be  necessary  to  winter  troops  at  this  post  and 
at  others,  to  prevent  the  Iroquois  returning  and  reestablishing  themselves  there,  and  to  people  these 
beautiful  coimtries  with  other  savages  who  will  have  served  under  us  during^this  war. 


EXTRACT  FROM  A  MEMOIR  OP  THE  KING 

TO  sieurs  habquis  de  denonville  and  de  champigny,  dated  vebsailles,  30''>  march,  1687. 

[PuU  Doo.  III.] 

His  Majesty  has  no  knowledge  of  the  claim  of  Colonel  D'Unguent  for  25'»  '>>■  which  he  pretends 
to  be  due  him  in  France ;  therefore  he  has  nothing  to  say  about  it. 

WW********* 

His  Mi^esty  has  seen  the  Memoir  that  the  said  Sieur  de  Denonville  has  sent  of  the'measures  he 
has  adopted  and  the  orders  he  has  gi^en  for  the  ensuing  campaign.  He  approves  of  them  and  doubts 
not  of  success,  and  that  it  will  be  as  favorable  as  can  be  expected  having  to  do  only  with  Savages 
who  have  no  experience  as  to  regular  war,  whilst,  on  the  contrar-,  those  lie  will  be  able  to  collect, 
being  led  by  a  man  so  capable  and  so  experienced  as  he  is,  will  bo  of  great  utility. 

Finally,  He  expects  to  learn  at  the  close  of  this  ye^r,  the  entire  destruction  of  the  greatest  part  of 
those  Savages.  And  as  a  number  of  prisoners  may  be  made,  and  His  Majesty  thinks  he  can  make 
use  of  them  in  his  Galleys,  He  desires  him  to  manage  so  as  to  retain  them  until  he  have  vessels  for 
France ;  by  the  return  of  His  Majesty's  Ships  which  will  convey  the  troops  he  can,  even,  send  those 
which  will  have  been  captured  before  the  departure  of  these  ships. 


COLL.  D0N6AN  TO  FATHER  DE  LAMBERVILLE. 

[Lond.  Doc.  v.] 

•M  May.  1687, 

Reverend  Father— i  have  received  yours  of  the  tenth  currant  from  theOnnondages  and  am  heart- 
ily glad  that  you  are  in  good  health  and  as  much  as  lyes  in  me  you  may  bee  assured  I  will  do  all  my 
pndeavors  to  protect  you  from  the  danger  you  apprehend  from  those  people  and  all  those  others  of 


DBMOmriLLX'l   EXPEDITION  TO  THE  GEinaiXK  OOUNTUT   AND   NIAOAKA. 

your  fraternity  that  continue  In  doing  good  service,  I  am  sorry  that  our  Indians  are  see  troublesome 
to  the  Indians  of  Canada  but  I  am  informed  ftom  Christians  that  it  is  the  custom  of  those  people, 
that  what  country  they  conquer  belongs  to  them  as  their  own,  yet  I  lay  no  stress  on  that,  but  I  am 
■till  in  doubt  whither  that  land  where  the  Indians  goes  to  warr  belongs  to  our  King  or  to  the  King  of 
France,  but  in  all  probability  if  I  bee  truly  informed  it  must  depend  on  the  King  of  England  terri- 
tories it  lying  west  and  by  south  of  this  place  and  your  countryes  lyo  to  the  northward  of  us  but 
that  is  no  material  reason  for  the  Indians  to  disturbe  the  people  of  Canada  and  I  will  use  my  endea- 
vour that  they  shall  disturbe  them  no  more  but  leave  the  decision  of  that  to  my  master  at  home  as  I 
leave  all  other  things  which  relates  to  any  difference  between  us  and  the  people  of  Canada  and  I  am 
sure  that  Mon*'  de  Noville  will  do  the  same — 

I  have  not  spoke  to  the  Indians  as  yet.  Your  meftsf^nger  being  in  hast  cannot  give  an  accomit  what 
they  can  say  for  themselves,  but  to  continue  a  right  understanding  between  the  Government  of  Ca- 
nada and  this  if  any  of  the  Indians  will  doe  any  thing  to  disturbe  the  King  of  France's  subjects,  let 
the  Oovemour  sent  to  me  and  I  will  doe  all  the  justice  that  is  possible  for  me  to  do  and  if  he  will  do 
the  same  It  will  be  a  meane  to  keep  those  people  in,  and  to  see  both  Governments  in  a  good  corres- 
pondence one  with  another.  But  I  hear  they  pretend  that  they  are  affraid  of  the  French  but  I  hope 
that  Mons'  de  NonvUle  will  well  weigh  the  business  before  he  invades  any  of  the  King  of  England's 
subjects — I  have  no  time  to  write  to  him  at  present  but  assure  him  of  my  humble  service  and  that 
I  will  write  to  him  before  I  goe,  haveing  no  other  businesse  here  in  sending  for  the  Indians  but  to 
cheek  them  for  ofifering  to  disturbe  the  people  of  Canada 

Reverend  Father 

I  am  your  humble  servant 

(Signed)    Tho:  Donoan 

I  pray  you  to  pray  to  God  for  me 


M.  DE  DENONVILLE  TO  THE  MINISTER. 


I ' . 


i  V 


{  Par.  Doc.  III.  ] 

8  Jon*  16S7. 

I  am  informed  that  the  English  have  given  notice  to  the  Senecas  that  I  am  going  to  attack  them, 
and  have  obliged  them  to  run  after  six  hundred  men  of  their  tribe  who  were  at  war  against  the 
Miamis,  our  allies,  to  induce  them  to  return  to  defend  their  country  against  us.  Other  war  parties 
who  had  gone  against  the  people  towards  Virginia  have  also  returned  through  the  same  troubles. 
The  consternation  of  our  enemies  thus  rests  Colonel  Dongan  very  dear.  I  have  learned  that  a  party 
has  come  from  Virginia  wlio  brought  a  dozen  prisoners.  Englishmen,  whom  they  will  also  burn,  and 
this  is  a  matter  about  which  Monsieur  Dongan  gives  himself  scarce  any  trouble. 


ti  I 


OtMOmriLUC't    CXPKDITION  TO  THK  OKNUU  COVtntLY  AKD  KUOABA. 


145 


COU.  DONGAN  TO  M.  DE  DENONVILLE. 

[  Load.  Doo.  V.  ] 

V 

nth  June  I6S7. 

Sir — ^The  enclosed'  came  to  my  hands  last  night  from  England  witli  orders  to  liave  it  proclaimed 
which  has  accordingly  bin  done,  what  is  there  agreed  upon  I  will  observe  to  the  least  title  and  I 
doubt  not  but  your  Excel! :  will  do  the  same  and  I  hope  bee  so  kinde  as  not  desire  or  seek  any  cor- 
respondence with  our  Indians  of  this  side  of  the  Great  Lake  if  they  doe  amisse  to  any  of  your 
Goverm*  and  you  make  it  known  to  me  y<  u  shall  have  all  Justice  done  and  if  any  of  your  people  dis- 
turbe  us  I  will  have  the  same  recourse  to  you  for  satisfaction  as  for  those  further  Nations,  I  suppose 
that  to  trade  with  them  is  free  and  common  to  us  all  until  the  meets  and  bounds  bee  adjusted  though 
truly  the  scituation  of  those  partes  bespeakes  the  King  of  England  to  have  a  greater  right  to  them 
than  the  French  king,  they  lying  to  the  southward  of  us  just  on  the  back  of  other  partes  of  our 
King's  dominions  and  a  very  great  way  from  you.  I  am  informed  by  some  of  our  Indians  that  your 
Excell:  was  pleased  to  desire  them  to  meet  you  at  Cadaraque ;  I  could  liardly  beleive  it  till  I  had  a 
letter  from  Father  Lamberville,  wherein  he  informs  me  that  'tis  true,  I  am  also  informed  of  your 
Fathers'  endeavours  dayly  to  carry  away  our  Indians  to  Canada  as  you  have  already  done  a  great 
many,  you  must  pardon  me  if  I  tell  you  that  that  is  not  the  right  way  to  keepe  faire  correspond- 
ence— I  have  also  been  informed  that  you  are  told  I  have  given  to  Indians  orders  to  rob  the  French 
wherever  they  could  meet  them,  that  is  as  false  as  tis  true  that  God  is  in  heaven,  what  I  have  done 
was  by  your  own  desire  which  was  that  I  should  suffer  none  of  Canada  to  come  to  Albany  without 
they  had  your  passt  in  complyance  wherewith  I  ordered,  both,  tlie  Indians  and  people  of  Albany 
that  if  they  found  any  French  or  English  on  this  side  of  the  great  Lake  without  either  your  passe 
or  mine,  they  should  seize  them  and  bring  them  to  Albany :  I  am  now  sorry  that  I  did  it  since  its 
not  agreeable  to  you  and  has  as  I  am  informed  hindered  the  comeing  of  a  great  many  Beauers  to  this 
place — I  shall  therefore  recall  the  orders.  I  am  daily  expecting  Religious  men  from  England  which 
I  intend  to  put  amongst  those  five  nations.  I  desire  you  would  order  Mons'  de  Lamberuille  that 
soe  long  as  he  stayer  amongst  those  people  he  would  meddle  only  with  the  affairs  belonging  to  his 
function  and  that  those  of  our  Indians  that  are  turned  Catholiques  and  live  in  Canada  may  content 
themselves  with  their  being  alone  without  endeavouring  to  debauch  others  after  them,  if  they  do 
and  I  can  catch  any  of  them  I  shall  handle  them  very  severely.  S'  setting  aside  the  trust  my  master 
has  reposed  iu  me  I  should  be  as  ready  and  willing  to  serve  Mons'  de  Nonuille  as  any  friend  he  has, 
I  could  wish  with  all  my  heart  the  wildernesse  betwixt  us  were  not  soe  great  but  that  there  were  con- 
veniences whereby  we  might  see  one  another  often,  for  I  have  as  much  respect  for  all  the  people  of 
quality  of  your  nation  especially  such  as  have  serued  in  the  armies  as  any  man  in  the  world  can 
have :  as  for  newes,  the  ships  lately  come  from  England  say  all  things  are  at  peace  both  there  and  in 
France  and  that  both  our  Masters  are  in  very  good  health  and  that  the  Emperour  and  the  King  of 
Poland  are  very  vigorous  against  the  Turques — 

I  am  Sir 

Your  most  humble  servant 

(Signed)    Tho.  Donsan 

S'  I  send  you  some  Oranges  hearing  they  are  a  rarity  in  your  partes,  and  would  send  more,  but 
the  bearer  wants  conueniency  of  Carriage — 


[Vol.  1.] 


1  TrMtr  of  NwtraUtr. 
10 


DCiroifTitLri  cxptnmoN  to  tht  onncatc  covirrmT  and  miaoara. 


FROM  A  P;VPER  SUPPOSED  TO  HAVE  BEEN  WRITTEN  BY  M.  DE  lALLIERES. 

DATED  QUEBEC.  16  JULY.  1687. 

[  Pari!  Doo.  III.  ] 

J  yestcrtiay  received  a  letter  from  M.  de  DenonvlUe  IVom  Cataracouy  of  the  3">  of  this  mont}i, 
Informing  me  that  he  sends  me  fifty  Iroquois  taken  near  that  place,  to  forward  them  to  France  in 
the  King's  Ships,  conformably  to  his  orders.  I'll  take  advantage  of  the  delay  of  the  Fourgon,  in 
which  I  shall  have  them  embarked,  and  as  tlie  crew  is  too  few  to  convey  so  many  prisoners,  very 
difficult  to  be  guarded,  I  reintbrcn  them  by  some  passengers  and  sailors  from  a  merchantman,  the 
Catharine,  which  was  wrecked  last  autumn  near  Tadoussac,  and  could  not  be  got  off. 


M.  DE  DENONVILLE  TO  THE  MINISTER. 


I 


11  i 


it:  n 

t 


t 


j|r 


ATTACK  ON  THE  8ENGCA8 ;  EKECTION  OF  FORT  NIAGARA. 

(  Pari!  Doe.  III.  ] 

via*  MtrU,  20  AuBUit,  1687. 

The  first  thing  with  wliich  I  occupied  myself  on  my  arrival  [at  Irondequoit  Bay]  was  to  select  a 
post  easily  to  be  fortified  for  securing  our  batteaux  to  the  number  of  200  and  as  many  canoes.  We 
cut  2000  palisades  which  we  finished  planting  in  the  forenoon  of  the  12t>>  of  July. 

I  had  brought  with  me  Sieur  d'Orvilliers  as  tlie  fittest  to  receive  the  whole  of  Canada  into  his 
hands ;  for  the  loss  of  this  post  would  be  the  assured  loss  of  the  whole  country  wliich  obliged  me  to 
leave  440  men  there. 

On  the  I2u>  I  departed  at  three  o'clock  in  the  evening  with  all  our  French  and  Indian  allies  and 
Christians  having  caused  tliem  to  take  15  days  provisions.  We  made  only  three  leagues  that  day 
across  tlie  woods  which  are  very  open. 

On  the  13i>  about  four  o'clock  in  tlie  afternoon,  having  passed  tlirough  two  dangerous  defiles,  we 
arrived  at  the  third  where  we  were  vigorously  attacked  by  800  Senecas,  200  of  whom  fired,  wishing 
to  attack  our  rear  whilst  the  remainder  of  their  force  would  attack  our  front,  but  the  resistance  they 
met  produced  such  a  great  consternation  that  they  soon  resolved  to  fly.  All  our  troops  were  so 
overpowered  by  the  extreme  heat  and  the  long  journey  we  liad  made  that  we  were  obliged  to  bivouac 
on  the  field  until  the  morrow.  Wo  witnessed  the  painful  sight  of  the  usual  cruelties  of  the  savages 
who  cut  the  dead  into  quarters,  as  in  slaughter  houses,  in  order  to  put  them  into  the  pot ;  the  greater 
number  were  opened  while  still  warm  that  their  blood  might  be  drank.  Our  rascally  Otaous  distin- 
guished themselves  particularly  by  these  barbarities  and  by  their  poltroonery,  for  they  withdrew 
from  tlie  combat ;  the  Hurons  of  Michilimaquina  did  very  well,  but  our  Cliristian  Indians  surpassed 
all  and  performed  deeds  of  valour,  especially  our  Iroquois  of  whom  we  durst  not  make  sure  having 
to  fight  against  their  relatives.  The  Illinois  performed  their  duty  well.  We  had  five  or  six  men 
killed  on  the  spot,  Frencli  and  Indians,  and  about  twenty  wounded,  among  the  first  of  whom  was 
the  Rev :  Fath :  Angleran,  superintendent  of  the  Otaous  missions,  by  a  very  severe  gimshot.  It  is  a 
great  misfortune  to  us  that  this  wound  will  prevent  him  going  back  again,  for  he  is  a  man  of  capacity, 
of  great  influence  who  has  conducted  everything  at  Michilimaquina  well,  and  to  whom  the  country 


M;t 


DtMOMVILLE*t   BXPCOITIOM  TO  THE  OKMUKC  COUNTRY    AND  NUCIAKA. 


147 


owes  vast  obligations.  Fur  had  it  uut  been  for  him  tlio  Ir(N|U(>is  had  lieen  long  since  establishi'd  at 
Michillmaiiuinu. 

Wu  learned  Trom  Rome  prisoners  wlio  had  escaped  from  tlic  Senecas  tiiat  tliis  action  liad  cost  them 
45  men  killed  on  tlvo  Held,  25  of  whom  we  had  seen  at  the  shambles ;  the  otliers  were  seen  buried 
by  this  deserter,  and  over  GO  very  severely  wounded. 

On  the  next  day,  U""  July,  we  njarched  to  one  of  tlje  largo  villages  where  we  encamped.  Wo 
found  it  burned  and  a  fort  quite  nigh,  abandoned  ;  it  was  very  advantageously  situated  on  a  hill. 

I  deemed  it  our  best  policy  to  employ  ourselves  laying  waste  the  Indian  corn  whlcli  was  in  vast 
abundance  in  the  fields,  rather  than  follow  a  flying  enemy  to  a  distance  and  excite  our  troops  to  catch 
only  some  straggling  Aigitlves. 

We  learned  from  deserters  that  the  Senecas  had  gone  to  the  English  where  they  will  not  be  allowed 
to  want  for  anything  necessary  to  make  war  on  us.    Since  that  time  I  have  had  no  news  of  the 

enemy. 

Wo  remained  at  the  four  Seneca  villages  until  the  24"' ;  the  two  larger  distant  4  leagues,  and  the 
others  two.  All  that  time  was  spent  in  destroying  tiie  corn  which  was  in  such  great  abundance  that 
the  loss,  including  old  corn  which  was  in  cache  whicli  we  burnt  and  that  which  was  standing,  was 
computed  according  to  tlie  estimate  afterwards  made,  at  400  thousand  minots  of  Indian  corn.'  These 
four  villages  must  exceed  14  to  15  tiiousand  souls.  Tliere  was  a  vast  quantity  of  hogs  which  were 
killed  ;  a  great  many  both  of  our  Indians  and  French  were  attacked  with  a  general  rheum  which  put 
every  one  out  of  humor. 

'Tls  an  unfortunate  trade,  my  lord,  to  command  savages  who,  after  the  first  broken  head  ask  only 
to  return  home  carrying  with  them  the  scalp  which  they  lift  off  like  a  leather  cap.  You  cannot 
conceive  the  trouble  I  had  to  detain  them  until  the  corn  was  cut. 

During  the  whole  time  we  were  In  the  Senecas  country  we  did  not  see  a  single  enemy,  which 
caused  me  divers  alarms  lest  they  had  been  at  our  batteaux,  but  terror  and  consternation  deterred 
tbem  too  much  from  effecting  their  first  threats. 

Returning  to  our  batteaux  I  should  liave  greatly  wished  to  have  been  able  to  visit  other  villages, 
but  the  sickness,  the  extreme  fatigue  among  all  and  the  uneasiness  of  the  savages  who  began  to  dis- 
band, determined  me  to  proceed  to  Niagara  to  erect  a  fort  there  in  their  presence,  and  point  out 
to  them  a  sure  asylum  to  encourage  them  to  come  this  winter  to  war  in  small  bodies. 

I  selected  the  angle  of  the  Lake  on  the  Seneca  side  of  the  river;  it  is  the  most  beautiful,  the  most 
pleasing  and  the  most  advantageous  site  that  Is  on  the  whole  of  this  Lake,  the  Map  and  plan  of 
which  you  will  have  if  Sleur  de  Ville  marie  will  take  the  trouble,  for  I  tormented  lilm  considerably 
for  it ;  I  sent  him  expressly  to  Quebec  that  he  may  have  nothing  else  to  do. 

This  post  being  in  a  state  of  defence  I  left  a  hundred  men  there  under  the  command  of  Sleiy  de 
Troyes  who  made  the  Northern  expedition  last  year.  He  is  a  worthy  fellow  who  richly  deserves 
some  share  In  the  honour  of  your  good  graces  and  protection.  He  con  be  very  useful  to  you  In 
many  things ;  he  Is  prudent  and  intelligent,  very  willing,  and  has  well  served  on  land. 

This  post  has  caused  much  joy  to  all  our  farther  Indians,  who  having  no  place  of  retreat,  scarcely 
dared  to  approach  the  enemy.  They  have  made  me  great  promises — especially  our  Illinois — to 
harass  them  this  winter  by  a  number  of  small  parties. 

M.  de  Tonty  had  returned  with  them  designing  to  invite  them  to  come.  He  could  collect  only 
very  few  savages  because  an  alarm  had  been  spread  among  them  of  a  large  body  of  Senecas  having 
departed  last  fall  on  a  war  expedition  against  them,  wliich  fell  through  on  the  information  Mr.  Don- 
gan  gave  the  Senecas  that  I  was  about  to  attack  them ;  yet,  as  this  large  force  had  marched  six  days. 


-.4 


1 A  minot  it  equal  to  tiuM  busheli. 


148 


DEKOMTILLE's  KZPEDITIOM  to  the  OERESEE  OOUimtT  AITD  HUSAKA. 


\i 


it  \tas  the  cause  that  of  six  @  700  savages  on  whom  we  relied,  only  80  came,  which  was  the  reason 
of  thteir  having  been  obliged  to  come  to  the  fort  of  Detroit  to  join  Sieurs  da  L'hut  and  de  la  Duran- 
taye  not  being  able  to  take  the  Senecas  in  the  rear. 

'  On  quitting  Niagara  I  left  M.  de  Vaudreuil  there  for  a  few  d»n  with  the  troops  to  cut  fire  wood, 
after  having  done  what  was  necessary  for  lodgings.  The  inconveiuv-^ce  of  this  post  is,  that  timber 
is  at  a  distance  from  it.  M.  de  Callieres  and  I  returned  without  delay  with  our  habitans  to  issue  ;he 
orders  necessary  for  the  interior  of  the  Colony. 

I  have  not  yet  told  you,  my  lord,  that  the  habitans  who  left  the  lower  part  of  the  Colony,  will  on 
their  return  to  their  homes,  have  made  four  hundred  and  sixty  leagues  from  the  24  May  to  about  the 
17*  or  IS*""  of  August.  You  will  well  conceive  that,  what  with  the  two  forts  which  it  was  necessary 
to  build,  the  destruction  of  the  enemy's  corn  and  the  thirty  leagues  of  road  we  had,  going  and  coming, 
to  travel  by  land,  they  will  not  have  been  idle. 

It  was  impossible  for  us  to  do  ^ny  more  than  we  accomplished,  for  provisions  would  hare  tailed 
us  had  ]we  made  a  longer  delay.  It  is  full  30  years  that  I  have  had  the  honour  to  serve,  but  I  assure 
you,  my  lord,  that  I  have  seen  nothing  that  comes  near  this  in  labour  and  fatigue. 

You  ordered  me  to  send  you  the  prisoners  we  took.  You  have  perceived,  my  lord,  it  was  impos- 
sible for  us  to  make  any  among  the  Senecas,  and  even  had  we  made  any,  we  should  have  distributed 
them  among  the  savages  our  allies  and  those  who  made  the  seizure  in  the  neighbourhood  of  Fort  Cata- 
racouy  who  are  themselves  native  Iroquois,  but  for  the  most  part  from  villages  north  of  Lake  Ontario 
where  there  had  been  some  fine  and  large  which  the  Iroquois  south  of  said  Lake  forced  to  join  them ; 
this  began  to  swell  their  numbers  and  depopulate  the  northern  border.  It  would  be  for  our  interest 
to  repeople  these  villages  because  they  would  be  more  close  allies,  and  under  our  control. 

Among  the  prisoners  there  are  some  I  cannot  send  you,  being  near  relatives  of  oxu  Christian  In- 
dians. Besides  there  are  some  of  the  Onnontagu^  village  whom  we  must  manage  with  a  view  to 
detach  them  from  the  Senecas,  and  to  use  them  for  purposes  of  negotiation  if  necessary.  As  I  have 
not  yet  any  news  of  the  movements  of  the  Iroquois,  I  should  much  like  not  to  dispose  of  all  these 
prisoners.  Nevertheless,  my  lord,  as  you  desire  them,  I  shall  content  myself  by  retaining  those  only 
wlio  will  be  of  use  to  me  and  are  guiltless  of  all  the  disorders  of  others.  Yet,  my  lord,  be  so  good 
as  to  keep  them  in  a  place  from  which  they  can  be  withdrawn,  in  case  of  need  and  we  finally  come 
to  a  general  arrangement ;  I  believe  that  would  be  a  very  useful  thing.  Regarding  their  women  and 
children,  I  had  them  distributed  through  all  oiu:  missions  in  the  Colony.  All  the  men,  women  and 
children  had  themselves  baptised,  testifying  joy  on  that  occasion.  It  remains  to  be  seen  if  it  be  in 
good  faith. 

The  copper  of  which  I  sent  a  sample  to  M.  Amou  is  found  at  the  head  {aufond)  of  Lake  Superior. 
The  body  of  the  mine  is  not  yet  discovered.  I  have  seen  one  of  our  voyageurs  who  assures  me  that 
he  saw,  15  months  ago,  a  lump  200  weight,  as  yellow  as  gold  in  a  river  which  falls  into  Lake  Supe- 
rior. When  heated,  it  is  cut  with  an  axe,  but  the  superstitious  Indians  regarding  this  piece  as  a  good 
Spirit  would  never  permit  him  to  take  any  of  it. 


H  -.in 


DXNONTILIiE's  XZPIDITION  to  THZ  GENISZB  OOUMTRT   AMD  RUOABA. 


140 


ACTE  OF  THE  TAKING  POSSESSION  OP  THE  COUNTRY  OF  THE  IROQUOIS,  CALLED 

SENECAS.  19  JULY  1687.     ..  / 

[Parii  Doc.  in.] 

Oo  the  nineteenth  of  July,  One  thousand  six  hundred  and  eighty  seven,  the  troops  commanded  by 
Messire  Jacques  Ren6  de  Brisay  Chevalier  Seigneur  Marquis  de  Denonville  and  other  places,  Gover- 
nor and  Lieutenant  General  for  the  King  throughout  the  whole  of  Canada  and  country  of  New 
France,  in  presence  of  Hector,  Chevalier  de  Calli^re,  Governor  of  Montreal  in  said  country.  Com- 
mandant of  the  camp  under  his  orders,  and  of  Philip  de  Rigaud,  Chevalier  de  VaudreuiljConmiandant 
of  the  King's  troops,  which  being  drawn  up  in  the  order  of  battle,  Charles  Aubert  Sieiur  de  la  Che- 
nays  citizen  of  Quebec,  deputed  by  Messire  Jean  Bochart,  Chevalier,  Seigneur  de  Champigny,Norvy, 
Verneuil  and  other  places.  Privy  Councilor  to  the  King,  Intendant  of  Justice,  Police  and  Finance,  in 
all  Nortliern  France,  presented  himself  at  the  head  of  the  army,  who  stated  and  declared  that  on  the 
requisition  of  the  said  Seigneur  de  Champigny,  he  took  possession  of  the  village  of  Totiakton,  as  he 
has  done  of  the  other  tliree  villages  of  Gannagaro,  Gannondata  and  Gannongarae,  and  of  a  Fort  half 
a  league  distant  from  the  said  village  of  Gannagaro,  together  with  all  the  lands  in  their  vicinity  as 
many  and  how  far  soever  they  may  extend,  conquered  in  His  Majesty's  name,  and  to  that  end  has 
planted  in  all  the  said  Villages  and  Forts  His  said  Majesty's  Arms  and  has  caused  to  be  proclaimed 
in  loud  voice,  Vive  le  Bm,&{tei  the  said  troops  had  beaten  and  routed  eight  hundred  Iroquois  Senecas, 
and  laid  waste,  burnt  and  destroyed  their  provisions  and  cabins.  Whereof  and  of  what  precedes, 
the  said  Sieur  de  la  Chenays  Aubert  ha?  required  an  Acte ;  granted  to  him  by  me  Paul  Dupuy  Esq. 
Councilor  of  the  King  and  his  Attorney  at  the  Provost's  Court  of  Quebec :  Done  at  the  said  Village 
of  Totiakton,  the  largest  of  the  Seneca  Villages  in  presence  of  the  Rev""  Father  Vaillant,  Jesuit,  and 
of  the  Officers  of  the  Troops  and  of  the  Militia  Witnesses  with  me,  the  said  King's  Attorney  under- 
signed, the  day  and  year  above  mentioned,  and  have  signed  the  Minute,  Charles  Aubert  de  la  Che- 
nays, J.  Rene  de  Brisay  Monsieur  de  Denonville,  Chevalier  de  Calli^re,  Fleutelot  de  Romprey,  de 
Desmeloizes,de  Ramezay;  Francois  Vaillant  of  the  Society  of  Jesus,  de  Grandville,de  Longueil,  Saint 
Paul  and  Dupuy. 


'f 


TAKING  POSSESSION  OP  NIAGARA  BY  MONSIEUR  DE  DENONVILLE. 

[  Paris  Doe.  III.] 

Jacques  RenS  de  Rkissay  Chevalier  Seigneur  Marquis  de  Denonville  and  other  places.  Governor 
and  Lieutenant  General  for  the  King  in  the  whole  extent  of  Canada  and  Country  of  New  France. 

This  day,  the  last  of  July  of  the  year  One  Thousand  Six  hundred  and  Eighty  seven.  We  declare 
to  all  whom  it  may  concern,  in  presence  of  Hector,  Chevalier  de  Calli^res,  Governor  of  Montreal  in 
the  said  Country  and  Commandant  of  the  Camp  under  our  orders,  and  of  Philippe  Derigaud,  Che- 
valier de  Vaudreuil,  Commanding  the  King's  troops,  being  encamped  with  all  the  army  at  the  post  of 
Niagara,  returning  from  our  expedition  against  the  Seneca  villages,  that  being  come  to  the  camp  of 
Niagara  situa*,e  south  of  Lake  Ontario  west  of  the  Senecas,  twenty-five  leagues  above  them,  in 
the  angle  of  land  East  of  the  mouth  of  the  River  of  the  same  namo^  which  is  the  outlet  of  Lake 


150 


DENONVILLE's   expedition   to  the  GENESEE  COUNTRY   AND  NIAGABA. 


Erie,  coming  from  Lakes  Huron,  Illinois,  the  Great  Lake  Superior  and  several  others  beyond  the 
said  Great  Lake,  to  reiterate  anew  for,  and  in  the  name  of  the  King,  the  taking  Possession  of  the 
said  Post  of  Niagara,  several  establishments  having  been  formerly  made  there  many  years  since  by 
the  King's  order,  and  especially  by  Sieur  De  la  Salle  having  spent  several  years  two  leagues  above 
the  Great  Fall  of  Niagara  where  he  had  a  Bark  built  which  navigated  several  years  Lakes  Erie, 
Huron  and  Illinois,  and  of  which  the  stocks  {les  chantiers)  are  still  to  be  seen.  Moreover  the  said 
Sieur  De  la  Salle  having  erected  quarters  (logemens)  with  settlers  at  the  said  Niagara  in  the  year  one 
thousand  six  hundred  and  Sixty  Eight  which  quarters  were  burned  Twelve  years  ago  by  the  Senecas, 
which  is  one  of  the  causes  of  discontent  that  with  many  others  have  obliged  us  to  wage  war  against 
them,  and  as  we  considered  that  the  houses  we  have  thought  fit  to  rebuild  could  not  remain  secure 
during  the  war,  did  we  not  provide  for  them,  We  have  Resolved  to  construct  a  Fort  there  in 
wliich  we  have  placed  one  hundred  men  of  the  King's  troops  to  garrison  tlie  same  under  the  com- 
mand of  Sieur  de  Troyes,  one  of  the  Veteran  Captains  of  His  Majesty's  troops  with  a  necessary 
number  of  Officers  to  command  said  soldiers. 

This  Acte  has  been  executed  in  Our  presence  and  in  that  of  Monsieur  Gaillard,  Commissary  on 
behalf  of  the  King  attached  to  the  Army  and  subdelgate  of  Monsieur  de  Champigny,  Intendant  of 
Canada :  which  Acte  We  have  signed  with  Our  hand  and  sealed  with  Our  Seal  at  Arms,  and  caused 
to  be  subscribed  by  Mess"  de  Calli^res  and  Vaudreuil  and  by  Monsieur  Gaillard,  and  countersigned 
by  Our  Secretary.  And  they  sign :  J.  Ren^  de  Brissay,  Marquis  de  Denonville,  le  Chevalier  de 
Calli^res,  Chevalier  de  Vaudreuil,  Gaillard ;  and  lower  down  by  Monseigneur  Tophlln. 


[  From  Conncil  Min.  V,  ] 


flfort  James  Tuesday  y«  19»i>  July  1687.  (O.  S.) 
Mr  Brockholes  Informed  y*  Council  he  is  now  come  from  Albany  &  Schenectadae  with  Instructions 
ifrom  theGrovem"  to  bring  up  with  all  convenient  speed  a  Certain  Number  of  Men  &  some  Provisions. 
The  Instructions  Read 

Ordred  that  sixty  men  be  raysed  out  of  y«  Citty  &  County  of  New  York  &  sixty  men  out  of  Queens 
County  that  Warrants  be  forthwith  made  out  to  Major  Willett  to  Raise  the  men  in  y«  Queens  County 
and  to  Coll.  Bayard  to  raise  y"  men  in  y*  Citty  &  County  of  New  York,  that  an  Expresse  be  Iiatdi- 
ately  sent  to  Major  Willett  with  y^  s*  Warrant  &  that  he  &  Coll.  Bayard  have  tlieir  Complement  of 
Mtn  Well  armed  in  ffort  James  on  y"  22''»  Inst. 


FROM  MK.  GRAHAM  TO  MR.  SPRAGG. 

[London  Doc.  V.] 

New  York,  16  July  1687. 

Sir — I  am  invited  by  your  favours  to  give  you  by  this  occasion  acknowledgements  and  also  to 
acquainte  you  that  Mr.  Swinton  departed  this  life  the  3^  currant,  after  tliat  he  liad  been  violently 
seized  wi     vhree  fitts  of  an  apoplexie.    In  the  interval  of  his  fitts  he  was  very  sencible  but  without 


1  '^ 


DENONVILLe's   expedition  to  the  0SNE9EE  COUNTRY  AND  NIAGAHA. 


151 


apprehensions  of  death,  however  was  prevailed  with  [to  make  a  will,  by  which  has  constituted 
Mr.  Delaval  his  executor,  his  affairs  are  in  great  confusion  and  he  judged  to  be  indebted  X300. 
besides  what  his  engagements  may  be  to  you,  his  Excell :  being  at  Albany.  The  Councill  sealed  up 
the  office  in  which  state  it  now  remains  and  will  continue  until  His  Excell'  pleasure  be  knowen. 
Mr  Knight  in  the  mean  time  does  the  service  of  the  office.  Last  night  I  received  a  letter  from  his 
Excell :  in  wliich  aduiseth  that  the  French  had  assaulted  the  Senaquaes,  and  were  worsted,  report  by 
other  hands  saying  the  French  had  300  men  killed,  the  certainty  wants  confirmation,  however,  its 
consequence  is  like  to  be  very  injurious  to  us,  we  liaving  ah-eady  very  little  trade,  besides  are  likely 
to  be  ingaged  in  a  bloody  warr.  whose  events  is  uncertain,  we  are  strangely  surprised  with  the  french 
proceedings,  not  knowing  what  moves  them  to  invade  his  Maj"'»  dominions,  without  giving  notice, 
and  so  soon  after  the  pubUcation  of  the  treaty  of  Commerce  betwixt  the  two  Crowns — P  tlie  next 
which  will  be  Jacob  Maurits  His  Excell :  will  give  you  a  full  account  of  his  resolves,  he  having  sent 

a  messenger  to  the  French  which  is  not  yet  returned.    Five  days  agoe.  My  Lord  Effigham 

S'  Robert  Parker  arrjrved  here  from  Virginia,  lie  laments  the  Governours  absence  otherwise  wer 
satisfied  with  his  entertainments  :  all  your  friends  are  well,  my  wife  kisseth  your  hands  and  joins 
with  me  in  the  request  that  you  would  give  our  duty  to  our  Father,  our  ser  trice  to  Major  Baxter,  to 
whom  please  to  excuse  not  writing,  being  strained  with  time,  and  accept  of  the  assurance  that  I  am 

Sir 

Your  affectionate  friend  and  most  humble  servant 

Ja  Graham 


0 


INFORMATION  GIVEN  BY  SEVERALL  INDIANS  TO  THE  GOVERNOR.  AT  ALBANY, 

6.  AUG.  1687. 

rLond.  Doc.  V.] 

The  Gov'  of  Canada  last  fall,  sent  word  :j  the  Spxhems  of  all  the  Five  Nations  to  come  and  speak 
with  him  at  Cadarachqui  this  spring,  whicli  vee  acquainted  His  Excellency  withall,  but  in  pursu- 
ance to  his  Excelloy  commands  wee  b'3ing  the  King  of  England  subjects,  thought  ourselfs  noways 
obliged  to  hearken  to  him,  and  theiefore  "ef'ised  ro  a;o,  and  shortly  after  we  heard  by  an  Onondage 
Indian  that  had  lived  long  at  Cadiiiii-h^ui,  that  the  iiov'  of  Canida  had  a  design  to  warr  upon  us,  for 
hee  had  seen  a  great  deal  of  araunicion  and  iron  Dubletts  brought  to  Cadarachqui,  and  that  a  French- 
man at  Cadaracliqui  told  him,  that  they  would  warr  with  ail  the  Five  Nations,  About  ten  days  after 
wee  gott  the  news,  that  the  Gov'  of  Canida  with  his  army  was  seen  encampt  att  the  side  of  the  Lake 
with  many  Canoes  about  lialfe  way  between  Onnondage  and  Cadarachqui :  upon  which  they  sent  a 
hundred  men  to  the  Lake  side  to  spy ;  who  see  a  Barke  neer  Irondequat  the  landing  place  a  lyeing 
by  and  not  at  anker  they  sent  four  men  in  a  Canoe  to  haile  them,  their  orders  from  the  Sachems 
being  expressly  not  to  doe  tlie  French  any  harme,  and  n'lien  they  hailed  them,  the  French  answered 
in  base  language :  Enustoganhorrio,  squa,  which  is  as  much  in  their  language  as  the  Devil  take  you, 
whereupon  they  paddled  for  the  shore,  anu  told  the  rest  of  their  companions,  what  answer  they  had, 
the  hundred  men  went  forthwith  to  the  Castles,  and  told  the  Sachems,  what  they  had  seen,  who 
fortliwitli  sent  twenty  men  to  spy  what  theire  designe  was,  and  th  y  see  another  Barke  come  to  the 
first,  and  while  they  were  theire  as  scouts  spied  a  great  many  of  the  Twichtwich  Indians  come  by 
land,  and  had  almost  environed  them  before  they  were  awarr  of  them :  the  twenty  men  seeing  this, 


ise 


OSNOMTILLe's  expedition  to  the  GENESEE  COUNTRY  AND  NUGAIU. 


'•',  "il 


>i 


went  up  forthwith  to  the  Castles  and  had  much  adoe  to  gett  through,  and  the  Sachems  having  sent 
out  three  Spyes,  after  the  twenty,  to  see  what  the  French  would  have,  and  before  the  three  were 
come  to  the  Lake  side  (it  being  about  twenty  miles  from  their  Castles)  the  French  Army  out  of 
Barks  and  Cannoes  was  landed,  they  seeing  that,  called  to  them  and  asked  what  they  were  intended 
to  do,  A  Maquase  answered  out  of  the  Army.  You  Blockheads,  I'll  tell  you  what  I  am  come  to 
doe,  to  warr  upon  you,  and  to  morrow  I  will  march  up  with  my  army  to  your  Castles,  and  as  soone 
as  bee  had  spoke  they  fyred  upon  the  three  Ind>>*  butt  they  runn  home  and  brought  the  news  to  the 
Sachems  about  the  twighlight.  The  Sachems  upon  this  news  concluded  to  convey  their  wives  and 
children,  and  old  men  away,  and  beeing  busy  thereabouts  all  next  day,  most  parte  retiring  to  C^jouge, 
and  the  rest  to  a  Lake  to  the  Southward  of  there  Castles  in  the  meantime  the  French  were  as  good 
as  there  words,  and  inarched  up  halfe  way  between  the  landing  place  and  the  Castles  and  there 
encamped  that  night ;  As  soon  as  the  women  and  cliildren  were  Hed,  tlieir  fired  their  own  Castles 
and  all  the  men  being  gon  to  convey  them  away  except  a  hundi-ed  in  a  small  Fort  who  had  sent  out 
Spyes  and  received  information  that  the  French  were  upon  their  max-ch  towards  them,  they  sent 
forthwith  messengers  to  them  that  were  conveying  the  Women  and  Children  and  desired  the  assist- 
ance of  as  many  of  their  young  men  as  could  conveniently  bee  spared  to  turn  back  and  face  the 
French  ar  d  give  battle :  whereupon  350  turned  back  and  joyned  with  the  hundred,  butt  being  all 
young  ir<)n,  were  so  eager  to  fall  on,  that  the  officers  could  not  bring  them  in  a  posture  to  engage, 
they  went  out  about  hsUfe  a  league  from  the  Castle,  on  a  small  liill,  and  there  stayed  for  the  French 
army,  but  the  officers  could  not  persuade  them  to  be  in  order  there  neither,  all  being  so  fiery  to 
eng8^<?,  and  having  scoutts  out,  brought  them  intelligence,  that  they  were  approaching  and  how  they 
marched,  viz*  the  Right  and  left  wing  being  Indians  and  the  Body  French,  and  when  they  came  in 
sight  oi"  the  Sennekes,  the  French  not  seeing  them  satt  down  to  rest  themselves  and  the  Indians 
likewise ;  the  Sennekes  seeing  tliis  advance  upon  the  left  wing  being  Indians,  the  French  seeing 
tbem  stood  to  their  arms  and  gave  them  first  vally,  and  then  the  enemy  Ind"»  that  were  on  the  left 
wing; ;  whereupon  the  Sennekes  ans\*'ered  them  with  another,  which  occasioned  soe  much  smoak 
that  they  could  scarce  see  one  another,  wherefore  they  immediately  runn  in  and  came  to  hardy 
blows  and  putt  the  left  wing  to  the  flight,  some  went  quite  away  and  some  fled  to  the  reare 
of  the  French,  and  when  that  wing  was  broake,  they  charged  and  fyred  upon  the  French  and 
the  other  Indians.  The  French  retired  about  150  paces  and  stood  still,  the  Sennekes  continued 
the  fight  with  their  Hatchets,  butt  perceiving  at  last  that  the  French  were  too  numerous  and  would 
ot  give  ground,  some  of  the  sennekes  begun  to  retreat,  wliereupon  the  French  Indians  cryed  out, 
the  Sinnekes  run  and  the  rest  heareing  that  followed  the  first  party  that  gave  way  and  so  gott  off 
from  another  and  in  their  reti-eat  were  followed  about  half  an  English  mile,  a  \  if  the  Enemy  had 
followed  them  further,  tlie  Sinnekes  would  have  lost  abundance  of  people  because  they  carried  off 
there  wounded  men  and  were  resolved  to  stick  to  them,  and  not  leave  tlieiji. 

TJie  young  Indian  that  was  in  the  engagement  relates  that  aftor  the  engagement  was  over,  when 
the  Sinnekes  were  gott  upon  a  Hiil,  they  see  a  party  of  Fresh  French  come  up,  the  French  called  to 
them  and  bid  them  stand  and  fight,  but  the  Sinnekes  replyed,  come  out  four  hundred  to  our  four 
hundred  and  wee  have  butt  a  hundred  men  and  three  himdred  boyes,  and  wee  will  fight  you  hand 
to  fist.  The  said  Boy  being  asked,  wiiether  he  see  any  of  the  French  with  Gorges  about  their  necks, 
it  was  to  hott,  they  were  to  numerous, 

There  was  amongst  the  450  Sinnekes  five  women,  who  engaged  as  well  as  the  men,  and  were 
resolved  not  to  leave  their  husbands  but  live  and  dye  with  them 

A  true  copy  examined  p  me 

Rob'  Livinoston  Cl 


:'"!''" 


DENONYILLE's   expedition  to  the  0ENE8EE  COUNTRY   AND  NUGABA. 


153 


EXAMINATION  OP  INDIAN  PRISONERS. 


IM 


[  LonU.  Ooe.  V.  ] 

31  Augait,  1U87. 

A  few  days  after  the  French  came  and  gave  him  all  the  Indians  in  the  Christians  Castle,  each 
thirty  bullets  and  a  double  handfull  of  powder,  and  bad  them  appeare  att  a  French  Gents  house, 
neare  Mont  Royall :  the  Christian  Indians  being  about  one  hundred  and  twenty  or  thirty  strong,  in 
meane  time  the  French  and  other  Nations  of  Indians  all  appeared  at  Mont  Royall,  and  the  second 
day  after  that  the  Gov  himselie ;  the  number  of  the  French  being  two  thousand  and  of  all  the 
Indians  one  thousand.     Tlie  army  went  all  by  water  in  about  two  hundred  boates  in  each  Boate 
some  seaven  and  some  ten  menn,  the  rest  went  in  Canoes,  they  were  sometimes  forced  to  draw  the 
Boates  with  Cordes  against  tlie  Trenches,  the  Provisions  being  part  in  the  Boats  and  a  great  deal  sent 
upp  before  at  Kadraglike :  they  were  going  up  from  Mont  Royall  to  Kadraghke  three  dayes,  raake- 
ing  verry  short  journeys ;  att  Kadraghkie  they  rested  three  days  from  thence  they  went  and  lay  att 
night  upon  an  Island,  the  niglit  after  they  lay  at  Cadranganhie  next  morning  about  nine  the  clock 
they  saw  ten  Onnondages  att  Aranhage ;  tlie  Gov  gave  orders  not  to  meddle  with  them,  upon  that 
the  Onnondages  gave  a  greate  shout  and  went  their  way,  and  the  army  went  along  the  shore-side  to 
a  passage  that  goes  to  the  Cayouges ;  the  day  following  they  saw  a  Brigantine  att  anker,  and  all  the 
army  went  ashore  and  lay  there  tliat  night.    Some  of  the  French  went  aboard  the  Brigantine  where 
Arnout  was,  as  this  £.Yaminant  has  lieard ;  next  day  the  army  went  along  and  att  Jedandago,  the 
Gov'  landed  fifty  men  to  discover  the  place  and  the  rest  went  on  to  lerondokat  where  att  the  same 
time  they  mett  with  the  French  that  came  from  Twightwig  and  Dowaganha  with  their  Indians,  then 
the  Gov"^  ordered  the  Xtian  Maquasse  and  some  other  Indians  to  bee  putt  in  the  middle  of  the  army 
and  stayed  there  three  dayes  till  the  Fort  was  finished,    in  the  meane  time  four  or  five  Indians  came 
and  asked  what  the  matter  was,  and  why  the  French  came  so  strong  in  their  Country,    the  French 
answered  (by  a  Xtian  Maquasse)  wee  come  to  meet  you,    the  Sinnakes  asked  againe,  and  said,  why 
doe  you  make  a  Fort,  you  should  butt  come  on,  for  we  intend  to  kill  you  all  in  a  short  time.    The 
third  day  tlie  army  marched  in  the  afternoone  and  came  tliat  night  about  half  Avay  between  the  Lake 
and  Sinnakes  Castle :  next  morning  very  early  after  prayers  they  marched  on  all  the  Indians  being  putt 
on  the  right  side  somewhat  belbre  the  French,  and  we  marched  on  till  about  noone,  then  the  Indians 
would  boyie  their  potts,  butt  the  Gov'  bid  them  march  on,  till  they  came  u]pon  a  greate  hill  from 
whence  the  Gov'  sent  three  Dowaganhas  to  spye  towards  the  Sinnakes  Castle,  who  were  out  butt  a 
little  time,  and  returning  said  that  the  Sinnakes  were  neare  by  and  lay  in  the  passage,  upon  which 
the  Gov'  gave  order  that  one  hundred  Indians  should  bee  chosen  out  and  sent  to  discover  tlie  Sin- 
nakes, who  went  but  not  farr  before  the  army  then  the  Gov  sent  out  againe  four  Dowaganhas  Indians 
and  one  Frenchman  to  discover,  who  went  out,  and  stood  in  the  path  till  the  army  came  to  tliem, 
and  a  little  time  after  fouer  hund"*  Sinnakes  appeared  att  the  right  side  of  tlie  army,  ^vliere  the 
French  Indians  were  and  with  greate  cry  or  shoiit,  fyred  upon  tliem  without  wounding  one  mann 
being  too  farr  oif,  butt  the  Sinnakes  advancing  came  nearer  by,  and  fyred  againe,  then  the  French 
Indians  got  some  wounded,  who  fyred  also  upon  the  Sinnakes  and  wounded  some  of  them,  but  the 
Sinnakes  came  so  neare,  and  tooke  an  Indian  out  of  the  Frencli  army,  and  cutt  off  his  hands,  the 
rest  firing  stoutly  upon  one  and  tlie  other,  till  the  Douwaganhas  and  otlier  Frencli  Indians  fled  with- 
out returning  to  tlie  fight,  butt  the  Macjuass  came  up  againe  and  stood  their  ground  till  tlie  whole 
body  of  tlie  French,  came  firing  all  att  once  upon  the  Sinnakes,  soe  that  the  Sinnakes  retreated, 
Jiaving  got  some  dead  and  wounded  in  that  firing ;  the  Gov'  forbidd  following  of  them  having  gott 
seven  Frenchmen  killed  and  many  viounded  and  five  dead  Indians  and  several  wounded ;  of  the 

[Vol.  1. 1  20 


),; 


iTiijertf^  •■f^:-— •' 


if' 

m 


154 


DENONVILLfi's  EXPEDITi6n  TO  THE  GEItESEE  COUMTBY  AND  NIAOABA. 


Sinnakes  were  killed  sixteene  and  some  wounded ;  forthwith  the  Gov'  gave  orders  that  the  army 
should  fortify  themselves  at  the  same  place  where  the  Battle  was  and  so  stood  there  all  that  night. 
Next  morning  the  whole  army  marched  towards  the  Sinnakes  Castle  called  Kohoseraghe,  leaving  their 
dead.  Frenchmen  unhurried  but  the  Indians  hurried  their  dead,  and  carried  all  the  wounded  French 
and  Indians  with  them  to  the  aforesaid  Castle,  where  one  of  the  wounded  men  died  at  said  Castle ; 
they  found  itt  all  burned,  then  the  Qov  gave  orders  that  the  Christian  Indians  should  cutt  downe 
and  destroy  the  Indians  come,  which  they  refused :  soe  Frenchmen  were  sent  and  destroyed  nil  l];at 
they  could  find.  Afterwards  ^hc  Qov  sent  four  hundred  men  to  another  small  castle  neare  by,  to 
surround  the  same  till  the  whole  army  should  come,  thinking  the  Sinnakes  might  bee  there,  butt 
found  the  same  burned  also,  butt  found  a  great  deale  of  provisions  which  they  destroyed,  takeing 
only  some  beanes  along  with  them,  for  they  had  provisions  enough,  every  man  carried  some  and  the 
Boates  were  loaden  at  Jer'^nJekott  with  come  and  other  necessaries,  soe  the  army  went  to  every 
place  where  the  Castles  wtre  burnt  and  lay  att  every  Castle  one  night  destroying  all  the  come  they 
eould  finde  except  some  or.  Helds,  which  the  Xtian  Indians  would  not  show  them.  The  8Junekes 
made  severall  times  smaJI  r  I-  irms,  butt  never  attacked  the  French,  since  the  first  fight.  From  the 
last  Sinnekes  Castle,  cnlled  Tii.-odehacto,  the  army  went  back  againe,  by  another  way,  as  they  came 
to  Jerondekatt,  beL  „  5>u 't  on*  night  by  the  way,  and  were  butt  two  dayes  still  there,  then  the  Gov 
gave  orders  that  the  n  "■  le  army  should  goe  directly  to  Oneageragh  but  the  Xtian  Indians  refused 
itt  butt  would  re.arne  l'»  T\.i' "radkie,  and  soe  went  that  way,  the  Gov  forthwith  foUowed  them 
with  seven  Canoes,  each  sev  cc  ...enn,  and  stopt  them  saying,  what  is  thf  matter  that  you  leave  us, 
itt  is  better  that  wee  goe  and  returne  tt^ethei ;  but  they  would  not  tiD  one  Smitlis  Jolin  stood  up 
and  spoke  very  loud,  saying  to  the  rest  of  the  Xtian  Indians,  you  hear  what  the  Gov''»  will  is,  that 
wee  should  goe  up  with  him,  if  wee  doe  not,  he  will  force  us  to  it ;  come,  you  are  lusty  men  let  us 
goe  with  liim,  soe  they  were  persuaded,  and  returned  back  with  the  Grov,  severaU  Canoes  endeavoured 
yett  to  escape,  butt  were  soe  watched  by  the  French,  that  they  could  not  except  two  or  three  Canoes 
that  stole  away :  soe  were  forced  to  goe  with  the  French  along  the  shore  side  of  the  Lake  till  they 
come  to  Oneagorah  being  two  days  by  the  way,  where  the  French  made  a  Fort  and  putt  two  great 
gunns  and  several  Pattareras  in  it  with  four  hundred  men  to  bee  there  in  Garrison,  After  they  had 
been  there  five  dayes,  the  rest  of  the  army  returned  to  Cadarachque  and  slept  there  one  night,  and 
left  there  some  men,  from  whence  they  went  to  Mont  Royall  in  two  dayes,  there  this  deponent  left 
the  Gov  and  the  Christian  Indians  went  to  their  Castles, 


[  From  Council  Min.  V.  j 


'  .' ' ; 


m 


Councill  held  at  ffart    "tme* 

Thurs  day  y«  18'»>  of  Aug'.  1687.  (0.  S.) 
Present  His  Excel^y  the  Gover'  &c. 

The  account  of  the  Expence  that  has  been  about  the  Seneclias  &  the  ffrench,  Read 

Resolved  that  it  be  taken  into  Consid'ation  tliat  the  Coimcill  Do  tomorrow  give  their  oppions  about 

a  Method  for  Raising  it, 

Councill  held  at  ffort  James 

ffriday  y«  19»»>  Aug"  1687 
The  Councill  give  their  opions  about  Raising  mony  to  Defray  y«  expence  about  y*  Indyans  &  y« 
Ifrench 


I 


'■a 


DENONVILLE'S   expedition   to   the   UENESEE   country    and   NIAGARA. 


156 


Resolved  that  a  penny  in  y"  pound  besides  the  Ibrmer  tax  of  a  halfepenny  in  y«  pound  be  raised 
out  of  yo  Estates  of  the  ffrehold"  Inhabitants  of  Kings  County  queens  County  Dukes  County  Dutcli- 
eses  County  Countys  of  Richmond  Orange  Suffolk  &  Westchester  &  one  halfepenny  in  y«  pound  out 
of  yo  Estates  of  y"  Inhabitants  &  ffreehold"  of  y*  Cittys  &  Countys  of  New  York  and  Albany  & 
County  of  Vlster  and  the  mony  be  brought  in  to  y*  Kings  Collector  at  y«  Custome  house  on  or  be- 
fore ye  first  day  of  May  next. 

Ordered  that  two  bills  be  Drawn  up  for  the  same  Accordingly 

Councill  held  at  ffort  James 

Saturday  August  y«  20*  1687 
The  Bill  for  Raiseing  a  penny  in  y«  pound  out  of  y*  Estates  of  yo  ffreehui-.V*  &  Inhabitants  of  y« 
Kings  Queens  Dukes  &  Dutcheses  Countys  the  Countys  of  Richmond  Orange  Westchester  &  Suffolk, 
Read  and  approved  Passed  and  Signed  by  y«  Govern'  &  Councill 


A 


MR.  SCHUYLER  TO  GOV.  DONGAN. 

[  Lond.  Doe.  V.  ] 

2  Sept.  1687. 
May  it  please  your  Er''''llency 

Last  night  Anthy  Lesjinard  &  Jean  Rosie  arrived  here  from  Canada,  have  been  twenty  days  upon 
the  way,  have  letters  from  [for  1]  your  Excell :  have  therefore  dispatched  Anthoy  with  2  Indians 
down,  his  compagnion  being  sick,  could  not  goe — 

The  news  your  Excell :  will  liear  of  Anth".  neverthelesse  have  thought  fitt  to  examine  his  com- 
pagnion, who  is  an  honest  man,  tells  us  these  following  news,  of  which  your  Excell :  may  discourse 
Anth"  about  at  large — 

1  That  he  heard  of  father  Valiant  that  the  French  will  not  release  our  people,  Except  that  your 
Excell :  will  promise  not  to  supply  the  Sinnokes  with  ammunition  or  any  other  assistance — 

2  That  Antho  told  him  he  heard  one  of  the  Fathers  say,  if  the  Sinnekes  got  any  of  there  people 
prisoners  would  exchange  our  people  for  them,  man  for  man. 

b  That  they  had  now  a  great  advantage  of  your  Excell :  and  of  the  Indians  also,  having  so  many 
of  (jur  people  and  of  the  Indians  prisoners — 

4  He  heard  the  Jesuits  say  that  Cryn  and  the  rest  of  the  Christian  Indians,  were  no  ways  inclined 
to  engage  in  tlie  war  if  the  Maquas,  Oneydes  and  Onnondages  were  concern'd,  because  their  brethren 
sisters,  uncles  ants  ettc  were  there ;  and  therefore  all  means  was  used  to  engage  said  th^-^"  nations  to 
sit  still,  for  lie  see  5  Onnondage  Christian  Indians  dispatched  with  belts  and  presents  to  the  Onnon- 
dages 26  days  agoe,  to  persuade  them  not  to  warr — 

5  The  French  were  not  minded  to  warr  with  any  of  the  Indians,  except  the  Sinnekes,  and  would 
make  a  peace  with  them  also  if  they  would  deliver  to  them  10  or  12  of  tlie  best  Sacliims  children  for 
hostage  and  then  they  would  appoint  them  places  wher'c^  they  should  hunt :  and  so  gett  them  wholly 
to  their  disposition — 

6  The  Governour  of  Canida  sent  for  all  the  Bosslopers  that  were  at  Ottowawa  and  ordered  them 
to  come  only  with  their  arras  and  meet  him  at  Cadarachqua  which  they  did,  being  about  300  men 
under  the  command  of  three  French  Capt"»  and  left  their  Severs  in  the  Jesuits  house  at  Dionondade, 
and  so  marched  with  the  Governour  of  Canida  to  the  Sinnekes,  in  the  mean  time  a  fortunate  fyer 


:^.^ 


m 


DENONVILLE'S   expedition   to   the  GENESEE  COUNTRY   AND   NIAGARA. 


t 


'J 


n 


i 


takes  the  house  and  burns  them  all  to  the  number  of  20,000  Bevers,  when  the  news  came  to  Mon- 
Royal  the  Bosslopers  were  like  to  go  distracted — 

7  He  heard  by  beat  of  Drumm  proclaimed  throu  Mon  Royall  that  as  soon  as  the  peace  was  made 
with  tlie  Slnnekes  the  Ottowawa  trade  should  be  farm'd  out,  which  displeased  the  Bosslopers  much 
and  said,  that  if  that  was  done  they  were  all  ruined — 

8  Many  of  the  Bosslopers  were  inclined  to  come  here  not  being  minded  to  flght  against  the  Sin- 
nekes,  but  dare  not  come  for  fiear  of  the  Indians  by  the  way — 

9  Itt  was  generally  beleev'd  that  the  Sinnekes  would  come  to  Ganida  and  begg  for  peace,  because 
there  com  was  destroyed,  and  if  they  were  supplyed  by  them  of  Albany  they  would  come  hither  in 
the  winter  and  plunder  this  place,  having  1500  pare  of  snow  shoes  ready  made,  and  if  they  found 
that  we  gave  the  Sinnakes  any  the  least  assistance,  they  would  not  let  the  Childe  in  the  cradle  live — 

10  He  heard  further  of  a  Merchant  that  if  we  would  supply  the  Sinnekes  they  would  send  our 
people  away  all  severall  ways,  some  to  Spain,  some  to  Portugall  some  to  the  Islands,  and  it  was  no 
more  than  the  English  had  done  toMons'Pere  whom  they  kept  18  months  in  close  prison  at  London. 

11  The  French  all  acknowledge  the  Sinnekes  fought  very  well,  and  if  tliere  number  had  beeu 
greater  it  would  have  gone  hard  with  the  French  for  the  new  men  were  not  used  to  the  Sinnekes 
hoop  and  hollow,  all  the  officers  falling  down  closse  upon  the  ground,  for  the  Officers  Jeard  on  ano- 
ther about  it  att  Mont  Royall — 

Tills  is  what  Jean  Rosie  Anth°  Lespinard's  compagnion  doth  relate  being  an  inhabitant  of  this 
towne,  and  a  verry  honest  man,  although  a  frenchman,  they  were  kept  5  weeks  in  arrest  after  they 
came  to  Canida  upon  a  pretenc«  that  there  passe  was  ialse,  for  could  not  beleive  your  Excell"/  was 
here  butt  gone  home  haveing  such  advice  from  the  French  ambassadour  he  prays  your  £xcell :  would 
consider  the  pains  and  trouble  and  the  loss  of  time  that  has  been  att  waiting  for  an  answer  from  the 
French  Goveruour ;  we  have  put  down  these  articles  that  your  Excell :  may  examine  Anth"  about 
thera  (since  he  knows  nothing  of  this)  because  he  was  extream  familliar  with  the  Govern'  and  all 
there  great  men  there :  We  have  the  news  of  Keman  that  the  Indians  have  taken  8  men  1  woman 
and  8  crownes  or  scalpes,  and  kild  neer  upon  20  more  at  the  place  where  the  Burks  are,  tlie  particu- 
lars your  Excell :  will  have  in  R  Levingstone's  letter — We  find  that  the  selling  of  strong  Liquor  to 
tiie  Indians  is  a  great  hindrance  to  all  designs  they  take  in  hand.  lay  a  drinking  continually  at  Ski- 
nechtady,  if  your  Excell :  would  be  pleased  to  prohibit  itt  for  two  or  three  months  would  do  very 

weU :    We  remain 

Your  Excellency 

most  humble  and  most 

obedient  servant 

P'  Schuyler. 


■ii 


COL.  DONGAN  TO  THE  LORD  PRESIDENT. 

[  Lond.  Doc.  V.  ] 

Sept.  8  1687 

My  Lord— 1  gave  your  Lodp  an  ace'  in  my  last  letter  that  I  had  Intelligence  the  French  were  come 
on  this  side  of  the  Lake,  to  make  war  witli  the  Sennekes 

I  send  the  Bearer  Juilge  Palmer  to  give  his  Maf^  an  account  of  their  Invading  his  territories  with- 
out any  manner  of  Provocation  if  your  Lodp  will  please  to  read  his  Instructions  you  will  find  a  true 
accompt  of  their  Proceedings 


:  l! 


DENONTILLe's    expedition    to   the   0EME8EK   COUKTST   AMD   NIAOABA. 


m 


The  Senekas  desired  assistance  of  men  but  I  put  them  off  by  giving  them  Powder,  Lead,  Arms 
and  other  things,  fltthig  &  necessary  for  them  @  also  by  making  sucli  Propositions  as  I  thought  would 
please  them  being  unwilling  actually  to  ingage  the  French  until  I  knew  his  Maty'»  pleasure 

I  must  needs  say  of  y»  French  without  being  Partiall  that  they  are  very  unjust,  to  enter  the  King's 
Territories  in  a  hostile  manner  after  the  offers  I  made  them 

I  know  their  Pretence  will  be,  that  our  Indians  have  wronged  them,  but  it  is  not  toe,  for  the 
Beaver  Trade  is  the  sole  end  of  their  Designs,  whatever  Colour  they  give  to  their  Actions  which  is 
only  hindred  by  the  Five  nations  of  Indians  on  this  side  of  the  Lake  who  have  submitted  themselves 
@  their  Lauds  to  the  King's  subjection.  Those  Five  nations  are  very  brave  @  the  awe  @  Dread  of 
all  y"  Indyans  in  these  Parts  of  America,  and  are  a  better  defence  to  us,  than  if  they  were  so  many 
Christians. 

The  Claim  tlie  French  can  make,  to  the  lather  Indians,  or  any  on  this  side  y*  Lake  is  no  other  than 
what  they  may  have  to  Japan  which  is  that  some  of  their  Priests  have  resided  amongst  tliem 

Peace  or  Warr,  it  will  be  very  necessary  to  send  over  men  @  to  build  those  Forts,  I  have  men- 
tioned in  my  Instructions  to  Judge  Palmer,  for  the  French  are  encroaching  as  fast  as  tiiey  can,  and 
a  little  tiling  can  prevent  now  what  will  cost  a  great  expence  of  Blood  @  Money  hereafter.  My  Lord 
there  are  people  enough  in  Ireland  who  had  pretences  to  Estates  tliere  @  are  of  no  advantage  to  the 
country  @  may  live  here  very  happy  I  do  not  doubt  if  his  Maf  think  fltt  to  employ  my  Nephew 
he  will  bring  over  as  many  as  the  King  will  find  convenient  to  send  who  will  be  no  charge  to  his 
Mat>'  after  they  are  Landed,  Provided  all  Connecticut  @  East  @  West  Jersey  be  added  to  this  Gov- 
ernment @  to  add  anything  of  Connecticut  to  Boston  is  tlie  most  unproportionable  thing  in  the 
world  they  having  already  a  himdred  times  more  Land,  Riches  @  People  than  this  province  @  yet 
the  charge  of  this  (Jovernm*  more  than  that 


GOVERNOR  DONGAN'S  INSTRUCTIONS  TO  CAPT.  PALMER. 

[  Lond.  Doe.  V.  ] 

8th  6ept.  1687. 

You  are  to  inform  his  Maty  tliat  in  May  last  I  had  letters  from  Albany  @  Informacons  of  Indians 
that  came  from  Canada,  That  the  Governor  of  Canada  went  from  Monte  Royall  with  a  great  many 
French  and  Indyans  in  Boats  and  Canno's  towards  Cadai-aqiie  with  an  Intention  to  come  on  this  side 
of  the  lake  @  war  against  the  Sennekes  upon  Receipt  of  which  I  called  the  Councill  @  the  letters  @ 
Information  were  read  upon  which  the  Councill  thought  convenient  to  give  what  assistance  possibly 
we  could  to  our  Indians,  and  to  that  intent  I,  Major  Brockhells  youi'self  @  other  gentlemen  went  up 
to  Albany  where  there  was  from  time  to  time  such  orders  and  Instructions  sent  @  given  to  the  In- 
dyans as  was  thought  fltt  for  their  security 

The  French  Pretence  for  Coming  into  the  King's  Territories  @  warring  with  our  Indians  is  that 
they  war  with  the  further  nation  of  Indyans  who  lye  on  the  back  of  Maryland,  Virginia,  @  Carolina, 
which  is  only  a  feigned  pretence  for  that  I  have  sent  sev"  Letters  to  Mons»  La  Bar  who  was  Governor 
of  Canada  to  signify  that  if  our  India.ns  had  done  them  any  injury  they  should  make  them  all  rea- 
sonable satisfaction,  but  that  would  not  satisfy,  for  he  came  to  Cayonhage  where  the  Indians  would 
have  me  build  a  Fort  @  tliere  made  a  Peace  with  the  Indians  so  that  what  the  Indians  had  done  be- 


IIS 


DENONVILLEN    EXFICDITION   TO   THK   UKNE8EE   COlTNTaT    AND   NIAUARA. 


•ii^ 


I'  n 


lure  thU  Govm'  came  was  concluded  and  agreed  thereby  tho  they  had  not  done  any  tiling  to  the 
French  but  what  was  in  Pursuance  of  liis  own  orders 

And  as  to  their  Warring  with  the  farther  Indyans  tliat  is  more  hurti\ill  to  us  than  the  Frencli  they 
being  Inclined  to  trade  with  us  rather  than  them  which  by  their  Warring  is  hindred  (f/)  in  my  opini'  n 
the  Christians  ought  not  to  meddle  with  he  Indians  warring  one  with  another  it  being  tlie  ruin  ol' 
themselves  And  as  for  this  present  Governor  of  Canada  Mons'  de  Nonville  he  has  no  ground  fur  what 
he  does,  for  I  have  from  time  to  time  oifered  to  (In  hlni  Justice  for  any  ill  the  Indians  sliould  committ 
and  sent  a  messinger  this  Spring  to  him  for  that  purpose ;  to  take  away  all  pretence  whatsoever  @ 
also  sent  him  word  that  those  five  Nations  on  our  side  of  the  Lake  had  delivered  themselves  (Hi  their 
Lands  under  the  subjection  of  our  King  @  that  I  had  caused  the  Kings  arms  to  be  sett  upon  all  their 
Castles 

But  their  reason  for  this  Warr  is  that  the  Indyans  would  not  submltt  @  joyn  themselves  to  the 
French  who  have  used  all  other  meanes  to  effect  it  fe  those  failing  have  caused  this  attempt  so  that 
wo  find  they  have  a  f\irther  design  which  is  by  the  Ruin  of  those  Indians  to  engross  both  the  trade 
(iti  Country  wholly  to  themselves,  and  to  that  intent  the  French  King  has  sent  over  upwards  of  3000 
men  besides  what  came  tliis  last  spring  and  alsoe  has  built  a  Fort  at  a  place  called  Shamblee  and 
auothcr  at  Mont«  Royall  and  another  at  Truis  Kiviers  one  at  Cataratjue  at  tht>  other  side  of  the  Lake 
and  this  spring  an  other  on  our  sulc  of  the  Lake  at  a  place  called  Onyegra  where  I  had  thought  to 
have  built  one  it  bein?  *^  ,  place  where  all  our  Traders  &  Beaver  Hunters  must  pass 

So  that  they  are  resolved  to  Ruin  all  those  Indians  @  if  they  compass  their  desigii  it  will  be  of  very 
iU  consequence  to  all  his  Mat"  subjects  in  those  parts  of  America  for  they  are  a  better  Bidlwark 
against  the  French  and  the  other  Indians  than  so  many  Christians,  (%  if  the  French  have  all  that  they 
pretend  to  have  discovered  of  tlicse  Parts,  the  King  of  England  will  not  have  100  miles  from  the  sea 
any  where,  for  the  people  of  Canada  are  poor  @  live  only  on  the  B<'avfer  (?/l  Peltry  and  the  Kings 
subjects  here  living  plentifully  have  not  regarded  tii'iking  discoveries  into  the  country  until  of  late 
being  encouraged  by  me  one  Rosebot-ii  hul  Icive  in  tlie  year  1685  to  go  with  some  young  men  asfarr 
as  the  Ottawawe  &  Twiswicks,  where  tliey  v;  re  very  veil  rec*i  (n  invited  to  come  every  year,  and 
they  desired  that  the  Sinnekas  being  their  enemies  would  open  a  path  lor  them  that  they  might  come 
to     ''^^Hny. 

■  :*'e  after  their  being  there  a  party  of  our  Indians  being  out  attacked  a  Cfstle  of  theirs,  took 
)    ••    ('  \erp  and  brought  them  away  to  their  own  country,  which  when  I  .leard  of  I  ordered 

tb  •    '       'aliver  to  Roseboom  @  to  one  Major  McGregory  a  Scots  gent"  (who  went  with  60  of 

the  yt;^  of  Albany,  and  some  of  Albany  Indians  a  Beaver  trading  to  those  further  nations)  as 

many  of  iiio?e  prisoners  as  were  willing  to  return  home,  the  Gov  of  Canada  hearing  of  their  going 
that  way  sent  200  French  @  3  or  400  Indians  to  intercept  them,  hus  taken  them  Prisoners  taken 
their  e;oods  from  them  iu)  what  they  further  design  to  do  with  tiiem  is  not  yet  known. 

And  for  this  Government  which  is  too  poor  of  itself  to  help  our  Indians  without  adding  Connecticut 
(di  East  @  West  Jersey  in  case  the  war  continues  without  the  assistance  of  our  Neighbours  @  some 
men  out  of  Europe  will  be  wholly  impossible,  for  we  are  the  least  government  (<i;  the  poorest  ®  yet 
are  at  the  greatest  charges  @  we  find  this  year  that  the  Revenue  is  very  much  diminished  for  in 
other  y  — s  we  are  used  to  Ship  off  for  England  35  or  40,000  Beavers  besides  Peltry  @  this  year 
only  90(     and  some  hundreds  peltry  in  all. 

The  Council  to  show  their  readiness  to  serve  the  King  have  passed  two  acts  for  raising  l**  P'  lb 
at  New  York,  Isopus  @  Albany,  these  three  places  being  the  only  support  of  tlie  Government  @  1  \^ 
on  Long  Island  @  the  rest  of  the  Government  who  do  not  advance  the  Kings  Revenue  neither  by 
Excise  nur  Customs  150"'  P  ann : 

To  secure  the  Beaver  &  Peltry  Trade  @  the  Kings  right  to  the  Country :  It's  mine  and  the  Coun- 
cils opinion  (alsoe  to  have  an  awe  over  our  Indians  Cc}  make  them  firm  to  us)  to  build  a  Fort  at 


dcmonville'h  expedition  to  the  oeneiee  country  and  nuoara. 


159 


Corlars  Luke ;  tu  secure  us  that  way  from  the  Incursion  of  either  French,  or  Indians,  another  at 
Cayonhage  uix)n  the  great  Lalce,  and  another  at  Onyegra  @  two  or  three  little  other  Forts  between 
Schonectade  (m  the  Lake  to  secure  our  people  going  C4)  coming 

This  cannot  possibly  be  done  without  4  or  500  men  out  of  Europe,  @i  in  cose  Connecticut  ®  the 
two  Jerseys  be  added  to  this  Government,  with  some  help  from  Pensylvania,  @  the  three  lower 
Countys  it  may  be  effected  without  any  charge  to  tlie  King,  and  will  be  a  great  security  to  all  these 
parts  of  America 

If  the  metes  @  bounds  could  bo  adjusted  at  home  it  would  be  very  convenient,  provided  always 
that  tiie  Country  were  first  well  discovered  by  us  in  which  the  French  at  present  have  much  the 
advantage.  And  it  is  very  uurea9onH>ile  that  the  French  who  lye  so  much  to  the  Nortinv- •i'  ^f  us 
sh**  extend  themselves  soe  far  to  tin  Hward  @  Westward  on  the  Backside  of  his  Mfi  ty''  l!'l»,inta- 

cdns  when  they  liave  so  vast  a  qun'  v  of  land  Lying  Directly  behind  y"  dominio£t<:i  miy  now  j;  )«- 
sess,  to  the  Northward  @  Northwt  far  .  ^  the  South  sea 

Whether  Peace  or  War  it  is  necc  lat  the  Forts  should  be  built,  @  that  religious  men  live 

amongst  the  Indians. 

I  have  that  influence  over  our  Indians,  that  I  am  sure  they  will  not  war  on  any  Indians  living 
amongst  His  Maty"  subjects. 

The  monies  that  are  now  to  be  raised  is  for  defraying  the  charge  of  Arms,  Powder,  Lead  @  other 
presents  given  to  the  Indians  this  summer  as  also  to  make  some  preparations  against  the  Spring  in 
Case  of  Necessity, 

Whatsoever  is  his  Maty*  pleasure  I  desire  that  My  Lord  Sunderland,  will  by  the  first  conveniency 
either  by  the  way  of  Maryland,  Virginia  or  Boston  let  me  know  and  send  me  orders,  how  I  shall  pro- 
ceed in  this  afiair, 

You  are  so  well  acquainted  with  all  that  has  passed  in  this  Government,  concerning  this  affair 
with  the  French,  and  my  constant  Endeavors  to  preserve  a  good  correspondence  with  them,  that 
what  I  have  here  omitted  I  desire  you  will  take  care  to  inform  his  Maf. 

TUOS   DONGAN 
Dated  the  8th 

September  1687  , 


l,. 


M.  DE  DENONVILLE  TO  GOV.  DONGAN. 

[  Pari!  Doo.  III.;  Lond.  Doe.  V.  ] 

AuffUit  22,  1687. 

Sir — The  respect  I  entertain  for  the  King  your  Master  and  the  orders  I  have  from  the  King  to 
live  in  harmony  with  His  Britannic  Majesty's  Subjects  induce  me.  Sir,  to  address  you  this  letter  on 
the  present  state  of  att'airs,  so  as  not  to  have  any  thing  to  reproach  myself  with. 

On  seeing,  Sir,  the  letter  you  were  at  the  trouble  to  write  me  on  my  arrival  in  this  government  I 
persuaded  myself  by  your  frank  discourse  that  we  should  live  in  the  greatest  harmony  and  best 
understanding  in  the  world,  but  the  event  has  well  proved  that  your  intentions  did  not  at  all 
accord  with  your  fine  words. 

You  recoUect,  Sir,  that  you  positively  asked  me  in  that  same  letter  to  refer  the  difference  about 
boundaries  to  the  decision  of  our  Masters ;  letters  more  recently  received  from  you  fully  convince 
me  that  you  received  that  which  I  wrote  you  in  reply  to  your  flirst  to  shew  you  that  I  willingly  left 


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23  WEST  MAIN  STREET 

WEBSTER,  N.Y.  MS80 

(716)  872-4503 


160 


DEMONVILLE's   expedition   to   the   GENESEE  COUNTRY   AND  NIAGARA. 


that  decision  to  our  Masters.  Nevertheless,  Sir,  whilst  you  were  expressing  these  civilities  to  me 
you  were  giving  orders  and  sending  passes  to  despatch  canoes  to  trade  at  Missilimaquina  where  an 
Englishman  had  never  set  his  foot  and  where  we,  the  French,  are  established  more  than  60  years. 
I  shall  say  nothing  of  the  tricks  and  intrigues  resorted  to  by  your  people  and  by  your  orders  to 
induce  all  the  Savage  tribes  domiciled  with  the  French  to  revolt  against  us.  I  tell  you  nothing, 
either,  of  all  your  intrigues  to  engage  the  Iroquois  to  declare  war  against  us.  Your  Traders  at  Orange 
have  made  noise  enough  about  it,  and  your  presents  of  munitions  of  war  made,  with  tliis  view,  last 
year  and  this,  are  convictions  sufficiently  conclusive  not  to  entertain  a  doubt  of  it,  even  were  there 
not  proofi'at  hand  of  your  wicked  designs  against  the  subjects  of  the  King  whose  bread  you  have 
eaten  long  enough  and  by  whom  you  have  been  sufficiently  well  entertained  to  cause  you  to  have 
more  regard  for  His  Majesty,  though  you  had  not  all  the  orders  from  his  Brittanic  Majesty  that  you 
have  to  live  well  with  all  the  subjects  of  the  King,  his  antient  friend. 

What  have  you  not  done.  Sir,  to  prevent  the  Senecas  surrendering  to  me  the  Outaouas  and  Huron 
prisoners  of  Missillimaquina  whom  they  treacherously  captured  last  year,  and  how  many  goings  and 
comings  have  there  not  been  to  the  Senecas  on  your  part  and  that  of  your  traders  who  do  nothing 
but  by  your  orders,  to  prevent  the  restitution  of  the  said  prisoners  by  the  said  Senecas  who  were 
solicited  at  the  village  of  the  Onontagues  to  give  me  satisfaction. 

I  avow  to  you.  Sir,  that  I  should  never  have  expected  such  proceedings  on  your  part,  which  with- 
out doubt  will  not  please  the  King  your  Master,  who  will  never  approve  your  so  strenuously  opposing 
by  threats  of  chastisement  the  Iroquois  coming  to  me,  when  I  invited  them  to  visit  me  to  arrange 
with  them  the  causes  of  discontent  that  I  had  on  account  of  their  violences.  Three  years  ago.  Sir, 
you  made  use  of  them  to  wage  war  against  the  French  and  their  allies,  you  took  great  pains  to  give 
them,  for  that  purpose,  more  lead,  powder  and  arms  than  they  asked.  You  did  more.  Sir ;  for  you 
promised  them  reinforcements  of  men  to  sustain  them  against  the  King's  subjects ;  quite  recently. 
Sir,  you  would  have  again  pushed  your  ill  will  further  by  sending  two  Parties,  commanded  by  men 
carrying  your  orders,  to  Missilimaquina  to  expel  us  from  there  sud  put  you  into  possession,  contrary 
to  the  word  you  have  given  not  to  undertake  anything  before  the  arrangement  of  their  Majesties,  our 
Masters. 

You  have.  Sir,  still  surpassed  all  that ;  for  after  the  pains  you  had  taken  to  prevent  the  Iroquois 
assembUng  at  Catarocouy  where  I  expected  to  meet  them  to  settle  all  our  differences  and  receive 
from  them  the  satisfaction  they  should  have  afiforded  me,  as  well  in  regard  to  the  Huron  and  Outaouaa 
prisoners  they  would  have  given  up  to  me  had  you  not  opposed  it,  as  for  the  pillagings  and  robberies 
that  they  have  committed  on  us,  and  all  the  insults  they  daily  offer  our  missionaries,  as  well  those 
they  may  have  actually  among  them  as  those  they  have  expelled  after  an  infinite  amount  of  .ill  treat- 
ment during  20  years  they  lived  in  their  villages ;  after  you.  Sir,  having,  I  say,  so  little  regard  for  the 
interests  of  the  King's  subjects  and  the  good  of  Religion  whose  progress  you  thus  prevent,  you  have. 
Sir,  quite  recently  contravened  the  last  treaty  entered  into  between  our  masters,  a  copy  of  which  you 
have  received  with  orders  to  observe  it,  and  of  which  you  have  also  sent  me  copy.  Read  it  well. 
Sir,  if  you  please,  and  you  will  there  remark  how  strongly  their  M^esties  have  it  at  heart  to  preserve 
their  subjects  in  good  union  and  understanding,  so  that  their  Majesties  understand  that  the  enemies 
of  one  are  the  enemies  of  the  other.  If  the  avarice  of  your  merchants  influenced  you  less  than  the 
desire  to  execute  the  orders  of  the  King  your  master,  doubtless.  Sir,  I  should  already  have  had  proofs 
of  your  good  disposition  to  execute  the  said  treaty,  according  to  which  you  ought  not  to  afford  eitb^'r 
refuge  or  protection  to  the  savages,  enemies  of  the  French  Colony,  much  less  assist  them  with  ammu- 
nition to  wage  war  against  it.  Nevertheless,  I  assert  positively  that  you  have,  since  the  publication 
of  said  treaty  of  neutrality,  contravened  it  in  this  particular,  since  nothing  is  done  in  your  govern- 
ment save  b}  your  orders. 


DEMOMVILLe's   expedition   to  the  OEMESEE  OOUMTRY   and   NIAGARA. 


161 


After  that,  judge,  Sir,  what  just  grounds  I  have  tocomplain  of,  and  be  on  my  guard  against, 
you. 

On  my  return  from  the  campaign  which  I  just  made  against  the  Senecas,  I  received  the  letter  that 
you  took  the  trouble  to  write  me,  Sir,  on  the  11**»  (20*»>)  June  of  tliis  year.  You  send  me  copy  of 
the  Treaty  of  Neutrality  entered  into  between  our  masters  of  which  I  also  transmitted  you  a  copy  as 
I  Iuidjrec«i  it  from  the  King  and  it  was  published  in  this  country.  Nothing  more  is  required  therein, 
Sir,  than  to  have  it  fully  and  literally  executed  as  well  on  your  part  as  on  mine.  To  do  that  you 
must  discontinue  protecting  the  enemies  of  the  Colony  and  cease  to  receive  them  among  you,  and  to 
furnish  them  with  munitions  as  you  have  done.  Tou  must,  also,  observe  the  promise  you  gave  me 
ac  the  time  of  my  arrival,  that  you  would  leave  the  decision  of  the  limits  to  our  masters.  You  must, 
likewise,  not  undertake  any  expedition  against  us  in  any  of  our  establishments,  the  greatest  portions 
of  which  were  before  Orange  (Albany)  was  what  it  is,  or  any  of  Manate  were  acquainted  with  the 
Iroquois  and  the  Ouatouas.  '     ' 

When  you  arrived  at  yoiu-  present  government,  did  you  not  find.  Sir,  in  the  whole  of  the  five 
Iroquois  villages,  all  our  Missionaries  sent  by  the  King  almost  the  entire  of  whom  the  heretic  mer- 
chants have  caused  to  be  expelled  even  in  your  time,  which  is  not  honorable  to  your  government. 
It  is  only  three  years  since  the  greater  number  have  been  forced  to  leave ;  the  lathers  Lambreville 
alone  bore  up  against  the  insults  and  ill  treatment  they  received  through  the  solicitations  of  your 
traders.  Is  it  not  true.  Sir,  that  you  panted  only  to  induce  them  to  abandon  their  mission  ?  Yon 
recollect.  Sir,  that  you  took  the  trouble  to  send  under  a  guise  of  duty  so  late  as  last  year  to  solicit 
them  by  urgent  discourses  to  retire  under  the  pretext  that  I  wished  to  declare  war  against  the  village 
of  the  Onnontagues.  What  certainty  bad  you  of  it.  Sir,  if  it  were  riot  your  charge  and  prohibi- 
tions you  had  given  them,  against  giving  me  up  the  prisoners  I  demanded  of  them,  and  they  surren- 
dered to  me  1  You  foresaw  the  war  I  would  make  because  you  wished  me  to  make  it  against  them 
and  because  you  obliged  me  to  wage  that  against  the  Senecas.  In  this  way.  Sir,  it  is  very  easy  to 
foresee  what  occurs. 

I  admire.  Sir,  the  passage  of  your  last  letter  of  the  1\*^  June  pf  this  year  in  which  you  state  that 
the  King  of  England  your  Master  has  juster  title  than  the  King  to  the  Posts  we  occupy,  and  the 
foundation  of  your  reasoning  is  that  they  are  situate  to  the  South  of  you,  just  on  the  border  of  one 
portion  of  your  dominion  {domination.)  In  refutation  of  your  sorry  reasonings.  Sir,  it  is  only  neces- 
sary to  tell  you  that  you  are  very  badly  acquainted  with  the  Map  of  the  country  and  know  less  the 
points  of  the  compass  where  those  Posts  are  relative  to  the  situation  of  Menade,  (New  York.)  It  is 
only  necessary  to  ask  you  again  what  length  of  time  we  occupy  those  Posts  and  who  discovered 
them— You  or  wel  Again,  who  is  in  possession  of  them  1  After  that,  read  the  5*  article  of  the 
treaty  of  Neutrality  and  you  will  see,  if  you  were  justified  in  giving  orders  to  establish  your  trade 
by  force  of  arms  at  Missilimaquina.  As  I  send  you  a  copy  of  your  letter  with  the  answer  to  each 
article,  I  need  not  repeat  here  what  is  embraced  in  that  answer.  Suffice  it  to  say  this  in  conclusion, 
that  I  retain  your  officer  Mr.  Gregory  here  and  all  your  orders  for  your  pretended  expedition,  who 
were  taken  within  the  Posts  occupied  by  the  King.  My  first  design  was  to  send  them  back  to  you 
but  as  I  know  that  you  entertain  and  give  aid  and  comfort  to  the  Iroquois  Savag«e  contrary  to  the 
Treaty  of  NeutraUty  of  the  16*»>  Nov  1686  agreed  to  by  our  Masters,  causing  them  to  be  supplied 
with  all  munitions  necessary  to  wage  war  against  us,  I  have  determined,  in  spite  of  myself,  to  retain 
all  your  people  imtil  you  have  complied  with  the  Intentions  of  the  King  your  Master  and  executed 
said  Treaty,  being  obliged  to  regard  you  as  the  King's  enemy  whilst  you  erlertain  his  enemies  and 
contravene  the  treaties  entered  into  between  the  King  of  England  and  the  King  my  Master. 

All  that  I  can  tell  you  for  certam,  Sir,  is,  that  your  conduct  will  be  the  rule  of  mine,  and  that  it 
will  remain  with  yourself  that  the  said  Treaty  be  thoroughly  executed.    I  must  obey  my  Master  and 

[Vol.  I.]  21 


'    I 


•J  I 


16S 


DUfONYlLLE's   EXPEDITION  TO  THE  GENESEE  OOVNTBY  AND  NUOARA. 


m 


I  have  much  respect  and  veneration  for  one  of  the  greatest  Kings  in  the  world,  the  protector  of  the 
Church.  You  pretend  that  the  Iroquois  are  under  your  dominion.  To  this  I  in  no  wise  agree,  but 
it  is  a  question  on  wliich  our  Masters  will  determine.  But  whether  they  be  or  be  not,  from  the 
moment  that  they  are  our  enemies  you  ought  to  be  opposed  to  them  and  be  their  enemies,  and  if 
you  comfort  them,  directly  or  indirectly,  I  must  regard  you  as  an  enemy  of  the  Colony  and  I  shall  be 
justified  in  subjecting  the  prisoners  I  have  belonging  to  your  government  to  the  same  treatment  that 
the  enemies  of  the  Colony  will  observe  towards  us. 

Hereupon,  Sir,  I  will  expect  news  from  you  as  well  as  the  fitting  assurances  you  will  please  give 
mo  that  I  may  be  certain  you  do  not  employ  the  Iroquois  to  wage  war  on  us  by  giving  them  protec- 
tion. 

Rely  on  me  Sir.  Let  us  attach  ourselves  closely  to  the  execution  of  our  Masters'  intentions ;  let 
us  seek  after  their  example  to  promote  Religion  and  serve  it ;  let  us  live  in  good  understanding  ac- 
cording to  their  desires.  I  repeat  and  protest.  Sir,  it  remains  only  with  you.  But  do  not  imagine 
that  I  am  a  man  to  suffer  others  to  play  me  tricks. 

I  send  you  back  Antoine  Lespinard,  bearer  of  yoiu*  passport  and  letter.  I  shall  await  your  final 
resolution  on  the  restitution  of  your  prisoners  whom  I  wish  much  to  give  up  to  you,  on  condition 
that  you  execute  the  treaty  of  Neutrality  in  all  its  extent  and  that  you  fUrnish  me  with  proper  gua- 
rantees therefor. 

Your  very  humble  &  very  ob»  Serv* 
^   r    >  ^.   -  '  The  M.  de  Denonville. 


[  From  CooneU  Min.  V.  ] 


Council  hdd  at  jffbrt  James, 

Monday  the  ffifth  day  of  September  1687 
Present  His  Exoeloy  the  Goven'  &c 

Proposed  that  Some  Course  may  be  taken  about  Major  McGregorle  &  his  Company  who  are  pri- 
soners in  Cannada. 

Resolved  that  a  letf  be  sent  by  a  ffitt  person  to  y"  Governor  of  Cannada  about  that  and  the  oth' 
iiyurys  he  has  done  his  Miyties  subjects  of  this  Government 

CouncUl  held  at  ffort  James, 

Wednesday ''•  Seaventh  day  of  Septemb  1687. 

Present  His  Excel^r  the  Govern'  &c. 

It  being  now  plaine  that  y«  ffrench  are  Resolved  to  Do  au  >  Prejudice  they  can  to  the  Kings 
Subjects  of  this  Government  It  is  for  y"  prevent6n  thereof 

Ordred  that  ye  people  of  y*  City  and  County  of  Albany  Do  Cutt  Pallasadoes  and  by  ye  five  and 
twentienth  day  of  March  next  Cart  them  to  y*  8<>  Citty  and  y"  towne  of  Schanechtade  to  fortifye 
those  places  in  y*  Spring  That  in  y*  meanetime  they  Keep  a  careful  Watch  there  and  that  this  ord' 
be  sent  to  y«  Justices  of  y«  Peace  of  y"  s*  County  who  are  to  take  Care  that  it  Be  put  in  Execution. 

That  y"  Mayor  of  Albany  send  ord"  to  y«  North  Indyans  to  Keep  thirty  or  forty  Indyans  allways 
towards  Corlaers  lake.  That  the  s"*  Mayor  if  he  be  in  Albany  send  a  belt  of  Wampum  to  Each  of 
the  five  Nations  with  ord'*  that  y*  Christian  Indyans  who  Come  &om  Caunada  to  them  be  sent  Hith' 


DENONVILLe's  expedition   to  the  GENESEE  COUNTRY  AND  NIASAIU. 


168 


to  his  Ex''  y*  Govern'  and  to  encourage  y*  Indyans  to  look  out  Careftdly  letting  them  Know  the  Go- 
vemi^  will  be  up  early  there  yo  next  Spring 

Ordred  tliat  a  Proclamac6n  be  Drawn  up  Prohibiting  y*  Bringing  any  Indyan  C!orne  or  Pease  Out 
of  y«  Countys  of  Albany  and  Vlster  until  further  Ord» 

Ordred  that  Peiter  Schuyler  take  examinacons  of  y*  antientest  traders  In  Albany  how  many  yeares 
Agon  they  or  any  others  first  traded  with  y*>  Indyans  y'  had  the  Straws  or  Pipes  thto'  their  noses  and 
the  flarther  Indyans. 


GOY.  DONGAN  TO  M.  DE  DENONVILLE. 

[  Pur.  Doc.  III.  {  Lond.  Soo.  V.  ] 

8th  Sept.  1687. 

Sir — fours  of  the  21*'  of  August  last  I  have  received  and  am  sorry  that  Mons'  de  Nonville  has  so 
soon  forgot  the  orders  he  had  received  from  his  master  to  live  well  with  the  King  of  England's  sub- 
jects, but  I  find  the  air  of  Canada  has  strange  effects  on  all  the  Governour's  boddys,  for  I  no  sooner 
came  into  this  province  than  Mons'  de  la  Barr  desired  my  assistance  to  warr  against  the  Sinnekes, 
upon  which  I  went  to  Albany  and  sent  for  the  flue  nac6ns  to  come  to  me,  and  when  they  came  was 
very  angry  with  them  for  offering  to  doe  any  thing  to  the  French  that  might  disturb  their  hunting, 
or  otherwise,  on  which  they  answered  me  that  they  had  not  don  anything  to  the  French,  but  what 
Mons'  de  la  Barr  ordered  them,  which  was  that  if  they  mett  with  any  French  hunting  without  his 
passe  to  take  what  they  had  from  them,  notwithstanding  if  any  of  their  people  which  were  abroad 
hi.d  don  any  ii^ury  they  knew  not  of,  they  assured  me  they  would  give  satisfaction.  I  send  him 
word  of  all  this,  and  assured  him  satisffaction,  butt  notwithstanding,  he  comes  in  a  hostile  manner 
on  this  side  of  the  lake  to  a  place  called  Kayonhaga,and  there  by  the  means  of  the  Onnondages  made 
a  peace  with  the  Sinnekes,  so  if  they  have  committed  any  fault  before  that,  it  was  all  concluded  there, 
but  I  appeal  to  any  rational  man  whatever  whether  it  was  fitt  for  any  Govern'  of  Canada  to  treate  or 
make  any  peace  with  his  Majesty's  subjects  without  the  advice  and  knowledge  of  the  Governour  of 
the  Provino  they  lived  under,  butt  I  flnde  the  designe  to  ruine  those  five  nations  (Since  you  cannot 
with  bribes  or  other  means  gain  them  to  be  of  your  party),  is  of  a  longer  date  than  three  of  foure 
yeares.  since  Mons*  Denonuille  follows  the  same  steps  bis  predecessors  trod  in,  tho'  he  proposed  to 
himselfe  so  fair  a  beginning,  I  am  sure  he  will  not  make  so  good  an  end  for  no  sooner  was  Mons' De- 
nonuille in  possession  of  his  government  butt  he  began  to  build  a  great  many  boates  and  cannoes, 
and  putt  a  great  deal  of  provisions  and  stores  in  the  Cataraque  at  which  oiur  Indians  on  this  side  of 
the  lake  were  much  alarmed  and  came  to  me,  to  know  the  meaneing  of  itt.  upon  which  I  sent  to 
you  by  the  way  of  Mons'  Lamberville  to  know  what  you  intended  by  all  these  preparations,  your 
answer  was,  as  Mons'  Denonville  may  remember  that  the  winters  being  long,  and  you  resolving  to 
have  a  good  number  of  men  at  Cataraque,  you  accordingly  made  provision  for  them,  and  if  I  had 
not  really  believed  what  you  writt  to  be  true  I  might  have  bin  in  as  much  readynesse  to  have  gone 
on  the  other  side  of  the  lake  as  Mens'  de  Nonuille  was  to  come  on  this.  Now  sir,  I  will  not  answer 
your  hayty  way  of  expressions  in  your  own  stile  butt  will  plainly  let  you  know  the  matter  of  fact  as 
it  is ;  if  S'  you  [will]  please  to  peruse  those  letters  I  from  time  to  time  sent  you,  you  will  find  that  I 
still  couetted  nothing  more  than  to  preserue  that  friondshipp  which  is  between  our  masters,  and 
aught  to  be  betw<>'.a  their  subjects  here,  and  as  you  weU  remarke,  is  according  to  their  commands, 


164 


DENOmriLLl't  XXPEOITION  TO  THE  GENCSES  fX)UMTBY  AMD  KIAOA&A. 


and  pray,  Sir,  which  is  itt  of  us  both  that  hath  taken  the  way  to  unty  that  knott  of  friendshipp— 
Mons'de  Nonuille  invadeing  the  King  of  England's  territoiysjin  a  hostill  manner,  (tho'  his  reception 
has  not  been  according  to  his  expectation)  is  soe  plaine  a  matter  of  fact  that  it  is  undcnnynble  whe- 
ther you  did  it  designedly,  to  make  a  misunderstanding  or  noe,  I  cannot  tell,  if  you  did  I  hope  itt 
will  take  noe  effect  butt  that  our  masters  at  home  notwithstanding  all  your  trained  souldiers  and 
greate  officers  come  from  Europe  will  suffer  us  poor  planters  and  farmers,  his  Majesties  subjects  in 
these  parts  of  America,  to  do  ourselves  Justice  on  you  for  the  injuryes  and  spoyle  you  have  commit- 
ted on  them,  and  I  assure  you  Sir  if  my  master  gives  leave  I  will  be  as  soon  [with  you]  at  Quebeck 
as  you  shall  be  att  Albany,  as  for  M^or  M^^Gregorie  and  those  others  you  took  prisoners  tliey  had 
no  passe  from  me  to  go  to  Missillimaquine  butt  a  pass  to  go  to  the  Ottowawas,  where  I  thought  it 
might  bee  as  free  for  us  to  trade  as  for  you,  and  as  for  giving  them  any  commission  or  instructions  to 
disturb  your  people  I  assure  you  do  me  wrong,  and  if  yon  please  to  read  his  instructions  you  will 
find  there  I  give  express  orders  to  the  contrary  and  for  your  pretences  to  sixty  yeares  possession,  'tis 
impossible  for  they  and  the  Indians  who  wear  pipes  thro'  their  noses,  traded  witli  Albany  long  before 
the  French  settled  att  Montreall,  butt  in  case  it  weare  as  you  alledge,  whicli  I  have  not  the  least 
reason  to  believe,  you  could  only  have  prohibited  their  trading  in  that  place  and  let  them  goe  to  some 
other  nation — 

It  is  verry  true  I  offered  you  to  leave  the  decision  to  our  masters  at  home,  in  case  of  any  difference, 
and  pray  Sir  lett  me  know  in  what  I  in  the  least  have  acted  to  the  contrary ;  you  tell  me  I  hindered 
the  five  nations  on  tills  side  the  lake,  who  have  subjected  themselues,  their  countrys,  and  conquests 
under  the  King  of  England  to  go  to  you  at  Cattaraque  :  Itts  very  true  I  did  so  and  thought  itt  very 
unjust  in  you  to  desire  their  comeing  to  you — for  the  King  of  England  did  not  send  me  here  to  suffer 
you,  to  give  laws  to  his  subjects  of  this  Government — ^you  also  alleage  that  I  have  given  orders  to 
those  Indians  to  pillage  and  warr  upon  your  people — sure  Sir,  you  forgot  what  you  desired  of  me ; 
if  you  will  please  to  reflect  on  one  of  your  owne  letters,  in  which  you  acquainted  me,  that  many  of 
your  people  run  away  into  this  Government,  and  desired  that  I  would  take  and  send  back  any  should 
be  found  upon  tliis  side  the  lake  without  your  passe,  upon  which  I  ordered  those  of  Albany  and  also 
the  Indians,  to  seize  and  secure  all  persons  whatever,  as  well  firench  as  English,  they  should  finde  on 
this  side  of  the  lake  without  your  pass  or  mine— truly  Sir,  I  ought  severely  to  be  rebukt  for  this,  itt 
having  been  the  hindrance  of  many  thousands  of  beavers  comeing  to  Albany :  further  you  blame  me 
for  hindring  the  Sinakees  deliuering  up  the  Ottawawa  prisoners  to  you,  this  I  did  with  good  reason — 
for  what  pretence  could  you  have  to  make  your  applications  to  them  and  not  to  me,  neverthelesse  I 
ordered  Major  M«6regory  to  carry  them  to  the  Ottawaways  and  if  your  claim  be  only  to  Missili- 
maquina  what  cause  had  you  to  hinder  Magregory  to  go  to  the  Ottawawas — 

What  you  alleage  concerning  my  assisting  the  Sinnakees  with  arms,  and  amunition  to  warr  against 
you,  was  neuer  giuen  by  mee  until  the  sixt  of  August  last,  when  understanding  of  your' unjust  pro- 
ceedings in  invaeding  the  King,  My  Masters  territorys,  in  a  hostill  manner,  I  then  gave  them  powder 
lead  and  armes ;  and  united  the  five  nations  together  to  defend  that  part  of  our  King's  dominions 
from  your  injurious  invasion.  And  as  for  offering  them  men  in,  that  you  doe  me  wrong,  our  men 
being  all  biusy  then  att  their  haruest,  and  I  leave  itt  to  your  judgement  whether  there  was  any  occa- 
sion when  only  foure  hundred  of  them  engaged  with  your  whole  army. — ^You  tell  me  in  case  I  assist 
the  Indyans  you  will  esteme  me  an  ennemy  to  your  colony — Sir,  give  me  leave  to  lett  you  know,  you 
are  a  Saxt  greater  ennemy  to  your  Colony  than  I  am,  itt  haueing  always  been  my  endevour  to  keepe 
those  Indyans  from  warring  with  you,  who  in  your  protecting  their  enemys  tliat  have  killed  and 
Robi)ed  them  in  their  hunting  and  otherwise,  and  that  not  once  but  several  times  have  given  them 
great  provocations,  butt  you  have  taken  away  to  spill  a  great  deale  of  Christian  blood  without  gaining 
the  point  you  aim  att,  and  for  you  who  have  taken  the  King's  subjects  prisoners,  in  a  time  of  peace 


«: 


demonville'i  expedition  to  the  gemsbee  oovntay  and  niagaba. 


185 


aad  taken  their  goods  firom  them  without  any  Just  grounds  for  so  doing,  how  can  I  expect  but  that 
you  will  use  them  as  you  threaten ;  You  say  also  in  your  letter,  that  the  King  of  England  has  no 
right  to  the  live  nations  on  this  side  the  lake.  I  would  willingly  know  if  so,  whose  subjects  they  are 
in  your  opinion,  You  tell  me  of  your  haueing  had  Missionaryes  among  them,  itt  is  a  very  charitable 
act,  but  I  suppose  and  am  very  well  assured  that  giues  no  Just  right  or  title  to  the  Government  of 
the  Country — ^Father  Bryare  writes  to  a  Gent :  there  that  the  King  of  China  never  goes  any  where 
without  two  Jessuits  with  him :  I  wonder  why  you  make  not  the  like  pretence  to  that  kingdome  : 
you  also  say  you  had  many  Missionaryes  among  them  att  my  comeing  to  tliis  Government,  in  that 
you  have  been  missinformed  for  I  never  heard  of  any,  butt  the  two  Lamberuills  who  were  at  Onon- 
dages,  and  were  protected  by  me  from  the  Insolencys  of  the  Indians,  as  they  desired  of  me,  and  as 
by  letters  in  which  they  gave  me  thanks  appears,  but  when  they  understood  your  intentions  they 
thought  fit  to  goe  without  takeing  leave :  butt  their  sending  there  was  as  I  afterwards  found  for  some 
other  end  than  propagating  the  Christian  Religion  as  was  apparent  by  some  letters  of  theirs  directed 
to  Canada,  wiiich  happened  to  come  to  my  hands — 

Now  you  have  mist  of  your  unjust  pretensions — ^you  are  willing  to  refer  all  things  to  our  Masters, 
I  will  endevor  to  protect  his  Majestys  subjects  here  from  your  unjust  inuasions  until  I  hear  from  the 
King  my  Master  who  is  the  greatest  and  most  glorious  monarch  that  ever  set  on  a  Tlirone  and  would 
do  as  much  to  propagate  the  Christain  faith  as  any  Prince  that  lines  and  is  as  tender  of  wronging  the 
subjects  of  any  Potentate  whatever,  as  he  is  of  suffering  his  owne  to  be  injured — 

Itt  is  very  true  that  I  have  eat  a  great  deale  of  the  bread  of  France  and  have  in  requittal  com- 
plyed  with  my  obligations  in  doing  what  I  ought  and  would  prefer  the  service  of  the  French  king 
before  any,  except  my  owne,  and  have  a  great  deal  of  respect  for  all  the  people  of  quality,  of  your 
nation  which  engages  me  to  aduise  Mons'  Denonuille  to  send  home  all  the  Christians  and  Indians 
prisoners  the  King  of  England's  subjects  you  unjustly  do  deteine,  this  I  thought  fltt  to  answer  to 
your  reflecting  and  provoking  letter. 

a  true  coppy. 


GOV.  D0N6AN  TO  THE  LORD  PRESIDENT. 

[Lond.  Doo.  v.] 

New  York  Sept.  12.  1687. 

My  Lord— Since  writing  my  other  itetter  some  messages  have  come  to  my  hands  from  Albany  of 
their  apprehensions  of  the  French,  which  obliges  me  to  carry  up  thither  two  hundred  men,  besides 
the  Garrison  @  go  and  stay  there  this  Winter,  and  to  get  together  five  or  six  hundred  of  the  five 
nations  about  Albany  @  Schonectade  which  will  be  a  great  charge  but  I  see  no  remedy  for  it 

My  Lord  it  is  a  great  misfortune  for  this  Governm*  that  there  are  so  few  of  his  Maty*  natural  bom 
subjects,  the  greater  part  being  Dutch,  who  if  occasion  were,  I  fear  would  not  be  very  fltt  for  service 
I  am  sending  to  the  further  Indians  to  try  if  I  can  make  a  Peace  between  them  @  the  Sennekes 
and  also  to  the  Christian  Indians  about  Canada  who  have  a  mind  to  come,  I  will  do  what  is  possible 
for  me  to  save  the  Government  against  the  French  til  I  have  further  orders  from  your  Lodp  Judge 
Palmer  has  more  papers  to  show  your  Lodp  that  came  from  Albany,  by  tliose  he  carries  with  him 
your  Lodp  may  perceive  the  grounds  I  have  for  my  proceedings 

I  am  your  Lodps  most  obed« 

and  Humble  Servt 

Tho  Dongan 


166 


DENOmriLLS's  CXrSDITIOir  to  the  OCmCIU  OOVMTBr  AMD  irUOAAA. 


yS"  V''. 


[Ooiiaeil  Mia.  V.] 


s        CouneUt  Held  at  ffort  Jamw, 

fUdajr  the  Ninth  of  September  16U7. 

Present  His  Ezc'  the  Govern'  &c. 

Informacdn  being  given  to  his  ExC  and  some  of  the  Members  of  y*  Board  that  y*  ffrench  at 
Canada  are  providing  fifteen  hundred  pair  of  Snowshews, 

Ordered  that  y*  Mayor  and  Magistrates  of  Albany  send  ord"  to  the  five  Nations  to  bring  Down 
their  Wives  Children  and  old  men  least  y*  ffrench  come  uppon  them  in  the  Winter  and  none  to  stay 
in  the  Castles  but  y*  yong  men.  That  they  who  come  be  setled  some  at  Cats  Kill  Levingstons  land 
and  along  y"  River  where  they  can  find  Conveuiency  to  be  neer  us  to  assist  them  if  they  should 
want  and  that  they  send  Downe  with  them  aU  y*  Indyan  Come  that  can  be  spared  by  y«  Young  Men 
who  are  to  stay  in  y*  Castles. 

Councill  hdd  at  ffort  James ; 

Sondaythe  ll<i>of  Septemb',  1687. 
Present  his  Exf  the  Govern'  &c. 

Letters  from  Albany  giveing  account  that  the  people  there  are  in  great  Consternation  thro  appre- 
hension tliat  y«  ffrench  will  come  down  uppon  them  this  Winter 

Resolved  that  Every  tenth  man  of  all  y*  Militia  troups  &  Companys  within  the  Province  Except 
those  that  were  out  y«  last  yeare  a  whaling  be  drawn  out  to  go  up  thither. 


M.  DE  DENONVILLE  TO  GOV.  DONGAN. 

[Par.  Doo.  III.  I  Lond.  Doe.  V.] 

KebM,  2  Ootob.  161)7. 

Sir — On  arriving  in  this  town  I  rec<i  a  letter  from  the  Khig  copy  of  which  I  send,  so  that  you 
may  see,  Sir,  how  much  His  Majesty  has  at  heart  that  we  should  live  on  good  terms.  This  has 
induced  me  to  await  your  reply  to  the  letters  I  had  the  honbur  to  write  you  by  Antoine  Lespinard 
regarding  the  complahits  I  made  to  you  of  the  infraction  yourself  and  your  officers  at  Orange  have 
committed  and  continue  to  commit  of  the  Treaty  of  Peace  and  Union  entered  into  between  the 
Kings,  our  Masters. 

Though  I  have  quite  recently  again  cause  to  complain  of  you  and  your  officers  since  you  have  a 
short  time  since,  hired  a  party  of  sixty  Mohawks  to  come  and  make  a  foray  in  the  country  of  New 
France,  which  is  a  truth  so  well  known  that  it  cannot  be  doubted,  yet.  Sir,  in  conformity  with  my 
Master's  orders  and  in  response  to  the  intentions  of  His  Majesty  whose  will  I  follow,  directing  me 
to  do  all  in  my  power  to  contribute  to  the  union  that  our  Masters  desire  should  exist  between  us,  I 
have  determined  to  send  you  back  Mr.  Gr^^ry  and  all  those  whom  you  despatched  under  his  orders, 
being  very  happy  to  evince  to  you  thereby  the  desire  I  have  to  live  well  with  you  and  to  avoid  every 
subject  of  quarrel,  which  will  be  very  easy  if  you  wish  to  remain  within  the  rules  prescribed  by  our 
Masters 

As  it  is  very  necessary  to  the  maintenance  of  good  correspondence  between  us  according  to  our 


DEMOinriLI.B'a   expedition   to  the  GENESEE  OOUNTET  AND  NUOABA. 


167 


Masters'  intentions,  that  I  be  informed  of  your  last  resolutions ;  in  order  to  afford  you  an  oppor- 
tunity to  communicate  witli  me  I  retain  here  only  those  named  Captain  Loquerman,  the  son  of  Arian, 
Abraham  Squelar  (Schuyler)  and  Jean  Blaquer  whom  I  shall  take  care  will  want  for  nothing  until  I 
have  replies  from  you  to  Justify  me  in  not  doubting  that  we  shall  live  hereafter  in  union  and  good 
understanding. 


[  OonneU  Mln.  V.I 

CounciU  heldatffort  James; 

tuesday  the  13*ii  day  of  March  168|. 

Present  the  Members  of  the  Council. 

Mi^or  Baxter  now  come  ffrom  Albany  Informing  that  he  is  Instructed  by  His  Exceloy  The  Gover- 
nour  to  propose  to  this  board  that  they  Consider  what  y«  amount  of  the  Extraordinary  Charge  of 
the  Expedicdn  ag*  y"  ffrench  will  be  this  year  and  what  will  be  y«  best  &  easyest  means  for  defray- 
ing It  in  pursuance  whereof  Computac6n  being  made  the  Charge  of  the  new  Raised  forces  with  y« 
Inddentall  Charges  thereon  Is  Computed  to  bee  about  Eight  thousand  Pound  and  finding  y«  ]ast 
tax  of  one  penny  halfe  penny  per  pound  will  not  amount  to  above  Twelve  hundred  pound  of  which 
many  of  the  Inhabitants  are  not  able  to  pay  their  own  proportion,  It  is  the  opinion  of  this  board  that 
this  Goverment  alone  is  no  way  able  to  bear  so  great  a  burthen,  Whereuppon  It  is  Resolved  that  a 
lett'  be  sent  to  his  Exceloy  proposeing  this  Board's  Opinion  that  It  will  be  Convenient  proposalls  be 
sent  to  the  Neighbouring  Collonyes  to  send  Commissiones  thither  to  treat  and  make  some  settlement 
for  defraying  the  Charges  of  the  said  Expedition  as  will  be  Esteemed  most  Easy  and  Convenient. 


i 


Council  Held  at  ffort  James; 

Monday  the  thirtyeth  day  of  Aprill  1688. 

Present  His  Excellcy  the  Oovem'  &c. 

Account  of  Disbursements  made  by  Robert  Levingston  at  Albany  by  His  Excelcy*  Ord'>  ffor  y" 
Maintenance  of  his  M^jties  fforces  there  r  i  for  sundry  Ouefts  &  p<^8ents  made  to  y«  Indyans  and 
Beleife  of  y«  flfrench  Prisoners,  flErom  y«  11*»>  \ugust  1687  to  y«  first  day  of  June  1688  amounting  to 
Two  thousand  sixty  seaven  pound  six  shillings  and  four  pence  read. 

Council  held  at  ffort  James 

Monday  y«  third  day  of  May  1688. 
Present  His  Excelcy  the  Govern'  &c. 

Resolved  uppon  Debate  had  thereof  that  the  taxes  lately  made  will  not  Raise  mony  sufficient  to 
bear  y«  p'sent  necessary  Charge  of  the  Govern*  and  that  a  new  Levy  of  £2556.  4s.  be  made  to  be 
Paid  by  all  the  Inhabitants  and  freeholders  in  y*  Province  in  mony  to  his  M^j''*^  Collector  at  y° 
Custome  house  in  New  York  before  y«  first  day  of  Novemb'  next  in  manner  following  viz^ 

■       d 
The  Citty  &  County  of  New  Yorke  to  pay £4U  :  10  :  00 

County  of  Westchester .        .        .    185  :  15  :  00 

Citty  and  County  of  Albany *      .        .        .       240  :  00  :  00 

County  of  Richmond 185:15:00 


'mmmm 


1«8 


DtWMITILLX'l  UPXOITIOM  TO   THE  QEMEIEE  COUMTKT  AMP  MIAOAAA. 


.Ill, 


X 
408 


00 


County  of  Dlitar 

Kings  County 308  :  08 

Queens  County 308  :  08 

County  of  Suflblk 434  :  10 

Dukes  County 040  :  00 

County  of  Orange 010  :  00 

Ordered  that  y<  Attorney  General]  Draw  upp  an  Act  for  y«  8<i  tax  accordingly. 

An  establishment  to  be  Allowed  to  the  Officers  and  Soldiers  who  hath  been  att  Albany  upon  the 
present  Expedlodn  viz> 

The  Mi^o'  teD  Shillings  Ourru  Money  of  this  Province 


d 

:00 
:00 
:00 
:00 
:00 
00 


Pw  DImb 

Par  Di«m 

The  Capt"  of  horse 

.     XO.10.0 

The  Capt  off  ffoott 

XO.8.0 

The  Liev*    d" 

0.  7.0 

The  Liev«     . 

0.4.0 

The  Comett 

0.  6.0 

The  Ensigne 

0.3.0 

The  Quartermaster 

0.  6.0 

The  Sergeant 

0.1.6 

The  Corporall 

0.  2.0 

The  Corporall 

0.1.0 

The  Trumpiter  . 

0.  2.0 

The  Drumbeater    . 

0.1.0 

The  Troopers     . 

0.  1.6 

The  rest  of  the  private  men 

0.0.8 

[Load.  Doe.  IX.] 

In  the  year  1687  when  the  French  at  Canada  were  making  preparations  to  attack  the  Five  Nations 
of  Indians  belonging  to  New  York,  Coll.  Dongan  then  Gov  there  sent  some  of  the  forces  of  the 
Countrey  to  Albany,  k  went  hlmselfe  to  sustain  the  Indians  against  the  French,  towards  the  charges 
of  w<>i>  Expedition  a  Countrey  Rate  and  other  taxes  were  laid  by  the  Gov  and  Councill  in  New  York 
amounting  to  £3813 .6.4  whereof  Peter  (Livingston)  alledges  JS1129 . 3 . 6  to  remain  yet  unpaid  in 
the  severall  Countyes. — Stattmtnt  of  Mr.  Livingstones  Case^  tfc.  Sept.  1605. 


CONDITION  IN  WHICH  FORT  NIAGARA  WAS  LEFT  IN  1688. 

[  Pull  Doe.  IV.  ] 

On  the  fifteenth  day  of  September  of  the  Year  One  thousand,  Six  hundred  and  Eighty  and^Eight, 
in  the  forenoon,  Sleur  Desbergires  Captain  of  one  of  the  companies  of  the  Detachment  of  the 
Marine,  Commandant  of  Fort  Niagara  having  assembled  all  the  officers,  the  Rev :  Fath*^  Millet  of 
the  Society  of  Jesus  Missionary,  and  others,  to  communicate  to  them  the  orders  he  received  from  the 
Marquis  de  Denonville  Governor  and  Lieutenant  General  for  the  King  in  the  whole  extent  of  New 
France  and  Country  of  Canada,  dated  the  6«»»  of  July  of  the  present  year,  wherein  he  is  ordered  to 
demolish  the  fortification  of  the  said  Fort,  with  the  exception  of  the  cabins  and  quarters,  which  will 
be  found  standing  (en  nature)  ;  We,  Chevalier  de  La  Motthe,  Lieutenant  of  a  detached  company  of 
the  Marine,  and  M^jor  of  said  Fort,  have  mode  a  Proces  Verbal,  by  order  of  said  Commandant,  con- 
taining a  Memorandum  of  the  condition  in  which  we  leave  said  quarters  which  wiU  remain  entire, 
to  maintain  the  possession  His  Majesty  and  the  French  have  for  a  long  time  had  in  tliis  Niagara 
district. 


100 


DKWONTILLB's   EZFEOITIOM  to  THK  OBMUCE  COUMTRY   and   NIAaAKA. 


Firstly  :— 
We  leave  in  the  ceutre  of  the  Stjuare  a  large,  framed,  wooden  Cross,  eighteen  feet  in  height,  on 
the  arms  of  which  are  inscribed  in  large  letters,  these  words : — 


RE  CrM-V I IV  C\t(j  inp-CH  RS' 


which  was  erected  on  last  Good  Friday  by  ail  the  officers  and  solemnly  blessed  by  the  Rev.  Fath' 
Millet. 

Hem,  a  Cabin  in  whicli  tlie  Commandant  lodged,  containing  a  good  ciilmney,  a  door  and  two 
windows  fkirnishcd  with  their  hinges,  fastenings  and  locks,  which  cabin  is  covered  witli  Ibrty-four 
deal  boards  and  about  six  other  boards  arranged  inside  into  a  sort  of  bedstead. 

Hemf  in  the  immediate  vicinity  of  said  Cabin  is  anotlier  cabin  with  two  rooms  having  encii  its 
chimney ;  celled  {lambrisea)  with  boards  and  in  eacli  u  little  window  and  three  bedsteads,  the  door 
fUrnished  with  its  hinges  and  fastenings ;  the  said  Cabin  is  covered  with  flfty  deal  boards  tmd  there 
are  sixty  like  boards  on  eacli  side. 

Hem,  right  in  front  is  tlie  Rev.  Fatlu  Millet's  Cabin  furnished  with  its  chimney,  windows  and 
sashes ;  with  shelves,  a  bedstead  and  four  Iwards  arranged  inside,  with  a  door  I'urnished  with  its 
fastenings  and  hinges,  the  which  is  of  twenty-four  Ixiards. 

Item,  another  Cabin,  opposite  the  Cross,  in  whicli  there  is  a  chlnmcy,  board  ceiling  and  tlirce 
bedsteads,  covered  with  forty-two  Iroards,  with  three  like  boards  on  one  side  of  said  cabin,  tliere  !■ 
a  window  with  its  sash  and  a  door  furnished  with  its  liinges  and  fastenings. 

Hem,  another  Cabin  with  a  chimney,  and  a  small  window  with  its  sash  and  a  door ;  covered  witli 
thirty  deal  boards ;  there  are  three  bedsteads  inside. 

Hem,  a  bake  house  fUrnished  with  its  oven  and  cliimney,  paytly  covered  witli  boards  and  the 
remainder  witli  hurdles  and  clay ;  also  an  apartment  at  the  end  of  said  Bakery  containing  two  chim- 
neys :  There  are  in  said  Bakery  a  window  and  door  furnished  with  its  hinges  and  fastenings. 

Hem,  another  large  and  extensive  framed  building  having  a  double  door  furnished  with  nails, 
hinges  and  fastenings,  with  three  small  windows:  the  said  apartment  is  without  a  cliinniey;  'tis 
floored  with  twelve  plank  {madriers)  and  about  twelve  boards  are  arranged  inside ;  without,  'tis 
clapboarded  with  eighty-two  plank.* 

Hem,  a  largo  storehouse  covered  with  one  hundred  and  tliirty  boards,  surrounded  by  pillars,  eight 
feet  high,  in  which  there  are  many  pieces  of  wood  serving  as  small  joists,  and  partly  floored  with 
several  unequal  plank.     There  is  a  window  and  a  sliding  sash. 

Hem,  above  the  scarp  of  the  ditch  a  Well  witli  its  cover. 

All  which  apartments  are  in  the  same  condition  in  which  they  were  last  winter,  and  consequently 
inhabitable.  Which  all  the  Witnesses,  namely,  the  Rev.  Fath'  Millet  of  the  Society  of  Jesus,  Mis- 
sionary ;  Sieur  Desbergeres,  Captain  and  Commander ;  Sieurs  Le  la  Motthe,  La  Rabelle,  Demuratre, 
de  Clerin  and  Sieurs  de  Gemerais,  Chevalier  de  Tregay  all  lieutenants  and  officers,  and  Mahuet  Pilot 
of  the  Bark  the  General,  now  in  the  Roadsted,  certify  to  have  seen  and  visited  all  the  said  apart- 
ments and  have  therefore  signed  the  Minute  and  Original  of  these  presents : — Pierre  Millet  of  the 
Socr  of  Jesus,  Desbergeres,  le  Chevalier  De  La  Motthe,  De  La  Rabelle,  Murat,  De  Clezin,  de  la 
Gemesaib,  Commander  de  Tsegimo,  and  Mahuet. 


[Vol.  I.]j 


1  This  most  probably  WM  th«  Chapel. 
22 


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<        •<  / 


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r 


VOL 


NAMES 


or  TUB 


Malt  Jnt|abttant0  of  lllsttr  Conntg, 


1009. 


A  BOOL  OF  THE  NAMES  AND  SURNAMES 


OF   THEM    THAT   HAVE  TAKIN   THE  OATH  OF   ALLEGIANCE  IN   y*  COUNTY   OF  VLST',   BY  OKD'  OF   HIS 
RXCRLV:    Y«    fiOVERNOR;   Y»   FFIHST   DAY    OF   SEPTEMB""   ANNO   Q':   DOMINI    1689 — 


Cap"!  Hennery  Beekraan 

Uiipn  Matthls  Matthison 

Lelt:  Abraham  Haesbrock 

Lowles  Bouler 

John  Hendricks 

Albart  Johnson  V:  Steenwicke 

Miirt(;n  Hoileman 

William  Van  ffredlngborch 

Lowranc.  Van  der  Bush 

Wesnell  Tenbrock 

John  Boorehanc 

John  Willlanson  Hogetilen 

Oerritt  Arsin 

Tunis  Elison 

John  iTocken 

William  DeMys: 

Johanas  Schencke  '  ^ 

William  Oe  Lamontanij 

John  Johnson  Van  Osterenhoudt 

JochiJam  Hendricks 

Horrama  Hendricks 

Pett':  Johnson 

Olaes  Claes  Sluitf 

Powlas  Powlas 

Thomas  Quick 

Nicolas  Anthony 

Julianas  Wincop 

Jost  Jansin 

Jacob  Arsin 

Matthies  Slecht 

John  Mlddag 

Hendrick  Cornells  Bogard 

Gisbort  Albortsa 

Gerrit  Van  ffleitt 

Cornelii  Slecht 


John  Haesbrock 
Cornells  Sweitts    ' 
Burgar  Mind'son 
Hendrick  Albertsa 
Abraham  ffranckford 
William:  Danswick 
Moses  Depuis 
William  Hoogtilin 
Gerritt  Wincoop 
Symon  Cool 
Isack  Dibois 
Benj":  Provorist 
Jesely  Valley 
Andries  Laffever 
Petf:  Dovo 
Abraham  Deboijs 
Moses  Laconta 
Petter  Hellibrandts 
Symon  Laffever 
Sander  Roesinkranc 
Cornelis  Cool 
Arrie  ffrance 
John  Osternhoudt  Juno"": 
Hendrick  Traphager 
Jacob  Becker 
Rolloff  Hendricks 
Cornelis  VerNoij 
Hendrick  Van  Wien 
Hiuge  ffreri  Senior 
Hiuge  ffreri  Junior 
Pett':  Cornelis 
Gerritt  Johnson 
Anthony  Criupill 
Abraham  Carrmar 
Pett':  Winnly 


174 


INHABITANTS  OF  ULSTER  COUNTY. 


Jacob  Cool 
Abraham  Rutton 
Abl  Westfalin 
Abraham  Lamiater 
Pett':  Jacobs 
Isack  Van  ffredingborch 
Gerrit  Cornells 


John  Pett'son 
John  Josten 

Wallraven  DeMont  Junlo' 
Johanas  Traphager 
Hendrick  in  the  flfeelt 
Petter  Criupill 
(Jerrit  Gisborts 


Jacob  Lamiater 

Hendrick  Hendricks 

Arrian  Tunis 

John  Gerrittsa  of  new  Church 

Claes  Westfalin 

Hendrick  Arreyn 

John  Cottin 

John  Van  fSeitt 

Johanas  Westfalin 

Claes  Tunis 

Thomas  Johnson 

Andries  Dewitt 

Hendrick  Johns<^  Van  Bush 

Jacob  Van  Etta 

Andries  Petters 

John  Schutt 

Gerritt  Jansa  Decker 

John  Dewitt 

Lendart  Cool 

Hendrick  Johnson 

Cornells  flSnelioudt 

Thomas  Swardtwout 

Tunis  Jacobs 

John  Van  Etta 

'i 

Jacob  Schutt 

Anthony  Swartwoudt 

l 

Leury  Jacobs 

John  Jacosa  Stoll 

John  Siting 

Heybert  Lambertsa 

> 

Rollof  Swartwout 

William  Jacobs 

Dirrick  Westbrock 

David  Deboyes 

Agbert  Hendricks 

Sallomon  Deboyes 

Sam':  Berrey 

Evert  Wincoope 

Lambert  Heybertsin 

Johanas  Westbrock 

Hendrick  Claes 

John  Peteet 

Brown  Hendricks 

Butt  Jores 

Harrama  Pier 

Heibort  Sealand 

John  David 

Jury  Tunics 

John  Blanchaiti 

John  Broerson  Decker       , 

Cornells  Gerritts 

Roulof  Johnson 

John  Smedis 

John  Matthies 

Barrant  Cuinst 

Heymon  Roos 

Hellebrandt  T^izer 

John  Roos 

Johanas  Bush 

Arrie  Roos 

Pietter  Lhommedien 

Petter  Pettersin 

August  Jay 

Gerritt  Agbortsin 

John  Rulland 

Claes  RoosinfFelt 

William  Traphager  Juno' 

Jn":  Evedin 

Jochyam  Van  Ama 

Cornells  Larabertsin 

• 

Aimi  canchi 

Thomas  Harramansa 

Jacob  Besteyansa 

Johanas  Dehogos 

Abraham  TArew 

Moses  Cantine 

Matthis  Blanzan  Junio' 

Isack  Deboyes 

John  Jjti7.\a 

Cornells  Mastin 

INHABITANTS  OF  ULSTER  COUNTY. 


175 


James  Bonamiz 

Dirrick  Hendricks 

John  Gerrittsa 

James  Gordaback 

Powlas  Powlason  June 

John  Williamson  y"  Duitcher 

William  Schutt 

Cornells  Tacke 

John  Johnson  Poast 

Petter  Demarr 

Privie  go  Doon 

Lowies  Deboyes  Senior 

Jacob  Deboyes 
These  ffowing  persons  were  present  when  y*  Oath 

Antony  Tilba 

Thomas  Van  der  Marrick 
These  ffoUowing  persons  Did  nott  appeare  Viz* 

John  Archer 

Livie  Larrow 

Maghell  DeMott 

Euert  Pelce 

Symon  Pelce 

Terrick  Claes  Dewitt 

Wallraven  Demont  Senior 

Dirrick  Schepmous 

Matthis  Tennick 

Claes  Tunis 

Gisbert  Crum 

Arre  Gerritt  Van  ffleitt 

Dirrick  Van  ffleitt 

Jno:Lodtman 

Jury  Lodtman 


John  Euertsa 
Coinradt  Elvendorop 
Cornells  Petterson 
Barrant  Jacobs 
Marinos  Van  Acar 
Claes  Lazier 
Barrant  Coll 
Symon  Westfallin 
Arrent  Jacobs 
Artt  martenson  Doom 
Cornells  Bogardos 
Arrent  Van  Dick 

was  A  givin.  but  Did  BefiTeues  to  taike  it  Viz* 
Joseph  flfocker 
Jacob  Home 

Hellebrandt  Lodtman 

Jacob  Brown  Alls  y"  Noorman 

Wamar  Hornebeak 

John  Lowrance 

Symon  Larow 

Cornells  Hogoboom 

Cornells  y«  Duitcher 

Gombart  Powlasin 

Jn»:  Meueson.    Alls  Jn  D«  pape 

William  Wallaffish 

Jn"  Pollin 

Antony  Bussalin 

Grerritt  Aylberts 

Dirrick  Keizer 

Thomas  Chambers. 


k 


"ffl 


IX. 

PAPERS 

RELATING   TO    THE 


3nwa0ton  tjf  Netw-Hork  ani  IBtttning  of  Scl)enectabg 


BY 


THE    FRENCH. 


1690. 


r     i'! 


IVOL.  I.] 


YA 


¥ 


i 


m 


PROJECT  OP  THE  CHEVALIER  DE  CALLIERES. 


GOVERNOR    OF    MONTREAL     AND    COMMANDING    BY    COMMISSION     THE     TROOPS     AND    MILITIA    OF    CANADA, 
REGARDING   THE  PRESENT   STATE  OF   AFFAIRS   OF  THAT   COUNTRY.      JANUARY,   1689. 

[  ParU  Doc.  IV.  ] 

To  Monseigneur,  the  Marquis  of  Seignelay. 

As  the  recent  Revolution  in  England  will  change  the  face  of  American  affairs  it  becomes  necessary 
to  adopt  entirely  new  measures  to  secure  Canada  against  the  great  dangers  with  which  it  is  threatened. 

Chevalier  Andros,  now  (Jovernor  General  of  New  England  and  New  York,  having  already  declared 
in  his  letters  to  M.  de  Denonville  that  he  took  all  the  Iroquois  under  his  protection  as  subjects  of 
the  Crown  of  England  and  having  prevented  them  returning  to  M.  de  Denonville  to  make  peace 
with  us,  there  is  no  longer  reason  to  hope  for  its  conclusion  through  the  English  nor  for  the  alienation 
of  the  Iroquois  from  the  close  union  which  exists  with  those  in  consequence  of  the  great  advantages 
they  derive  from  thence,  the  like  to  which  we  cannot  offer  for  divers  reasons. 

Chevalier  Andros  is  a  protestant  as  well  as  tlie  whole  English  Colony  so  that  there  is  no  reason  to 
hope  that  he  will  remain  faithful  to  the  King  of  England  [James  II.]  and  we  must  expect  that  he 
will  not  only  urge  the  Iroquois  to  continue  the  war  against  us  but  that  he  will  even  add  Englishmen 
to  them  to  lead  them  and  seize  the  posts  of  Niagara,  Michilimakinak  and  others  proper  to  render 
him  master  of  all  the  Indians  our  allies,  according  to  the  project  they  have  long  since  formed,  and 
which  they  began  to  execute  when  we  declared  war  against  the  Iroquois  and  when  we  captured  70 
Englishmen  who  were  going  to  take  possession  of  Michilimakinak,  one  of  the  most  important  posts 
of  Canada ;  our  entrepot  for  the  Fur  Trade  and  the  residence  of  the  Superior  of  the  Rev :  Jesuit 
Fathers,  Missionaries  among  our  Savages,  and  which  belongs,  incontestably  to  us. 

It  is  to  be  expected,  then,  that  they  are  about  to  endeavoiur  to  invest  all  Canada  and  raise  all  the 
Savages  against  us,  in  order  to  deprive  us  wliolly  of  every  sort  of  Trade  and  draw  it  all  to  themselves 
by  means  of  the  cheap  bargains  of  merchandize  they  can  give  them,  nearly  a  half  less  than  our 
Frenchmen  can  afford  theirs,  for  reasons  which  will  be,  elsewhere,  explained,  and  thus  become 
masters  of  all  the  peltries ;  a  trade  wliich  sustains  Canada  and  constitutes  one  of  the  chief  benefits 
that  France  derives  from  that  Colony. 

No  sooner  will  the  English  have  ruined  our  Trade  with  the  Savages  than  uniting  with  them  they 
will  be  in  a  position  to  fall  on  us,  burn  and  sack  our  settlements,  scattered  along  the  River  St. 
Lawrence  to  Quebec,  without  our  being  able  to  prevent  them,  having  no  fortress  capable  of  arresting 
them. 

Things  being  thus  disposed,  the  only  means  to  avoid  this  misfortune  is  to  anticipate  it  by  the  expe- 
dition which  will  be  hereafter  explained  and  which  I  offer  to  execute  forthwith,  if  it  please  His 
M^esty  to  confide  its  direction  to  me  on  account  of  the  particular  knowledge  I  have  acquired  of  the 
affairs  of  that  country  during  five  years  that  I  had  the  honour  to  serve  His  Majesty  and  to  command 
his  troops  and  military  there,  after  twenty  years  service  in  the  army. 


^ 


180 


INVASION  or  NEW-YORK   AND  BURHINQ   OF  SCHENECTADY. 


r 


i  : 


The  plan  is,  to  go  straight  to  Orange  (Albany)  the  most  advanced  town  of  New  York,  one  hundred 
leagues  from  Montreal,  wliich  I  would  undertake  to  carry,  and  to  proceed  thence  to  seize  Manathe, 
the  capital  of  that  Colony  situated  on  the  seaside;  on  condition  of  being  furnished  with  supplies 
necessary  for  the  success  of  the  expedition. 

I  demand  for  tliat  only  tlie  troops  at  present  maintained  by  His  Majesty  in  Canada  if  it  be  plea- 
sing to  him  to  fill  them  up  by  a  reinforcement  of  soldiers  wliich  they  require  in  consc(^U(  iico  of 
sickness  that  has  produced  the  deaths  of  many  among  them. 

These  troops  number  35  companies  which  at  50  men  each  ought  to  give  1750.  Yet  at  the  review 
made  when  I  left,  there  were  found  only  about  1300,  so  that  450  soldiers  are  still  required  to  com- 
plete them  ;  thus  it  would  be  necessary  that  His  Majesty  should  please  to  order  the  levy  of  at  least 
400  men,  and  to  have  them  enlisted  as  quick  as  possible  in  order  that  they  may  be  embarked  in  the 
iirst  vessels. 

The  use  I  propose  to  make  of  these  1700  men  is  to  take  « the  pick"  {P elite)  of  them  to  the  num- 
ber of  1400  and  to  adjoin  to  them  the  elite  of  the  Militia  to  the  niunber  of  600,  go  as  to  carry  these 
2000  men  necessary  on  this  expedition  ;  leaving  the  300  remaining  soldiers  to  guard  the  principal 
outposts  at  the  head  of  our  Colony  in  order  to  prevent  the  Iroquois  seizing  and  burning  them  whilst 
we  should  be  in  the  field. 

I  propose  embarking  these  2000  men,  with  the  supplies  necessary  for  their  subsistence  in  a  sufficient 
number  of  canoes  and  flat  Batteaux  which  we  already  employed  in  the  two  last  Campaigns  against 
the  Iroquois. 

My  design  is,  to  lead  them  by  the  Richelieu  River  into  Lake  Champlain  as  far  as  a  Carrying  Place 
which  is  within  three  leagues  of  the  Albany  River  that  runs  to  Orange.'  I  shall  conceal  this  ex- 
pedition, wliich  must  be  kept  very  secret,  by  saying  that  the  King  has  commanded  me  to  proceed 
at  the  head  of  His  troops  and  Militia  to  the  Iroquois  Country  to  dictate  Peace  to  them  on  tlie  con- 
ditions it  has  pleased  His  Majesty  to  grant  them  without  the  interference  of  the  English,  inasmuch 
as  the  Iroquois  are  his  true  subjects ;  without  letting  any  one  know  our  intention  of  attacking  the 
English  until  we  have  arrived  at  the  point  whence  I  shall  send  to  tell  the  Iroquois,  by  some  of  tlieir 
Nation,  that  I  am  not  come  to  wage  war  against  them  but  only  to  reduce  the  English,  who  have 
caused  our  division,  and  to  re-establish  the  good  friendship  that  formerly  existed  between  us; 
therefore  they  had  better  avoid  coming  to  their  aid  if  they  wisli  not  to  be  treated  with  tlie  greatest 
rigor,  the  said  English  being  unable  to  protect  them  from  the  force  I  lead  against  them,  and  that  1 
shall  turn  against  the  said  Iroquois,  if  they  dare  assist  them. 

As  the  Batteaux  cannot  proceed  further  than  the  Carrying  Place,  my  intention  is  to  erect  the .« 
a  small  log  fort  (tm  petit  fort  de  pieux  terrasses)  which  I  shall  have  built  in  three  days,  and  to  leave 
200  men  in  it  to  guard  the  Batteaux ;  thence  march  direct  to  Orange,  embarking  our  supplies  on 
the  River  in  canoes  which  we  shall  bring  and  which  can  be  convoyed  by  land,  we  marching  with  the 
troops  along  the  river  as  an  escort. 

I  calculate  to  seize  in  passing  some  English  Villages  and  Settlements  where  I  shall  find  provisions 
and  other  conveniences  for  attacking  the  town  of  Orange. 

That  town  is  about  as  large  as  Montreal,  surrounded  by  picquets  at  one  end  of  which  is  an  Earthen 
Fort  defended  by  palisades  and  consisting  of  four  small  bastions.  There  is  a  garrison  of  150  men 
of  three  companies  in  the  fort  and  some  pieces  of  Cannon.  Said  town  of  Orange  may  contain  about 
150  houses  and  300  inhabitants  capable  of  bearing  arms,  the  majority  of  whom  are  Dutch  and  some 
French  Refugees  with  some  English. 

After  having  invested  the  Town  and  summoned  it  to  surrender  with  promise  not  to  pillage  if  it 
capitulate,  I  propose  in  case  of  resistance  to  cut  or  bum  the  palisades,  in  order  to  aiford  an  opening, 

1  Thii  "Cknjing  Plaea"  or  portag*  It  now  travanad  by  that  tMtion  of  the  Champlain  Canal  axtanding  from  Fort  Anna 
to  Sandy  HiU. 


INVASION  OF   NXW-YORK  AND  BVBNINO  Or  ■CHBinCTADT. 


181 


and  enter  there  sword  in  hand  and  seize  the  fort.  These  being  only  about  14  feet  high  can  be  easily 
escaladed  by  means  of  the  conveniences  we  shall  find,  when  Masters  of  the  town,  or  by  blowing  in 
the  gate  with  a  few  petards  or  two  small  field  pieces  wliich  may  be  of  use  to  me  and  I  shall  find 
means  of  conveying  there,  if  his  Ma'r  will  please  to  have  tliem  ftirnished  at  La  Roohelle  to  take 
with  me,  and  some  grenades  and  other  munitions,  a  list  of  which  I  shall  hand  in  separately,  and 
which  will  be  deducted  from  the  funds  His  Mf^esty  destines  for  Canada  so  as  not  to  increase  the 
expenditure  of  p'" ;'  ling  years. 

After  I  shall  have  become  Master  of  the  town  and  fort  of  Orange,  which  I  expect  to  achieve 
before  the  English  can  afford  it  any  succor,  my  intention  is  to  leave  a  garrison  of  200  men  in  the 
fort  with  sufficient  supplies  which  I  shall  find  in  the  City,  and  to  disarm  all  the  Inhabitants,  grant- 
ing at  His  Majesty's  pleasure  pardon  to  the  French  deserters  and  inhabitants  I  shall  find  there,  so 
as  to  oblige  them  to  follow  me. 

I  shall  seize  all  the  barks,  batteaux  and  canoes  that  are  at  Orange,  to  embark  my  force  on  the 
river  wliich  is  navigable  down  to  Manathe,  and  I  shall  embark  with  the  troops  the  necessary  pro- 
visions and  ammunition,  and  some  pieces  of  Cannon,  to  be  taken  from  Fort  Orange  to  serve  In  the 
attack  on  Manathe,  [New  York.] 

This  place  consists  of  a  town  composed  of  about  200  houses  and  can  put  about  400  inhabitants 
under  arms.  They  are  divided  into  four  Companies  of  Infantry  of  50  men  each,  and  three  Com- 
panies of  Cavalry  of  the  same  number,  the  horses  being  very  common  in  that  country.  This  town 
is  not  enclosed,  being  situated  on  a  Peninsula  at  the  mouth  of  the  river  that  fiiUs  into  a  Bay  forming 
a  fine  harbour.  It  is  defended  by  a  Fort  faced  with  stone  having  four  Bastions  with  several  pieces 
of  cannon,  commanding  tlie  Port  on  one  side  and  the  town  on  the  other. 

I  contemplate  first  currying  the  town  by  assault,  it  being  all  open,  and  making  use  of  the  houses 
nearest  the  Fort  to  approach  the  latter ;  forming  a  battery  of  the  Cannon  I  shall  have  brought  from 
Orange  and  of  that  I  may  find  in  the  stores  of  the  town,  where  the  vessels  arm  and  disarm. 

It  is  necessary  for  the  success  of  this  Expedition  that  H.  M.  give  orders  to  two  of  the  ships  of 
War  destined  this  year  to  escort  the  merchantmen  who  po  to  Canada  and  Acadie  or  the  fishermen 
who  go  for  Cod  to  the  Great  Bank,  to  come  after  having  couvoyed  the  merchants,  towards  the  end 
of  August,  into  tlie  Qulf  of  Manathe  and  cruize  there  during  the  month  of  September,  as  well  to 
prevent  succor  from  Europe  which  may  arrive  from  TJnglaud  or  Boston,  as  to  enter  the  port  w^.en  I 
on  my  arrival  shall  give  the  signal  agreed  upon,  so  as  '  o  aid  us  in  capturing  the  Fort  which  th;5y  may 
cannonade  from  aboard  their  ships  whilst  I  attack  it  on  land.  They  can  in  case  of  necessity  even 
land  some  marines  (to  replace  the  400  men  I  shall  have  left  on  the  road  guarding  Orange  and  the 
Batteaux);  also  some  pieces  of  Cannon  if  we  require  them.  They  might  reimbark  and  return  to 
France  in  the  month  of  October  after  the  capture  of  the  Fort  and  carry  the  intelligence  thereof. 

After  we  should  have  become  masters  of  the  town  and  fort  of  Maunthe  I  shall  cause  the  Inhabi- 
tants to  be  disarmed  and  send  my  Canadians  back  by  the  Albany  river  to  Orange  on  their  way  to 
their  batteaux  and  on  their  return  home.  I  should  winter  at  Manathe  with  all  the  troops  I  would 
have  brought  with  me  except  the  200  soldiers  left  to  guard  Orange ;  and  as  I  shall  have  nothing  to 
fear  from  the  land  side,  being  master  of  the  rivers,  I  would  work  through  the  winter  to  strengthen 
myself  against  attacks  of  the  English  whilst  waiting  until  H.  M.  should  be  pleased  to  send  what 
may  be  necessary  to  seciure  tliis  important  conquest. 

It  would  render  H.  M.  absolute  Master  of  the  whole  of  Iroquois  who  derive  from  this  Colony 
all  the  arms  and  ammunition  with  which  they  make  war  on  us.  This  will  afford  the  means  to 
disarm  tliem  whenever  considered  necessary,  and  thereby  impose  on  them  such  laws  as  H.  M. 
may  please;  the  town  of  Boston,  the  capital  of  New  England  being  too  far  from  them  to  afford 
any  aid. 


182 


iirvAitoif  or  mcw-YOKK  Aim  Bvimwo  or  icmmcTADY. 


Having  mattered  the  Iroquoii  we  shall  have  equal  control  of  all  the  other  Savages  who  will 
come  without  hesitation  and  bring  us  all  their  peltries.  This  will  cause  the  trade  of  our  Colony 
to  flourish ;  will  considerably  augment  H.  M.'s  revenues  and  eventually  diminish  the  expences 
he  is  obliged  to  Incur  for  the  preservation  of  Canada. 

It  will  firmly  establish  the  Christian  Religion  as  well  among  the  Iroquois  as  among  the  other 
Savages  to  whom  we  shall  be  able  to  speak  as  Masters  when  they  are  encircled  on  the  side  of  Canada 
OS  well  as  of  New  York.  It  will  secure  and  facilitate  the  Cod  fishery  which  is  carried  on  along  our 
Coasts  of  la  Cadle  and  on  tlie  Great  Bank.  It  will  give  H.  M.  one  of  the  finest  harbours  in  America 
which  can  be  entered  during  almost  all  seasons  of  the  year  in  less  than  one  month  of  very  easy 
navigation ;  whilst  tliut  from  France  to  Quebec  cannot  be  prosecuted  except  in  summer  on  account 
of  the  Ice  which  closes  the  River  St.  Lawrence,  itself  long  and  perilous. 

It  may  be  objected  to  this  plan,  that  the  Colony  of  Orange  and  Manathe  may  remain  faithftil  to 
the  King  of  England,  and  in  this  case  it  would  not  be  apropos  to  attack  it  and  draw  down  on  open 
war  with  tlmt  English  Colony  to  the  prejudice  of  the  Treaty  of  Neutrality  concluded  between  the 
two  nations. 

It  may  be  answered  to  this,  that  the  colony  of  Manathe  and  Orange,  being  the  same  as  that  for- 
merly called  New  Netherland  which  the  English  took  from  the  Dutch,  and  the  greater  part  of  which 
is  still  of  this  latter  nation  and  all  Protestants,  it  is  not  to  be  doubted  but  that  they  would  receive  the 
orders  of  tlio  Prince  of  Orange  and  even  force  their  Governor,  did  he  not  consent,  to  acknowledge 
him,  and  ttiercfore  wo  raujt  look  on  as  certain  a  war  between  that  Colony  and  us,  and  not  give  it 
the  time  to  push  its  Intrigues  witli  tlie  Savages  to  ruin  us  by  means  of  them,  if  we  do  not  anticipate 
them.  And  in  cnso  that,  contrary  to  all  appearances,  they  remain  fuithibl  to  the  King  of  England 
during  the  general  rebellion  of  the  English,  we  might,  if  H.  M.  thought  proper,  being  on  terms  with 
that  King,  confide  to  him  tlie  secret  of  this  expedition,  draw  from  him  an  order  to  the  Commandant 
of  Orange  and  of  Manathe  to  surrender  these  places  into  H.  M.'s  hands,  who  would  keep  them  for 
him  and  prevent  the  Rebels  becoming  masters  of  them,  so  as  to  have  an  opportunity  to  treat  them 
as  rebels  did  they  not  obey  that  order,  being  besides  tills,  in  a  position  to  force  them  to  it,  on  con- 
dition of  negotiating  eventually  with  the  King  for  that  Colony,  which  is  the  only  means  of  securing 
Canada,  firmly  establishing  Religion,  Trade  and  the  Kings  authority  throughout  all  North  America. 
If  the  favourable  opiK)rtunity  which  presents  of  becoming  master  of  that  Colony  be  neglected,  it  may 
surely  be  calculated  that,  through  its  intrigues  with  the  Iroquois  and  other  Savages,  it  will  destroy 
Canada  in  a  little  time ;  whose  ruin  will  entail  that  of  the  establishment  at  Hudson's  bay,  the  beaver 
and  other  peltry  trade  j  that  of  Acadia,  the  local  fishery,  and  that  of  Newfoundland ;  and  if  we  be 
forced  to  abandon  Canmla,  It  will,  liereafter,  in  consequence  of  the  frequent  chasing  of  our  fishermen 
by  English  vessels,  render  very  difficult  and  dangerous  for  H.  M.'s  subjects  the  Codfishery  on  the 
Great  Bank,  which  produces  several  millions  to  France,  and  is  one  of  the  most  profitable  invest- 
ments that  we  have. 


iirvAsioii  or  niw-tosb  and  ■uniriNo  of  •chemkctaot. 


188 


MEMOIR  OF  INSTRUCTIONS  TO  COUNT  DE  FRONTENAC 

RUPXCTIMO   THE  EXPSDITION   AGAINST   NEW-YOKK.       7tU    JUNE,   1689. 

L  PwU  SOO.  IV.  ] 

The  King,  having  examined  the  proposition  made  him  by  Sieur  Chevalier  de  Calli^res  Bonnevue 
of  Montreal  to  attack  New-York  with  his  Mt^esty's  troops  in  Canada  and  a  number  of  tlie  militia  of 
that  country,  has  the  more  willingly  assented  to  it  as  he  knows  that  the  English  inhabiting  that 
quarter  have  resolved  since  the  last  year  to  excite  the  Iroquois  Nation,  His  Majesty's  subjects,  and 
force  them  to  wage  war  against  the  French,  having  f^imished  them  for  that  purpose  with  arms  and 
ammunition,  and  endeavoured  in  every  way,  even  to  the  prejudice  of  the  King  of  England's  orders 
and  the  Mth  of  Treaties,  to  usurp  the  trade  of  the  French  In  the  country  in  possession  .of  which 
they  have  been  from  all  time. 

To  accomplish  this  project  His  Majesty  has  given  orders  to  Sleiur  Begon  to  prepare  the  munitions 
necessary  for  the  expedition  and  has  caused  two  of  his  ships  of  war  to  be  equipped  In  the  port  of 
Roohefurt  under  the  command  of  Sleur  do  la  Caffinl6re  whom  he  has  ordered  to  follow  exactly  the 
directions  wlilch  said  Sleur  de  Frontenac  will  give  him  regarding  this  expedition. 

He  will  set  out  with  all  diligence  to  embark  at  Rochelle  in  on  of  the  ships  and  sail  without  loss  of 
time  for  the  entrance  of  the  gulf  of  St.  Lawrence  and  Campseaux  bay,  where  he  will  embark  In  the 
best  of  the  merchantmen  that  will  follow  and  repair  to  Quebec.  •  •  •  # 

Therefore  on  his  arrival  at  Quebec  he  will  take  advantage  of  the  state  In  which  he  will  find  things, 
to  complete  the  suitable  arrangements  for  departing  with  batteaux,  canoes  and  all  the  equipage  neces- 
sary for  this  expedition  with  the  Chevalier  de  Calll^res  who  will  command  the  troops  under  his 
orders. 

''■  He  will  despatch  by  land  or  water  as  he  shall  deem  most  certain,  orders  and  instructions  to  Sleur 
de  la  CafBnliire,  to  the  place  he  will  have  designated,  as  to  wjiat  he  shall  have  to  do,  in  order  to 
repair  to  Manathe,  he  making  use  of  the  cypher  which  sliall  have  been  furnished  him. 

He  will  order  him  to  sail  directly  and  without  undertaking  any  thing  along  his  course,  follow  the  coast 
of  Acadle  (wliere  he  will  leave  In  passing  what  he  shall  have  for  the  said  coast  of  Acadle)  down  to 
Manathe,  and  order  him  to  anchor  as  safely  as  possible  and  to  observe  well  the  quarter  where  he 
win  make  Ills  landing  when  said  Sleur  do  Frontenac  shall  have  arrived  there. 

He  will  give  orders  to  the  Sleur  de  la  Caffinl6re  to  seize  the  vessels  he  will  find  In  the  bay  of  the 
said  Manathe,  without  exposing  liimself  to  any  accident  that  may  render  him  unable  to  cooperate  in 
that  enterprise. 

As  it  is  Impossible  to  fix  on  a  certain  rendezvous  for  the  arrival  of  said  vessels  at  Manathe  at  the 
same  time  that  the  Sleur  de  Frontenac  will  arrive  there  with  the  troops,  without  alarming  those  at  that 
place,  tlie  two  vessels  of  war  must  go  right  into  the  bay,  more  especially  as  the  attack  on  the  frontier 
post  of  New  York  will  give  warning  to  those  of  Manathe  ;  and  the  vessels  thus  arriving  before  the 
land  forces,  will  cause  a  diversion. 


Pi 


Tlio  said  Sleur  de  Frontenac  having  informed  himself  of  the  route  he  is  to  take,  of  which  he  will 
make  more  particular  enquiries  on  the  spot,  as  regard  the  convenience,  security  and  expedition  of 
the  troops.  His  Majesty  will  not  enter  Into  further  detail  on  this  subject,  nor  on  the  attack  on  Orange 
and  Manatte  nor  on  anything  that  relates  thereto.  He  will  solely  recommend  him  to  act  as  much  as 
possible,  in  such  a  manner  as  that  those  of  Orange  may  not  be  advised  of  his  march,  so  that  he  may 
surprise  this  first  post  and  cut  in  below  Orange  to  secure  the  number  of  vessels  he  may  require  to 


IN 


INVAIION   or   NKW-VOail   AND   ■UHNINU  Or  •CHBNECTADV. 


J 


n 
I 


til 


deaeend  on  Manathe,  and  to  place  things  in  such  order  as  not  to  be  uneasy  when  hr  shall  dcfmrt  fur 
and  be  established  at,  the  said  Manatho.  For  this  purpose  he  ought  tu  leave  a  cunfldentiul  ulllct>r  at 
Orange  with  such  detachment  as  he  will  And  necessary  to  be  leil  there,  with  orders  to  |j<>  on  liis 
guard  and  to  fortify  himself,  and  obtain  all  Information  possible  fur  tlio  success  of  tiio  expedition 
against  Manathe.  He  will  also  cause  all  tlie  inhabitants  to  be  disarmetl  and  tlieir  eflects  to  \w  seized, 
giving  them  to  hope  every  good  treatment  with  which  they  can  datter  themselves  until  lie  entertains 
no  Airther  apprehensions ;  then  His  Majesty  desires  tliat  what  is  hereinaller  prescribed  to  lilm,  may 
be  executed. 

He  wishes  particular  care  to  be  taken  to  prevent  any  plunder  of  provisions,  racrchundi/.o,  Ammu- 
nition, property,  cattle,  utensils  and  principal  household  Airniture ;  and  as  Ids  object  must  be  to  place 
Forta  Orange  and  Manathe  in  a  state  of  defence,  and  to  support  the  Frenchmen  wiio  will  have 
remained  there,  he  must  not  only  victual  the  forts  for  the  longest  time  iwssible  but  collect  there  all 
he  can  of  provisions,  and  In  default  of  a  suificlent  quantity  of  magazines  in  said  torts,  he  will  lock 
them  up  In  the  towns,  taking  care  not  to  touch  those  which  he  should  deposit  in  salil  forts  oxcei)t 
when  obliged. 

His  Mi^etty  doei  not  wish  any  siupeoted  inhabitants  be  left  in  tliat  Colony.  His  intention  also  is 
that  an  exact  Inventory  be  made  in  the  settlements  and  plantations  by  Commissary  GaiUurd  (whom 
His  Majesty  wishes  him  to  take  with  him,)  of  all  cattle,  grain,  merchandize,  i\u'niture,  effects  and 
utensils  he  may  find  in  each  of  the  said  settlements ;  that  he  select  from  among  the  Inhabitants  of 
Canada  and  the  officers  and  soldiers  of  the  troops  those  who  will  be  found  qualified  to  maintain  and 
Improve  them,  and  that  he  f\irnish  these  with  fiirms  in  His  Majesty's  name  leaving  them  of  the  pro- 
visions that  will  be  found  there,  as  much  as  shall  be  necessary  to  support  them  until  they  have  produced 
some ;  and  he  vviU  examine  one  with  another,  those  to  whom  he  will  think  proper  to  grant  said  farms, 
so  as  to  distribute  the  greater  number  In  proportion  to  their  skill  and  strength,  observing  to  associate 
several  in  the  same  settlement  when  he  shall  deem  such  necessary.  He  will  inform  his  Majesty  of 
all  he  shall  have  done  In  this  regard  by  sending  him  the  enumeration  of  all  that  he  shall  have  left  in 
each  such  settlement,  and  furnish  his  opinion  of  the  Quit  rents  which  they  will  be  in  a  condition  to 
pay  him.  After  having  settled  on  what  he  shall  Judge  absolutely  necessary  to  leave  to  those  to  whom 
he  will  have  given  these  farms,  he  will  place  in  store  all  the  surplus,  such  as  grain,  whale  oil  and  all 
sorts  of  merchandize  and  other  principal  effects  of  which  also  inventories  shall  be  made  to  bo  equally 
sent  to  his  Majesty. 

He  will  examine  into  the  means  of  distributing  said  property  so  that  from  what  he  will  acquire 
there  his  Majesty  may  order,  on  his  advice,  the  gratuities  he  sliall  Judge  fitting  to  bestow  on  said 
militia,  the  army  and  navy  officers,  soldiers  and  sailors  who  shall  have  distinguished  tliemselves  and 
given  individual  marks  of  that  satisfaction  which  he  expects  from  their  zeal  and  industry  on  tliis 
occasion. 

If  he  find  among  the  inhabitants  of  New  York,  whether  English  or  Dutch,  any  Catholics  on  whose 
fidelity  he  can  rely,  he  may  leave  them  in  their  habitations  after  making  them  take  the  oath  of 
allegiance  to  His  Majesty,  provided  there  be  not  too  many  of  them  and  they  do  not  excite  any  sus- 
picion, having  regard,  in  that,  only  to  what  will  best  promote  the  preservation  and  advantage  of  the 
Colony  and  its  security  at  the  same  time  as  well  as  that  of  the  French. 

He  may  likewise  retain,  if  he  think  proper,  mechanics  and  other  working  people  necessary  to 
cultivate  the  land  and  work  at  fortifications  in  the  capacity  of  prisoners,  distributing  them  among 
the  French  inhabitants  who  may  require  them,  imtil  matters  being  in  a  state  of  entire  security,  they 
may  be  restored  to  liberty. 

The  officers  and  principal  inhabitants,  from  whom  ransom  can  be  exacted,  must  be  detained  in 
prison. 


INVAIION  or   NKW-rORK    ANI>   RURNINa   Or  ■CHCMETTAnV. 


Ill 


ReapeetinK  all  other  foreii^nf  ra,  men,  women  nml  children,  Hii  Mivjeaty  deemii  It  proper  that  they 
•hould  be  put  out  of  the  Colony  and  sent  to  New  England,  I'ennaylvanU  and  to  such  other  ijuartera 
as  shall  Iw  considered  exjH'dient,  either  by  land  or  sea,  together  or  In  lUvlilons — all  according  as 
he  shall  And  will  Iji^nI  secure  tlieir  dispersion  and  prevent  them,  by  reunion,  airt)rdlng  enemies  an 
opportnnil    to  get  up  rxp^'dltlons  ugalnnt  the  Colony. 

He  will  st'tid  t>  France  tlie  French  Uel'ugees  whom  he  will  find  there,  particularly  t\ums  of  the 
I>rctended  Uelbrmed  religion.  When  li#  will  have  captured  the  fort  and  conquered  tliat  Colony  he 
must  think  partlculiirly  of  liiM  return  to  Canwla  to  convey  thither  the  Militia  and  Soldiers  he  shall 
deem  necessary  for  the  King's  service,  according  to  the  diB])09itlon  In  which  he  shall  And  things  both 
as  regards  the  Iroquois  as  well  on  the  side  of  Canada  us  on  tliat  of  New  York,  and  in  pr«)]M)rtlon  to 
wlint  troops  he  will  calculate  necessary  to  bo  left  to  guunl  tlie  forts  and  country. 

And  as  nothing  appears  more  lmiM)rtant,  after  his  exitedltlon,  than  to  take  advantage  of  the  sea- 
son to  return  to  Canada,  he  must,  in  casu  he  cannot  execute  all  that  Is  above  contained,  confide  Its 
execution  to  SIcur  Chevalier  de  Callldres,  giving  him  orders  conformable  and  according  to  what  he 
shall  consider  most  fitting  the  King's  service  ;  His  Mi^esty  having  determined  to  confer  on  the  said 
Chevalier  de  Callldres  the  Government  of  New  York,  and  of  the  t«)wn  and  fort  of  Manathe  In  par- 
ticular, under  the  authority  of  His  Mi^esty's  Lieutenant  General  in  New  France. 

He  will  select,  before  leaving,  the  officers  and  soldiers  he  will  deem  proper  to  leave  at  New  York 
and  put  over  the  posts  those  officers  best  qualified  to  maintain  and  fortlty  them. 

In  case  he  find,  after  having  provided  sufficient  troops  for  New  York  and  concluded  on  the  num- 
ber of  soldiers  necessary  for  His  Mi^esty's  service  in  Canada,  that  he  has  a  superabundance,  he  con 
send  some  to  France  In  the  King's  Ships,  and  retain  thirty-five  to  forty  men  to  be  sent  eventually  to 
Acadia. 

His  M^esty  is  very  glad  to  observe  to  lilni  on  this  head,  that  he  must  regulate  himself,  as  regards 
the  number  of  men  he  will  leave  in  New  York,  by  the  means  of  subsistence  there  and  the  necessity 
of  guarding  the  country ;  and  he  will  also  consider  that  his  return  to  Canada  will  be  more  convenient 
tor  those  he  will  have  to  convey  back  there,  when  they  will  not  be  more  numerous. 

In  case,  contrary  to  all  appearance,  the  season  be  too  for  advanced  to  admit  his  return  to  Canada 
during  the  remainder  of  the  Fall,  he  will  give  advice  of  his  expedition  and  sojourn  there  until  the 
Spring,  and  he  will  employ  himself  during  winter  in  securing  his  conquest  and  waging  war  on  the 
enemy. 

However  that  be,  he  ought  if  he  be  obliged  to  remain,  either  personolly  or  through  Chevalier  de 
Callldres,  If  that  be  convenient,  profit  by  circumstances  to  conclude  a  solid  and  advantageous  peace 
with  the  Iroquois,  whom  he  will,  doubtless  find  disposed  to  sue  for  it,  being  deprived  of  aid  from 
and  communication  with  the  Engllsli. 

In  order  to  deprive  the  English  of  the  facility  of  undertaking  land  expeditions  against  New  York 
from  New  England,  His  Mojesty  desires  that  the  English  Settements  adjoining  Manathe  and  further 
off  if  necessary,  be  destroyed ;  and  that  the  more  distant  be  put  under  contribution. 

He  will  send  an  exact  report  of  all  the  observations  he  will  be  able  to  make  regarding  the  trade  of 
the  new  inhabitants  of  New- York,  the  security  of  the  navigation  thence  to  France,  the  communica- 
tion with  Canada,  so  that  His  Majesty  may  give  liim  on  those  pohits  the  necessary  orders  to  derive 
from  that  conquest  all  the  advantages  to  be  expected  from  it.  But  should  this  expedition  contrary 
to  all  appearances,  and  for  reasons  which  His  Majesty  cannot  foresee,  not  be  executed,  he  will  con- 
vey his  orders  to  the  said  Sieur  de  la  Caffiniere  to  make  war  against  the  English,  and  to  range  along 
the  Coasts  of  New  England  and  New  York  to  capture  there  as  many  prizes  as  possible,  and  to  remain 
there  until  he  have  no  more  provisions  than  ai-e  necessary  for  his  return  to  France. 


"i 


[Vol.  I.] 


U 


186 


INVASION  OF  NEW-YORK  AND  BuANlMG  ON  SCHENECTADY. 


AN  ACCOUNT 


!.,.) 


OF  THE  MOST  REMARKABLE  OCCURRENCES  IN  CANADA  FROM  THE  DEPARTURE  OF  THE  VESSELS,  FROM  THE 
MONTH  OF  NOVEMBER  1689  TO  THE  MONTH  OF  NOVEMBER  1690.  BY  MONS.  DE  MONSEIGNAT,  COMP- 
THOLLFJl    GENERAL   OF   THE  MARINE    IN   CANADA. 

[  ParUDoc.  IV.  ] 

[Extract.]  The  orders  received  by  M.  le  Comte  (de  Frontenac)  to  commence  hostilities  against 
New  England  and  New  York,  which  liad  declared  for  the  Prince  of  Orange,  afforded  him  consider- 
able pleasure,  and  Avere  very  necessary  for  the  country.  He  allowed  no  more  time  to  elapse  before 
carrying  them  into  execution  than  was  required  to  send  off  some  despatches  to  France — immedi- 
ately after  which  he  determined  to  organize  three  different  detachments,  to  attack  those  rebels  at 
all  points  at  the  same  moment,  and  to  punish  them  at  various  places  for  having  afforded  protection 
to  our  enemies,  the  Mohawks.  The  first  party  was  to  rendezvous  at  Montreal,  and  proceed  towards 
Orange ;  the  second  at  Three  Rivers,  and  to  make  a  descent  on  New  York,  at  some  place  between 
Boston  and  Orange  j'  and  the  third  was  to  depart  from  Quebec,  and  gain  the  seaboard  between 
Boston  and  Pentagouet,  verging  towards  Acadia.  They  all  succeeded  perfectly  well,  and  I  shall 
communicate  tct  you  the  details.  •#*#«#** 

The  detachment  which  formed  at  Montreal,  may  have  been  composed  of  about  two  hundred  and 
ten  men,  namely  :  eighty  savages  from  the  Sault  and  from  La  Montague;  sixteen  Algonquins;  and 
the  remainder  Frenchmen — all  under  the  command  of  the  Sieur  Le  Moyne  de  Sainte  Helene,  and 
Lieutenant  Daillebout  de  Mantet,  both  of  whom  are  Canadians.  The  Sieurs  le  Moyne  d'lberville 
and  Repentigny  de  Montesson  commanded  under  these.  The  best  qualified  Frenchmen  were,  the 
Sieurs  de  Bonrepos  and  de  La  Brosse,  Calvinist  officere,  tlie  Sieur  la  Moyne  de  Blainville,  Le  Bert  du 
Ch^nc,  and  la  Marque  de  Montigny,  who  all  served  as  volunteers.  They  took  their  depai-ture  from 
Montreal  at  the  commencement  of  February. 

After  having  marched  for  the  course  of  five  or  six  days,  they  called  a  council  to  determine  the 
route  they  should  follow,  and  the  point  they  should  attack. 

The  Indians  demanded  of  tlie  French  what  was  their  intention.  Messieurs  de  Sainte  Helene  and 
Mantet  replied  that  they  had  left  in  the  hope  of  attacking  Orange,  if  possible,  as  it  is  the  Capital  of 
New  York  and  a  place  of  considerable  importance,  though  they  had  no  orders  to  that  effect,  but 
generally  to  act  according  as  they  should  judge  on  the  spot  of  their  chances  of  success,  without 
running  too  much  risk.  This  appeared  to  the  savages  somewhat  rash.  They  represented  the  diffi- 
culties and  the  weakness  of  the  party  for  so  bold  an  undertaking.  There  was  even  one  among  them 
who,  his  mind  filled  with  the  recollections  of  the  disasters  wliich  he  had  witnessed  last  year,  enquired 
of  our  Frenchmen,  "since  wlien  liad  they  become  so  desperate  !"  In  reply  to  their  raillery,  'twas 
answered  that  it  was  oiu'-intention,  now,  to  regain  the  honor  of  which  our  misfortunes  had  deprived 
us,  and  the  sole  means  to  accomplish  that  was  to  carry  Orange,  or  to  perish  in  so  glorious  an  enter- 
prise. 

As  the  Indians,  who  had  an  intimate  acquaintance  with  the  localities,  and  more  experience  than 
the  Frencli,  could  not  be  brought  to  agree  with  the  latter,  it  was  determined  to  postpone  coming  to 
a  conclusion  until  the  party  should  arrive  at  the  spot  where  the  two  routes  separate — the  one  leading 
to  Orange,  and  the  other  to  Corlear  (Schenectady).  In  the  course  of  the  journey,  which  occupied 
eight  days,  the  Frenchmen  judged  proper  to  diverge  towards  Corlear,  according  to  the  advice  of  the 

1  This  detachment  entered  New  Hampshire,  where  they  burned  a  place  called  Salmon  Falls. 


ii; 


INVASION  OF   NEW- YORK   AND   BURNING  OF   SCHENECTADY. 


187 


!■; 


Indians ;  and  this  road  was  taken  without  calling  a  new  council.  Nine  days  more  elapsed  before 
tlicy  arrived,  having  experienced  inconceivable  difficulties,  and  having  been  obliged  to  march  up  to 
their  knocs  in  water,  and  to  break  the  ice  with  their  feet  in  order  to  find  a  soUd  footing. 

They  arrived  within  two  leagues  of  Corlear  about  four  o'clock  in  the  evening,  and  were  harangued 
by  the  great  Mohawk  chief  of  the  Iroquois  from  the  Sault.  He  ui-ged  on  all  to  perform  their  duty, 
and  to  lose  uU  recollections  of  their  fatigue,  in  the  hope  of  taking  ample  revenge  for  the  injuries  they 
had  received  iVnm  the  Iroquois  at  the  solicitation  of  the  English,  and  of  washing  them  out  in  the 
blooil  of  the  traitors.  Tills  savage  was  without  contradiction  the  most  considerable  of  his  tribe — an 
honest  man — us  full  of  spirit,  prudence  and  generosity  as  it  was  possible,  and  capable  at  the  same 
time  of  the  grandest  undertakings.  Shortly  after  four  Squaws  were  discovered  in  a  wigwam  who 
gave  every  information  necessary  for  the  attack  on  the  town.  The  fire  found  in  their  hut  served  to 
warm  tliose  who  were  benumbed,  and  they  continued  their  route,  having  previously  detached 
Giguiorcs,  a  Canadian,  with  nine  Indians,  on  the  look  out.  They  discovered  no  one,  and  returned 
to  Join  tiio  main  body  within  one  league  of  Corlear. 

At  eleven  of  the  clock  that  night,  they  came  within  sight  of  the  town,  resolved  to  defer  the 
assault  until  two  o'clock  of  the  morning.    But  the  excessive  cold  admitted  of  no  further  delay. 

The  town  of  Corlear  forms  a  sort  of  oblong  with  only  two  gates — one  opposite  the  road  we  had 
taken ;  the  other  leading  to  Orange,  which  is  only  six  leagues  distant.  Messieurs  de  Sainte  Helene 
and  do  Muntet  were  to  enter  at  the  first  which  the  squaws  pointed  out,  and  which  in  fact  was  found 
wide  open.  Messieurs  d'Iberville  and  de  Montcssou  took  the  left  with  another  detachment,  in  order 
to  make  themselves  masters  of  that  leading  to  Orange.  But  they  could  not  discover  it,  and  returned 
to  join  the  remainder  of  the  party.  A  profound  silence  was  every  where  observed,  until  the  two 
commanders,  who  separated,  at  their  entrance  into  the  town  for  the  purpose  of  encircling  it,  had  met 
at  the  otiier  extremity. 

The  signal  of  attack  was  given  Indian  fashion,  and  the  entire  force  rushed  on  simultaneously. 
M.  de  Mantet  placed  himself  at  the  head  of  a  detachment,  and  reached  a  small  fort  where  the  garri- 
son was  under  arms.  The  gate  was  burst  in  after  a  good  deal  of  difficulty,  the  whole  set  on  fire, 
and  all  who  defended  the  place  slaughtered. 

The  sack  of  the  town  began  a  moment  before  the  attack  on  tlie  fort.  Few  houses  made  any 
rcsl8tanc!C.  M.  de  Montigny  discovered  some  which  he  attempted  to  carry  sword  in  hand,  having 
tried  the  musket  in  vain.  He  received  two  thrusts  of  a  spear — one  in  the  body  and  the  other  in  the 
arm.  But  M,  do  Sainte  Helene  having  come  to  his  aid,  efifected  an  entrance,  and  put  every  one  who 
defended  tlie  place  to  the  sword.  The  Massacre  lasted  two  hours.  The  remainder  of  the  night  was 
8]>ent  in  placing  sentinels,  and  in  taking  some  repose. 

Tlie  ii(;us«  belonging  to  the  Minister  was  ordered  to  be  saved,  so  as  to  take  him  alive  to  obtain 
information  I'rom  him ;  but  as  it  was  not  known  it  was  not  spared  any  more  than  the  others.  He 
was  slain  and  his  papers  burnt  before  he  could  be  recognized. 

At  daybreak  some  men  were  sent  to  the  dwelling  of  Mr.  Coudre  [Sander],  who  was  Major  of  the 
place,  and  who  lived  at  the  other  side  of  the  river.  He  was  not  willing  to  surrender,  and  began  to 
put  himself  on  the  defensive  with  his  servants  and  some  Indians ;  but  as  it  was  resolved  not  to  do 
him  any  harm,  in  consequence  of  the  good  treatment  that  the  French  had  formerly  experienced  at 
his  hands,  M.  d'Iberville  and  the  great  Mohawk  proceeded  thither  alone,  promised  him  quarter  Ibr 
hlmstfll',  his  people,  and  his  property,  wliereupon  he  laid  down  his  arms,  on  parole,  entertaining  them 
in  his  fort,  and  returned  witli  them  to  see  the  commandants  of  the  town. 

In  order  to  occujiy  the  savages,  who  would  otherwise  have  taken  to  drink  and  thus  rendered  tliem- 
selvtm  luiable  for  defence,  the  houses  had  already  been  set  on  fire.  None  were  spared  in  the  town 
but  one  house  belonging  to  Coudre,  and  tliat  of  a  widow  who  had  six  children,  wliither  M.  de  Mon- 


188 


INVASION  OF   NEW-YORK  AND   BURNING   OF   SCHENECTADY. 


^ 


tigny  had  been  carried  when  wounded.  All  the  rest  were  consumed.  The  lives  of  between  fifty 
and  sixty  persons,  old  men,  women  and  children,  were  spared,  they  having  escaped  the  first  fury  of 
the  attack.  Some  twenty  Mohawks  were  also  spared,  in  order  to  show  them  that  it  \>:.s  <i:u  English 
and  not  they  against  whom  the  grudge  was  entertained.  The  loss  on  this  occasion  in  houses,  cattle 
and  grain,  amounts  to  more  than  four  hundred  thousand  livres.  There  were  upwards  of  eigVif y  well 
built  and  well  furnished  houses  in  the  town. 

The  return  march  commenced  with  thirty  prisoners.  The  wounded,  who  were  to  be  carried,  and 
tlie  plunder,  with  which  all  the  Indians  and  some  Frenchmen  were  loaded,  caused  considerable  in- 
convenience. Fifty  good  horses  were  brought  away.  Sixteen  only  of  these  reached  Montreal.  The 
remainder  were  killed  for  food  on  tlie  road. 

Sixty  leagues  from  Corlear  the  Indians  began  to  hunt,  and  the  French  not  being  able  to  wait  for 
them,  being  short  of  provisions,  continued  their  route,  having  detached  Messieurs  d'Ibervile  and  Du 
Chesne  with  two  savages  before  them  to  Montreal.  On  the  same  day,  some  Frenchmen,  who  doubt- 
less were  very  much  fatigued,  lost  their  way.  Fearful  that  they  should  be  obliged  to  keep  up  with 
the  main  body,  and  believing  themselves  in  safety  having  eighty  Indians  in  tlieir  rear,  they  were 
found  missing  from  the  camp.  They  were  waited  for  next  day  until  eleven  o'clock,  but  in  vain,  and 
no  account  has  since  been  received  of  tliem. 

Two  hours  after,  forty  men  more  left  the  main  body  without  acquainting  the  commander,  continued 
theii-  route  by  themselves,  and  arrived  within  two  leagues  of  Montreal  one  day  ahead,  so  that  there 
were  not  more  than  fifty  or  sixty  men  together.  The  evening  on  which  they  should  arrive  at  Mon- 
treal, being  extremely  fatigued  from  fasting  and  bad  x-oads,  the  rear  fell  away  from  M.  de  Sainte  He- 
lene,  who  was  in  front  with  an  Indian  guide,  and  who  could  not  find  a  place  suitable  for  camping 
nearer  than  three  or  four  leagues  of  the  spot  where  he  expected  to  halt.  He  was  not  rejoined  by  M. 
de  Mantet  and  the  others  until  far  advanced  in  the  night.  Seven  Iiave  not  been  Ibund.  Next  day 
on  parade,  about  ten  o'clock  in  the  forenoon,  a  soldier  arrived  who  annoimced  that  they  had  been 
attacked  by  fourteen  or  fifteen  savages,  and  that  six  had  been  killed.  The  party  proceeded  some- 
what afiiicted  at  this  accident,  and  arrived  at  Montreal  at  3  o'clock,  p.  m. 

Such,  Madame,  is  the  account  of  what  passed  at  the  taking  of  Corlear.  The  French  lost  but 
twenty-one  men,  namely  four  Indians  and  seventeen  Frenchmen.  Only  one  Indian  and  one  French- 
man were  killed  at  the  capture  of  the  town.    The  others  were  lost  on  the  road. 


H 

i     ; 


[  From  Mortgage  Book  B,  in  County  Clk'i  Offica,  Albany.  ] 

Mbany  y"  9th  day  of  February  16JJ 
Die  Sabbathi. 

This  morning  about  5  o'clock  y«  alarm  was  brought  here  by  Symon  Schermerhoorn  who  was  shott 
threw  his  Thigh  y«  y«  french  and  Indians  had  murthered  y»  People  of  Skinnechtady ;  liaveing  got 
into  y«  Towne  about  11  or  12  a  Clock  there  being  no  Watch  Kept  (y«  Inhabitants  being  so  negligent 
&  Refractory)  and  y»  he  had  much  adoe  to  Escape  they  being  very  numerous.  They  fyred  severall 
times  at  liira  at  last  tlirow  his  Thigli  and  woimded  his  horse  and  was  come  over  Canatagione'  to 
bring  y*  news. 

The  allarra  being  given  all  People  Repared  to  there  Post  y"  fort  fyred  severall  gunns  to  give  y* 
alarm  to  y*  farmers  but  few  heard  there  being  such  an  Extream  Snow  above  Knee  Deep  Severall  y« 

1  Now  Niikayuna. 


INVASION  OF  NEW-YORK  AND  BUBNIN6  OF  SCHENECTADY. 


189 


People  haveing  Escaped  y«  Cruelty  of  y«  french  and  there  Indians  came  Running  here  &  told  us  y° 
Village  was  a  fyre  and  y»  they  had  much  adoe  to  Escape  for  all  y«  streets  were  full  of  french  and 
Indians,  &  y*  many  People  were  murthered  and  y'  y«  enemy  were  marching  hither  which  news  was 
Continually  Conlirmed  till  afternoon  Letters  were  sent  forthwith  to  Sopus  for  y"  assistance  of  a 
hundred  men  an  Expresse  sent  to  Skachkook  but  by  reason  of  y»  highwater — deep  snow  &  yse  could 
not  Proceed,  notice  was  given  to  all  y«  farmers  of  Kinderhook  Claverak  &«"»  of  y*  sad  news.  Some 
horse  men  sent  out  to  Discover  y«  Enemies  force  and  there  march  but  were  forced  to  Return  y*  snow 
being  so  Deep  yet  some  were  sent  out  again  who  got  thither,  Laurence  y«  Indian  with  y«  Maquase 
y'  were  in  Town  were  sent  out  also  to  Skinnechtady  to  Dispatch  posts  to  y«  Maquase  Castles  for  all 
ye  Indians  to  come  doune,  but  unhappily  sa«l  Indians  comeing  to  Skinnechtady  were  soe  much  amazed 
to  see  so  many  People  murthered  and  Destroyed  that  they  omitted  y"  sending  up  to  y"  Maquase  Cas- 
tles according  to  there  Engagement,  While  y«  Enemy  was  at  N.  Scotia  a  man  came  to  Ensign  Joh : 
Sander  Glen  and  said  he  would  goe  to  y«  Maquase  Castles  and  warn  y«  Maquase  to  come  doune  who 
was  ordered  to  goe  in  all  haste  but  comeing  to  y*  Upper  Plantations  went  for  fear  along  with  some 
of  ye  oyf  Inhabitants  into  y*  Woods  and  never  went  to  y°  Ma(}uase  Castles,  this  night  we  gott  a  letter 
from  Skinnechtady  Informing  us  y*  the  Enemy  y*  had  done  y'  Miscliieffe  there  were  about  one  hun- 
dred and  fifty  or  200  men  but  that  there  were  1400  men  in  all;  One  army  for  Albany  &  anoy*  for 
Sopus  which  hindred  much  y*  marcliing  of  any  force  out  of  y«  Citty  fearing  y'  y"  enemy  might  watch 
9uch  an  opportunity. 

The  lOth  day  of  February. 

Present.  P'  Schuyler  May'  D.  Wessels  ReC,  J.  Bleecker,  C.  Bull,  Capt  Staets,  Aid.  Shaick,  Aid 
Ryckman,  Joh.  Cuyler,  Ens.  Bennett. 

Resolved  y'  Capt  Jonathan  Bull  be  sent  w'^  5  men  out  of  each  Comp'  to  Skinnechtady  to  bury 
y*  dead  there  &  if  yo  Indians  be  come  doune  to  joyn  witli  them  &  Pursue  ye  Enemy. 

Instructions  for  Capt  Jonathan  Bull. 

You  are  to  goe  w***  all  Convanient  speed  with  -  -  -  -  -  men  to  Skinnechtady  &  there 
Bury  y»  dead  which  are  Killed  by  y«  Enemy  and  give  such  succor  and  Relieffe  to  y*  Poor  People 
left  alive  at  Skinnechtady  as  y"  can,  and  if  there  be  any  considerable  number  of  friendly  Indians  at 
Skinnechtady  y  are  w">  all  speed  to  Pursue  &  follow  after  the  french  and  Indian  Enemy  &  them 
Spoyle  and  Destroy  what  in  y  Lyes  and  use  all  means  Imaginable  to  Rescue  y«  Prisoners  which  they 
have  Carried  along  witli  them. 

You  are  to  take  Especial  Care  to  have  always  Spyes  and  Skouts  out  on  both  sides  of  y"  Path  where 
y"  March  y'  Men  and  to  be  as  Carefull  as  Possible  for  ambushes  of  y«  Enemy  and  to  keep  y  men  in 
good  order  and  Discipline 


mmmmm 


190 


INVASION  OF  NKW-TORK  AND   BURNING  OF  SCHENECTADY. 


LIST  OF  Y=  PEOPLE  KILD  AND  DESTROYED 


BY   Y*   FRENCH   OF  CANIDA   AND  THERE   INDIANS   AT   8KINNECHTADY   TWENTY   MILES   TO    Y*  >VESTWABD  OF 
ALBANY    BETWEEN   SATURDAY    AND   SUNDAY    Y*   9">    DAY    OF    FEBRUARY    16  J  J. 


Mj'ndert  Wemp  killd  ------- 

Jan  van  Eps  and  his  Sonne  &  2  of  his  Children  kild     - 

a  negro  of  dito  Van  Eps        ------ 

Serj»  Church  of  Cap' Bull's  Compy        ----- 

Barent  Jansse  Killd  and  Burnd  his  Sonne  Kild  -  .  - 

And*  Arentse  Bratt  shott  and  Burnt  &  also  his  child" 
Mary  Viele  wife  of  Dowe  Aukes  &  her  2  children  kiUd 

and  his  Negro  Woman  Francyn    -  -  -  -  - 

Mary  Alolflf  Wife  of  Cornells  Viele  Jim"-  Shott 

Sweer  Teunise  Shott  &  burnt  his  wife  kild  &  burnt    - 

Antje  Janz  doughter  of  Jan  Spoor  kild  &  burnt  .  _  - 

Item  4  Negroes  of  y«  said  Sweer  Teunise  y«  same  death 

Enos  Talmidge  Leift  of  Capt  Bull  kild  &  burnt  -  -  - 

Hend  Meese  Vrooman  &  Bartholomeus  Vrooman  kild  &  burnt  .  -  -  - 

Item  2  Negroes  of  Hend  Meese  y«  same  death  ._-.-- 

Crerrit  Marcellis  and  his  Wife  &  childe  kiled     ------- 

Rob*  Alexander  sould'  of  Capt  Bulls  Shott      ....--- 

Rob*  hesseling  shott      ---------- 

Sander  y"  sonne  of  gysbert  gerritse  kild  &  burnt  ..--.- 

Jan  Roelofifse  de  goyer  burnt  in  y«  house         .-.---- 

Ralph  grant  a  souldier  in  y«  fort  shott  ...---- 

David  Christoffelse  &  his  wife  w">  4  Children  all  burnt  in  there  house 

Jorjs  Aertse  shott  and  burnt  W™  Pieterse  kild  ------ 

Joh :  Potman  kild  his  wife  kild  &  her  scalp  taken  oflf  -  -  -  -  - 

Dome  Petrus  Tassemaker  y"  Minister  kild  &  burnt  in  his  house  -  .  -  - 

Frans  harmense  kild    ---------- 

Engel  the  wife  of  Adam  Vroman  shot  &  burnt  her  childe  the  brains  dashed  out  against  ye  wall 
Reynier  Schaets  and  his  sonne  kild      -------- 

Daniel  Andries  &  George  2  souldiers  of  Capt  Bull        ------ 

a  french  girl  Prisoner  among  y*  Mohogs  kild    ------- 

A  Maquase  Indian  kild  --------- 

Johannes  y"  sonne  of  Symon  Skermerhoom      ------- 

3  Negroes  of  Sjmon  Skermerhoom      -------- 

InaU 


1 
4 
1 
1 
2 
2 
3 
1 
1 
2 
1 
4 
1 
2 
2 
3 
1 
1 
1 
1 
1 
6 
2 
2 
1 
1 
2 
2 
2 
1 
I 
1 
3 

60 


m 


INVASION  or  NEW-YORK  AND  BURNING  OF  SCHENECTADY. 


191 


LYST  OF   y*  FER80NE8   WHICH    Y*   FRENCH   AND  THERE   INDIANS    HAVE    TAKEN   PRISONERS   ATT   SKINNECH- 
TADY   AND  CARIED  TO   CANIDA   Y«  9^^   DAY   OF   FEBRUARY    16f  J. 


Johannes  Teller  and  his  negroe  ------ 

John  Wemp  sonne  of  Mynd'  Wemp  &  2  negroes         .  .  -  - 

Symon,  Abraham,  Phillip,  Dyrck  &  Claes  Groot  all  5  sonnes  of  Symon  Groot 
Jan  Baptist  sonne  of  Jan  Van  Epps      ------ 

Albert  &  Johannes  Vedder  sonnes  of  harme  Vedder     -  -  -  - 

Isaak  Comelise  Switts  &  his  Eldest  Sonne       -  -  -  -  - 

a  negroe  of  Barent  Janse         ------- 

Arnout  y*  sonne  of  Arnout  Corn :  Viele  y«  Interp'      -  -  -  - 

Stephen  y«  sonne  of  Gysbert  Gerritse  .  .  .  -  - 

Lawrence  sonne  of  Claes  Lawrence  Purmurent  .  -  .  - 

Arnout  sonne  of  Paulyn  Janse  ...--- 

Barent  y"  sonne  of  Adam  Vroman  &  y*  neger  -  .  .  . 

Claes  Sonne  of  Franse  Harmense         ------ 

Stephen  adopted  sonne  of  Geertje  Bouts         ----- 

John  Webb  a  souldier  Belonging  to  Capt  Bull  .  .  .  - 

David  Burt  belonging  to  y«  same  Comp«         -  -  .  -  - 

Joseph  Marks  of  y"  same  Comp«         -..--. 

In  all 


2 
3 
5 
1 
2 
2 
1 
1 
1 
1 
1 
2 
1 
1 
1 
1 
1 

27 


THE   WAY   HOW   Y«   BLOODY   FRENCH   AND   INDIANS   COMMITTED  THIS   TRAGEDY   WAS   THUS. 

After  they  were  gott  into  ye  Toune  without  being  discovered  (no  watch  or  guard  being  kept,  notwith- 
standing several  gent"  of  Albany  no  longer  than  three  days  before  were  up  there  to  Perswade  yn>  to 
it)  The  french  and  ye  Indians  besett  each  house  and  after  they  had  murthered  y*  People  they  burnt 
all  y*  houses  and  barns  Cattle  &ca  Except  5  @  6 :  which  were  saved  by  Cap»  Sander  to  whom  they 
were  kinde  as  they  had  particular  orders  so  to  be  by  reason  of  ye  many  kindnessc  shewne  by  his 
wife  to  y*  french  Prisoners. 

Albany  if  22  Aay  of  fehniary  164|. 

Symon  Van  Ness  and  Andries  Barents  who  went  out  y*  first  w«»"  ye  Maquaese  returning  told ; 
they  had  Pursued  y«  Enemy  to  y»  great  Lake  &  would  have  overtaken  them  had  they  not  been  spyed 
by  some  of  y«  Enemy  Indians  that  went  out  to  looke  for  2  Negroe  boys,  y'  were  Runn  away  ft-om 
them,  &  y*  ye  Indians  &  Christians  were  all  Tyred  when  they  came  to  ye  Croune  Point  neer  y«  Lake ; 
some  went  further  till  they  came  to  where  ye  Ise  was  Smoth ;  where  the  french  had  with  horses  that 
they  carried  from  Skinnechtady  &  Skeets  and  Yse  Spurs,  made  all  the  way  they  could  over  ye  Lake 
in  so  much  that  our  People  could  gain  nothing  upon  them  ;  whereas  at  first  they  went  2  of  there 
days  journeys  in  one;  neverthelesse  Laurence  ye  Maquase  and  about  140  Mohoggs  &  River  Indians 
are  gone  in  Pursuite  of  them,  &  will  follow  them  quite  to  Canida. 


193 


INVAIIOIf  OF  NKW-YORK  AND  BVRNIMO   OF   SCHENECTADY. 


JACOB  LEISLER  TO  MARYLAND. 

[  From  Vol.  in  S«e'«  Offlee,  emlorMd,  «  Duka  of  York's  Charter,  Laws,  Papers  fte.  in  Leisler's  time.    I."  ] 

March  4,  1689  [O.  8.]  In  fort  William. 

To  our  great  g^iefe  I  must  acquaint  jou  of  the  sad  and  deplorable  massacre  which  liappened  at 
skenectady  near  Albany  by  the  french  and  their  Indians  the  1 9U>  of  Ifebruary  last  betwixt  Saturnday 
&  Sunday  at  eleaven  of  the  clock  in  the  night  200  men  fell  upon  them  &  most  barbarously  miudered 
sixty  two  men  women  &  children  &  burnt  the  place  left  but  5  or  6  houses  unburned  carried  away 
captive  27  the  rest  escaped  many  of  which  being  about  25  persons  much  damnified  by  the  french 
women  with  chyld  ript  up,  children  alive  thrown  into  the  flames,  some  their  heads  dashed  ag*  the 
doors  &  windows  all  occasioned  by  their  neglect  of  their  not  watching,  deryving  to  obey  under  the 
command  of  the  Commission  of  Sir  Edmond,  the  s<i  commander  being  onley  spared  withall  which 
belongs  to  him  a  safeguard  being  sett  in  his  house  &  he  himselfe  to  release  the  prisoners  he  desired 
last  Nov'ber  a  certatne  number  of  rebellious  people  at  Albany  calling  themselves  the  convention  & 
ruling  by  the  arbitrary  Comission  of  Sir  Edmond  &  encouraged  &  supported  by  some  of  the  wicked 
creatures  of  Sir  Edmond,  desired  from  me  assistance  of  men  gunes  ammunition  &  money  being 
afraied  of  the  french  to  whom  we  have  sent  52  men  50">»  match  950"»i  pouder,  boulits  etc  wch  arry- 
ving  there  ag*  their  expectatione  would  not  receive  them,  &  were  left  there  by  the  Inhabitants  desire, 
the  81^  rebells  with  their  fort  keept  the  Inhabitants  luider  a  faire.  I  have  sent  up  this  Winter  & 
commissioned  one  Capt"  with  25  men  to  Joine  with  our  confederate  Indians  to  warre  ag'  the  french 
at  Canada,  who  were  hindred  by  the  s<>  rebells,  who  proclaimed  upon  paine  of  being  punished  for 
rebells  if  they  mett  above  four  men  soe  they  were  prevented  to  goe,  we  would  else  have  discovered 
the  enemy  &  prevented  that  disaster 


fort  WiUiam  March  4th  1689 
Hmorahle  Sir  Governor  of  Boston : 

Yours  of  the  8">  instant  by  M'  Pembroke  I  received  &  I  returne  yow  many  thanks  for  the  care  I 
perceive  yow  have  had  for  our  packet.  Since  your  last  wee  have  received  the  sad  &  miserable  newes 
from  Skenectedy  neere  Albany  whereof  wee  understand  is  laid  to  your  woeful  account  it  is  such 
newes  as  wee  feared  long  since,  Alac«  what  could  there  be  expected  of  a  certaine  number  of  rebel- 
lious people  that  remained  rulling  under  that  arbitrary  Commissions  of  sir  Edmund  at  Albany  within 
this  province,  and  encouraged  and  supported  by  Connecticoatt  by  ordering  their  forces  sent  thither  to 
observe  the  directions  of  the  s**  rebells  named  a  Conventione,  being  well  assured  the  same  is  sup- 
ported more  especially  by  that  waylerous  Jolm  Allan  the  Secretary  of  that  Collony. 


M 


INVASION  OF  NEW-\OKK  AND   DXmNING  OF   SCHENECTADY. 


103 


THE  SAME  TO  THE  BISHOP  OF  SALISBURY,  31  March  1690. 

[  Lond.  Doc.  VII.  ] 

May  it  please  your  Lordship— The  foregoing  being  sent  via  Boston  p»  the  agents  for  New  England 
which  we  hope  are  safely  arrived  ere  this  date,  we  take  leave  to  add,  that  [to]  a  certain  village  named 
Schanectede  24  miles  to  the  northward  of  Albany  on  Saturday  the  9">  of  Febr.  last  about  11a  clock 
at  night,  came  200  French  and  Indians  near  100  each  and  attacqued  the  same  while  it  snowed  thick, 
barbarously  destroying  the  Inhabitants  all  being  dutch ;  they  raurthered  60  persons,  and  bore  away 
with  them  27  prisoners,  .vounding  some  others  so  that  there  remain  but  about  one  sixth  part  of  them 
having  their  cattel,  goods  and  provisions  destroyed  and  arrested  from  them,  the  remnant  sheltering 
themselves  at  Albany,  where  there  is  provision  made  for  them  from  New  Yorke.  Being  alarmed  by 
the  daily  expectations  of  the  French  and  Indians  advancing  towai-ds  us  with  a  considerable  number 
of  2500  frencli  besides  their  Indians  at  Mont-Real,  endevouring  to  obtaine  upon  the  allyed  Indians 
with  us,  viz*  The  Macquaes,  Oneydauns,  Onnondades,  Cayougaes,  Sinnekaes,  and  Mehekauders  who 
have  espoused  our  cause,  we  have  appointed  persons  to  meet  them  at  Albany  in  few  dayes  to  con- 
sult our  best  way  to  intercept  the  Ennemies  march ;  The  Macquaes  having  given  us  a  proofe  of  their 
lidelity  and  courage  by  pursuing  those  who  destroyed  Schenechtede  even  near  their  own  home,  taking 
and  slaying  twenty  five  of  them  who  lagged  in  the  reare,  and  promise  to  raise  more  than  1000  men 
of  theirs  to  joyne  with  400  of  ours  which  we  have  near  raysed  for  that  intent,  keeping  the  passe  upon 
the  lake  with  a  Company  of  Indians  and  Christians  in  number  about  50.  that  upon  the  enemyes 
approach,  we  may  be  timely  notice,  lying  about  150  miles  northward  of  Albany  which  we  have  forti- 
fied, to  the  best  of  our  power  and  capacytyes,  tlie  fort  having  13  canon,  10  Barrells  of  powder  ani 
60  men  in  garrison  with  other  habiliments  ;  the  towne  palasadoes  round  and  making  breast  works 
within,  but  want  canon. 


ROBT  LIVINGSTON  TO  SIR  EDMUND  ANDROS. 

Hartforil,  14  April  1690. 

May  it  Please  y'  Excelly — I  was  in  hopes  Yo'  Excel :  should  have  heard  ye  newes  of  y®  destroying 
Skinnechtady  by  y*  French  and  Indians  before  your  departure  y*  your  Excel,  might  y«  more  hastued 
their  motion  at  Whitehall  for  our  Settlement.  On  y*  9«>  of  Feb^  last  a  Comp^  of  250  French  and 
Indians  came  upon  y*  place  when  they  were  all  asleep  about  11a  Clock  at  night,  and  killd  and  de- 
stroyed 60  men  women  and  children,  carryed  27  men  and  boys  prisoners  and  burnt  ye  towne  except 
6  or  7  houses  which  are  saved  by  Capt.  Sander,  whom  they  did  not  touch, having  expresse  command 
to  meddle  w'^  none  of  his  relations  for  his  wife's  sake,  who  had  always  been  kinde  to  ye  French  pri- 
soners. The  people  of  that  Towne  were  so  bygotted  to  Leysler  that  they  would  not  obey  any  of  yo 
Magistrates  neither  would  they  entertain  y*  souldiers  sent  thither  by  y'  Convention  of  all ;  nothing 
but  men  sent  from  Leysler  would  do  theire  turn. 

Thus  had  Leysler  perperted  y'  poor  people  by  his  seditious  letters  now  founde  all  bloody  upon 
Skinnechtady  streets,  with  the  notions  of  a  free  trade,  boalting  &c.  and  thus  they  are  destroyed;  they 
would  not  watch,  and  where  Capt.  Sander  commanded,  there  they  threatened  to  burn  him  upon  y" 
fire,  if  he  came  upon  the  garde.    We  were  much  alarm**  at  Albany ;  we  sent  y«  Maquase  y'  were  at 

[Vol.  I.]  25 


194 


INVASION  OF   NEW-YORK   AND  BURNING  OF   BOnNKCTADY. 


hand  out,  and  to  y*  Maquase  Castles ;  but  y*  Messenger  being  so  timorous  did  not  proceed ;  so  y*  it 
was  3  days  before  we  could  get  y*  Maquase  downe  to  pursue  them,  who  being  Joyned  with  our  men, 
foUow'd  them  to  the  Great  Lake,  where  y*  Yse  being  good  and  y*  French  haveing  robb'd  simdrey 
horses,  put  ther  plimder  upon  sleds  and  so  over  y«  Lake ;  however  y*  Indians  pursued  and  gott  10, 
and  afterwards  5,  and  killed  3.  Who  being  examined  relate,  yt  y"  French  design  to  attacke  Albany 
early  in  y«  Spring,  haveing  120  batoes  100  birch  canoes  and  12  light  morterpeeces  and  severall  other 

enginesready,  and  are  to  come  with  1500  men Poor  Sharpe  is 

lame  being  woxmded  with  a  great  gunn  y*  split  when  y*  alarm  came  [to  Albany]  of  Skinnechtady. 


JACOB  LEISLER  TO  THE  GOVERNOUR  OF  BARBADOES. 

[From  Vol.  •adorMd,  L«tt«n  in  I<«Ul«n  time  fce.] 

Ao  16U0:  17  Mar  in  fort  WiUiun. 

Honorable  Sir — The  French  of  Cannada  with  their  Indianes  committed  six  bloody  masacres  in 
this  province  three,  &  in  New  England  three, they  have  destroyed  Skanectady  a  vilage  20  mlllesfrom 
Albany,  murdered  sixty  three  men  women  and  children,  carried  captive  27 :  &  have  committed  the 
greatest  tyranny  imaginable,  rypt  up  women  with  cbyld  throwed  children  alive  into  the  flame,da8ht 
others  ag'  door  post  till  their  brains  stuck  to  it,  another  murder  of  eleaven  people,  and  one  or  two 
committed  since  last  fall,  we  send  fifty  men  up  to  guard  that  place,  but  a  certaine  number  of  people 
there  maintaining  the  cdmissions  from  Sir  Edmond  Andross  &  Coll.  Dongan  deryving  from  the  au- 
thority of  the  late  King  James  would  not  accept  them  there,  but  keept  the  fort  by  virtue  of  the  s«> 
Commission  &  would  not  suiFer  any  of  them  to  goe  &  guard  s"*  Village  being  the  frontier  but  send  of 
their  people  there,  by  which  meanes  from  treachery  cowardice  and  carelesnes  that  too  unfortunate 
and  to  be  lamented  accident  hes  hapened  there,  the  river  being  frozen  that  noe  forces  could  be  sent 
up  the  winter,  the  well  meaned  people,  lodged  our  souldiers  who  kept  guard  in  the  City  whereof  the 
french  &  Indian  (in  number  of  200  men)  had  advise  the  Indianes  would  not  goe  there  &  so  altered 
the  designe,  and  that  place  was  by  that  meanes  spared  our  Indians  pursued  them  kild  &  took  25 
frenchmen  who  gave  us  an  account  of  severall  troops  out  in  a  designe  in  the  Spring  with  2500  french 
besides  their  Indianes. 


MR.  VAN  CORTLANDT  TO  S*  ED.  ANDROSS. 

[  Load.  Doo.  yil.  ] 

19  M»7,  109U. 

May  it  please  your  Excellency, 

♦  •  •        The  French  and  Indians  have  againe,  since  your  ExcellT'*  departure,  de- 

stroyed some  people  to  the  Eastward  of  Boston,  have  also  burned  Scheneghtade  killed  60  people  and 
tooke  28  young  men  and  boys  prisoners :  About  150  Indians  and  50  young  men  oflF  Albany  followed 
the  French  overtooke  them  upon  the  lake  killed  some  and  tooke  15  Frenchmen,  which  the  Indians 
have  killed  in  their  castles ;  the  french  Indians  have  killed  eight  or  ten  people  att  Conestagione,  which 


tNVABION  OF   NEW-YORK   AND  BVHNINO  Or  ■CUENCCTADY. 


105 


has  made  the  whole  country  In  an  alanu,  and  the  people  leave  their  plantations.  Most  of  the  Albany 
Wood  men  are  att  New-Yorke.  Arent  Schuyler  went  with  eight  Indians  to  Chambly,  killed  2  and 
tooke  1  Frenchman  prisoner. 


MR.  LIVINGSTON  TO  [CAPT.  NICHOLSON.] 

[|Lond.  Doc.  yil.  ] 

7th  June.  lOW. 

Honi'ie  Sir,— We  of  Albany  stood  out  the  longest  till  were  deserted  by  all  New-England,  and  while 
I  was  sent  by  the  Convention  of  Albany  to  procure  assistance  from  the  neighbouring  colonics,  Leis- 
ler  sends  up  one  Jacob  Milborne,  formerly  a  servant  to  a  man  in  Hartford,  but  now  a  fitt  tool  for  his 
turn  with  160  men,  who  gott  the  fort  surrendered  to  him,  after  I  had  maintained  the  garrison,  and 
all  publlck  charge  to  the  12«»  of  March,  turn'd  out  all  the  Souldiers  but  12  or  13,  which  they  tooke 
in  again,  and  so  kept  there  for  some  weeks.  This  Jacob  Millborne,  John  de  Bruine  and  Johannes 
Provoost,  under  the  dominion  of  New- York  commiss"  spending  their  time  with  drinking  and  quafl- 
ing,  while  the  French  Indians  comes  and  cutts  off  the  people  at  Canastagione  and  above  Synectady, 
and  never  one  of  them  catcht.  We  have  all  Leisler's  seditious  letters  secured  which  was  the  occa- 
sion of  the  destruction  of  Synechtady,  miraculously  found  in  the  streets,  all  embrued  w"»  blood  the 
morning  after  massacre  was  committed,  so  that  we  want  nothing  but  a  Govern'  to  call  him  to  account. 


i 
1 


.u 


X. 


CIVIL  LIST 


OF  THE 


IJratjince  of  New-|latk. 


Ifi93, 


A  LIST  OF  ALL  THE  OFFICERS 


EMPLOYED    IN   CIVILL  OmCES   IM   THE  PROVINCE  OF   NEW-YORKE   IN   AMERICA  THE  20U>  OF   APRIL   1003, 

AND  OF  THEIR   lALLARIEI. 

[Load.  Doe.  EX.] 


Patent  Officers. 

His  Excellency  Benjamin  Fletcher  Esq'  Gapt  Gen"  and  Oovernour  In  Chiefe  of  the 
Province  of  New- York  and  Territories  depending  thereon  in  America  and  Vice- 
Admirall  of  the  same  jC600  sterling  att  30  p'  cent  advance  :s        .        .        . 

Matthew  Glarkson  Esq'  SeC^  allowed  him  for  Paper  pen  and  ink  p'  annum 


MUrjf. 
780  00  00 


30  00  00 


Chidley  Brook  Esq'  C!oll'  and  Receiver  Gen"  p'  ann.  £200— X30  Sterl  p'  cent  advance         260  00  00 


Members  of  Council. 


Tho«  Willett 
WiUn>  Pinhome 
Peter  Schuyler 
John  Lawrence 
John  Youngs 
Caleb  Heathcote 


►Esq". 


Fred.  PhlUps 

Steph  Courtlandt 

Nich  Bayard 

Will.  Smith  ^Esqrs. 

Gab:  Monveille 

Chid.  Brook 

W™  Nicolls 
James  Grayham,  Esq'  Attorney  Gen" 
David  Jamison  Clerk  of  the  Councill,  allowed  per  annum        .... 

Dan.  Honan  Accomptant-Gen'i  p'  anfi :  ...... 

Jarvis  Marshall  Doorkeeper  and  Messenger  of  y*  Councill        .... 

Justices  of  the  Supream  Court  of  Judicature  haveing  the  power  of  Kings 
Bench,  Comon  Pleas  and  Exchequer 

Allowed  for  (  William  Smith  Esq  Chiefe  Justice  per  annum  .... 

ciiel3t.""  I  William  Pinhome,  Esq.  2<>  Justice  per  annum,  .... 

Steph  Courtlandt 

Chid  Brooke  Esq'*  Justices 

John  Lawrence 

Tho  Secretary  is  the  Clerk  of  this  Court. 

Custome  House  Officers. 

Rob*  Livingston  Sub  Collector  att  Albany  per  annum  .... 

W™  Shaw,  Ganger  att  Albany  p'  ann  :...... 

Tho»  Munsejr  Surveyor  att  New- York  p'  ann  ..... 


50  00  00 

60  00  00 

30  00  00 

180  00  00 

100  00  00 

£50  00  00 

8  00  00 

40  00  00 


200 


CIVIL   LIST   OF   NEW-yORK. 


James  Evetts  Waiter  ........ 

Emmanuel  Young  waiter         ........ 

Tlie  Guager  at  New  York  paid  by  y«  cask 

Allowed  to  Grodfredus  Dellius  for  teaching  and  converting  the  Indians  p""  ami 

To  the  Interpretess  Helene  to  interprete  for  y«  Five  Nations  p'  annum 

Allowed  for  their  Ma''«»  Barge  one  Coxwain  p'  ann :  and  eight  oars  att  50'  each,  J£20 

Allowed  to  a  printer  p""  ann     ........ 

Clerk  of  the  Assembly  allowed  12»  p'  diem  dureing  y*  Sessions 

Door  Keeper  and  Messenger  4»  p""  diem  dureing  y«  Sessions 

Allowed  the  Honi"'*  N.  Blaithwayte  5  p'  cent  out  the  Revenue  as  Auditor  Generall 


30  00  00 

30  00  00 

60 

00 

00 

20 

00 

00 

30 

00 

00 

40  00  00 

XI 738  00  00 


In  the  Citty  of  J^ew  Yorke 
Abraham  Depeyster  Esq.  Mayor  and  Clerk  of  the  Mercate 
James  Graham  Esq'  Recorder 
Standley  Handcock  Esq'  High  Sheriff 
William  Sharpas  Towne  Clerke 
The  Aldermen,  Collectors,  Assessors  and  Constables  are  elective. 

In  the  Citty  of  Albany 
Peter  Schuyler  Esq    Mayor 

Dirck  Wessels  Esq    Recorder  ^ 

Rob*  Livingston  Esq    Town  Clerk 
John  Apell  Esq'  Slierrifle 
The  Aldermen,  Collectors,  Assessors  and  Constables  elective. 
The  Mayor's  Court  hath  the  Power  of  the  Comon  Pleas. 

In  each  County  there  is  a  Court  of  Comon  Pleas  whereof  the  lirst  in  the  Commission  of  the  Peace 
is  Judge,  and  is  to  be  assisted  with  any  two  of  the  tlu*ee  next  in  the  commission  of  the  Peace. 

The  Mayor  and  Aldermen  are  Justices  of  the  Peace  and  have  power  to  hold  Quarter  Sessions  in 
the  Cittys  of  N.  York  &  Albany. 

Justices  of  the  Peace 

In  the  County  of  Albany  to  joyne  the  Mayo'  Record'  and  Aldermen  in  the  Quarter  Sessions. 
Eghbert  Theunisse  \  Nicholas  Rispe  ^ 

Kilian  Van  Ranslaer         f  Sanders  Glenn  („ 

Esq"  p„,„,  v..Wnnah  y^^" 


Martin  Gerritse 
Dirck  Theunisse 


Peter  Vosbrough 
Gerryt  Theunisse 


Justices  in  Westchester  County 

Caleb  Heathcote  Esq*  Judge  of  the  Common  Pleas. 
Joseph  Theale  ^  James  Mott 

William  Barnes  >E3q"  John  Hunt 

Daniel  Strange  y  Wm  Chadderton 

Thomas  Pinkney 
Benjamin  Collier  Esq'  Shevriffe. 
Joseph  I.«e  Clerk  of  the  County 
Collectors  Assessors  and  Constables  elective 


Esq" 


Esq" 


CIVIL   LIST   OF  NEW- YORK.  201 

Justices  in  the  County  of  Richmond 
Ellis  Duxbury  Esq""  Judge  of  the  Conaon  Pleas 
Abraham  Cannor  ^ 

Abraham  Lakeman  t 

Dennis  Theunisse  f  Esq" 

John  Shadwell  J 

John  Stilwell  Es(i'  Sheriff 

Justices  in  the  County  of  Ulster 
Thomas  Garton  Esq'  Judge  of  the  Conion  Pleas 
Henry  Beeckman  ^ 

Dirck  Shepmers  / 

Wessell  Teubrook  1  *^^'l'"' 

Abraham  Haasbrough  ' 

Nicholas  Antonio  Esq""  Sherriffe 

Justices  in  Suffolk  County 
Isaac  Arnold  Esq'  Judge  of  y«  Comon  Pleas. 
John  Howell 
Samuell  Mulford 
Rich'i  Smith 
William  Barker 
Matthew  Howell 
Ebenetus  Piatt 
Thomas  Mapes 
Josiah  Hobbart  Esc^f  Sherilfe 

Justices  hi  Queens  County 
Thomas  Hix  Esq""  Judge  of  the  Common  Pleas 
Richard  Cornwall 
Ellias  Doughty 

Dan.  Whitehead  ^Esqf 

John  Smith 
Tlio.  Stevensant 
John  Harrison  Esq'  Sherriffe 
Andrew  Gibb  Gierke 

Justices  in  the  Kings   County 
Stcjjhen  Courtlandt  Judge  of  ye  Common  Pleas 
ItoeloH'e  Martinse         ..^  Dirk  Huyle 

Nicholas  Still  well         f  p    „  John  Theunisse 

Jowph  Hogeman         t  ^'^l"  Peter  Cortiliau 

Henry  Filkin  J  Stoffell  Probasco 

Gerryt  Strycker  Esqr  Sherriff. 
Dukt'S  Coiuity  consisting  of  Nantuckett  and  Martins  Vineyard  claimed  by  S'  William  Phipps,  the 
case  <»!'  Martins  Vineyard  laid  before  their  Ma'ties. 
Orange  County  not  above  twenty  families,  for  the  present  under  the  care  of  New  York 
Diiti'liesH  County  haveing  very  tew  inhabitants  committed  to  the  care  of  the  county  of  Ulster 
I  Vol-.  I.]  26 


>  Esq" 


808 


MILITIA  OF  NEW-YOBK. 


&      I 


i      b 


Surveyors  of  Highways,  Collectors,  Assessors  and  Constables,  are  elective  throughout  the  whole 
Province 

^n  Account  of  all  Establishm"  of  Jurisdictions  mthin  this  Province. 
Single  Justice — Every  Justice  of  the  Peace  hath  power  to  determine  any  suite  or  controversy  to  the 

value  of  forty  shillings 
Quarter  Sessiom — The  Justices  of  the  Peace  in  Quarter  Sessions  have  all  such  powers  and  authorities 

as  are  granted  in  a  Commission  of  y'  Peace  in  England 
County  Court — The  County  Court  or  Common  Pleas  hath  cognizance  of  civil  Accons  to  any  value, 

excepting  what  concerns  title  of  land,  and  noe  Acc6n  can  be  removed  from  this  court  if  the 

damage  be  under  twenty  pounds. 
Mayor  and  Mdermen — The  Court  of  Mayor  and  Aldermen  hath  the  same  power  with  the  County 

Courts. 
Supreme  Court — The  Supreme  Court  hath  the  powers  of  Kings  Bench,  Common  Pleas  &  Exchequer 

in  England,  &  noe  accon  can  be  removed  from  tliis  court  if  under  JEIOO. 
Chancery. — Tlie  Govemour  and  Councill  are  a  court  of  Chancery  and  have  the  powers  of  the  Clian- 

cery  in  England,  from  whose  sentence  or  decree  nothing  can  be  removed  under  JCSOO 
Prerogative  Court. — The  Govemour  discharges  the  place  of  Ordinary  in  granting  Administracons  and 

proveing  Wills  &c.     The  Secretary  is  Register.    The  Govern'^  is  about  to  appoint  Delegates  in 

the  remoter  parts  of  the  Government,  with  Supervisors  for  looking  after  intestates  estates  &  pro- 

videing  for  orphans 
Court  Marshall — The  Govern'  hath  established  a  Court  Martiall  att  Albany  whereof  Major  Rich**  In- 

goldesby  is  President  &  Robert  Livingston  Judge  Advocate  who  with  the  otlier  comisslonated 

Captains  att  Albany  have  power  to  exercise  Mai'tlall  Law,  being  a  frontear  Garrison  and  in 

actuall  warr. 
Admiralty — Their  Majesties  reserve  the  appointment  of  a  Judge,  Register,  and  Marshall 

M.  Clarkson,  Secry. 


w 

(-■ 

m^'i 

t 

j' 

1 

I 

;^ 

t\ 

t 

A  STATE  OF  THE  MILLITIA 


IN   THEIR   MAJESTIES   PROVINCE  OK   NEW    YORK   IN   AMERICA,   APRIL    1693. 

[  Lond.  Doe.  IX.  ] 

The  Millitia  of  the  Citty  and  County  of  New  Yorke  &  Orange,  commanded  by  Coll:  Abra- 
liam  Depeyster,  being  Eight  Companys  of  foot,  and  one  Troop  of  Horse,  consisting  of 

The  Millitia  of  Queens  County  in  y«  Island  of  Nassaw,  roinmauded  by  Coll.  Thomas  Wil- 
lett  being  nine  Companys  Foot,  and  one  Troop  of  Horse  consisting  of         .        .        -        . 

The  Millitia  of  Suffolke  County  in  the  Island  of  Nassaw  commanded  by  Coll:  John  Young 
being  nine  companys  of  Foot,  consisting  of 

The  Millitia  of  Kings  County  in  y«  Island  of  Nassaw,  commanded  by  Coll:  Stephanus  Van 
Cortland,  being  six  Companys  of  Foot  and  one  Troop  of  Horse,  consisting  of       -        -        - 

The  Millitia  of  the  county  of  Albany  comanded  by  Major  Peter  Schuyler  being  live  com- 
panys of  Foot  and  one  Troop  of  Horse,  now  formed  into  Dragoons  by  the  Govern^,  consist- 
ing of        --------        -  .        -        -        -        - 


Men. 


477 


580 


533 


319 


359 


MILITIA  OF   NEW-YORK. 


203 


The  Millitia  of  Ulster  and  Dutchess  Countys  comdnded  by  Lieut  Coll.  Beeckman  being  four 
Companys  of  Foot  and  one  Troop  of  Horse  now  made  Dragoons,  consisting  of 

The  Millitia  of  the  County  of  Westchester,  comanded  by  Coll,  Caleb  Heathcott,  being  six 
Companys  of  Foot,  consisting  of        -        -       - 

The  Millitia  of  the  County  of  Richmond  commanded  by  Capt  Andrew  Cannon  being  two 
Companys  of  Foot,  consisting  of 10^ 


277 


283 


In  all   -   2932 
Ben.  Fletcher 


XI. 

PAPEES 

KELATIMG   TO 


Count  ire  JTrontt nat'a  (Bxipthition 


AGAINST 


i 


THE  ONONDAGOES. 


169fi. 


I' 


■HH 


I 


I 


ii 


FRONTENAC'S  EXPEDITION,  1696. 

Council  Min.  VII.  ] 

At  a  Council  held  at  his  Matie^  ffort  in  New  Yorke  the  9'h  of  July  169C. 

Present  His  Excellency  Benjamin  Fletcher  &c 

ffred  PhiUips  \  Gab  Mouvielle       ^ 

Steph.  Cortlandt      >  Esq"  Peter  Schuyler        >  Es(i" 

Nich:  Bayard         )  John  Lawrence       ) 

His  Excell :  did  communicate  intelligence  from  Albany  with  the  examination  of  a  flrench  prisoner 
Avherein  appears  there  is  great  preparacon  in  Cauida  and  a  resolution  of  the  Govern''  of  Cauida  to 
reduce  the  five  Nations  tliis  summer  that  all  the  men  between  fifteen  &  fifty  in  Canida  are  ordered 
to  be  in  readiness  and  that  all  the  ffrench  Indians  &  Ottawawaes  ai-e  together  &  that  they  are  to 
joyn  the  Dawaganhaes 

His  Excell.  offered  his  opinion  to  march  up  400  iuen  to  tlie  Castle  of  Onondage  to  encourage  and 
conflrme  the  Indians. 

The  Council  do  approve  thereof,  but  affirm  the  impossibility  for  want  of  money  which  is  not  to 
be  had  our  neighbours  having  denyed  assistance  the  Revenue  lessened  much  by  the  decay  of  trade 
and  great  backwardness  in  bringing  in  the  taxes 

At  a  Council  held  at  his  Ma'>»  flfort  in  New  Yorke  the  27*  of  July  1696. 

Present  His  Excellency  Benjamin  Fletcher  &c. 

fired  Phillips  )  John  Lawrence 

Steph :  Cortlandt      >  Esq"  Caleb  Heathcote 

Gab  Monvielle         ) 

His  Excell:  did  communicate  a  letter  from  Mr.  Allyn  of  Connecticutt  giving  account  of  two 
flrench  men  taken  prisoners  neere  the  heads  of  their  rivers  and  that  they  repoi'.  there  is  1000  ftrench 
&  2000  Indians  marclied  against  the  five  Nations. 

Also  a  letter  from  Coll.  Ingoldesby  with  a  belt  from  Onondage  bringing  iutelligeuce  of  a  great 
body  of  ffrench  &  Indians  on  this  side  Mount  Reall  on  their  march  towards  them  12  dayes  aggo. 

His  Excell :  desired  the  advice  of  the  Council  what  is  to  be  done  olfering  his  readynesse  to  march 
immediately  to  the  frontiers  in  person  and  his  opinion  it  were  convenient  to  march  up  men  for  the 
frontiers  that  a  body  may  be  spared  to  go  to  Onondage  to  cover  tliem  and  show  our  zeal  for  tlieir 
preservacon  which  will  give  them  encouragement. 

It  is  the  opinion  of  the  Council  that  there  being  no  assistance  of  men  from  the  neighbouring  Colo- 
nies and  a  small  summe  of  money  sent  from  Virginia  and  Maryland  to  assist  in  tiie  many  great 
charges  this  Province  is  put  to  upon  the  alarms  of  the  enemy  it  being  liarvest  time  and  many  of  tlie 
Soutli  of  tlie  Province  already  listed  to  recruit  the  Compauyes  it  will  be  very  grievous  to  take  the 
people  from  their  labour  and  liardly  possible  tliere  is  likewise  no  money  to  answer  the  chai-ge  thereof 


Esq" 


„.„„„.^« 


208 


COUNT    FR0NTKNAC8    EXPEDITION    AUAINST    THE  ONONDAGAS. 


w"'^ 


Do  therefore  advise  tliat  a  letter  be  wrote  to  the  Indians  to  give  tliem  encouragement  and  to  acquaint 
them  tlie  King  of  England  has  sent  them  some  presents  &  desire  them  to  be  watchfull. 


At  a  Council  held  at  liis  Ma'>»  ftbrt  in  New  Yorke  tlie  31''  day  of  July  1696. 
Present  his  Excell :  Benjamin  Fletcher  etc 
flFred  Piilllps  ) 

Steph :  Cortlandt    >  Esq"  Gab  Monvielle     ) 

Nlcli  Bayard  }  Caleb  Heathcote  )     ' 

His  Excell :  did  communicate  to  tlie  Council  intelligence  from  the  frontiers  that  the  enemy  are 
upon  their  march  tliat  the  Indians  of  the  five  Nations  have  sent  to  call  for  assistance  of  Ciu-istian 
rce  pnd  did  expresse  his  readynesse  to  go  to  Albany 

His  Exct„  :  did  desire  their  opinion  what  is  to  be  done  being  there's  no  money  in  the  Coffers 
It  is  the  opinion  of  the  Council  that  there  may  be  men  found  upon  the  frontiers  that  upon 
encouragement  will  march  to  the  Indian  Country  if  there  were  a  fund  to  answer  the  charge  thereof 
His  Excell.  did  declare  his  readynesse  to  go  provided  they  will  finde  money  to  answer  the  necessary 
charge  thereof 

Coll  Cortlandt  proferred  his  personall  credit  for  £iO(>  towards  the  expedicon 
Coll  Bayard  offers  the  same  ffred  Phillips  offers  the  same  D  Coll.  Monvielle  the  same  Coll  Heath- 
cote the  same 
His  Excell :  did  recommend  to  them  to  procure  the  credit  each  for  dC200  forthwith. 


FRONTENAC'S  EXPEDITION  AGAINST  THE  ONONDAGA  INDIANS.    1696. 

[  Paris  Doc.  V.  ] 

The  Count  is  already  advised,  by  despatches  at  the  depaiture  of  last  year's  ships,  of  the  prepara- 
tions for  a  considerable  expedition  against  the  Iroquois  and  principally  against  the  Onnontagues 
which  is  the  chief  nation,  where  the  councils  of  the  other  five  are  held,  the  most  devoted  to  the 
English,  and  the  most  strenuously  opposed  to  the  negociations  for  peace  of  preceding  years.  It 
became  of  importance  to  crush  them,  and  it  appeared  to  many  more  advantageous  to  do  so  during 
winter  inasmuch  as  it  was  certain,  said  they,  to  find  in  the  Village  at  least  all  the  women  and  cliildren 
who  being  destroyed  or  captured  would  draw  down  ruin  on  the  warriors  or  oblige  them  to  surrender 
to  us. 

The  necessary  preparations  for  this  expedition  were  begun  last  autumn,  but  the  large  amount  of 
snow  produced  a  change  of  design,  the  rather  as  it  was  impossible  to  transport  the  Militia  (habitans) 
from  the  south  sliore  and  the  Island  of  Orleans  to  the  government  of  Quebec,  the  river  having  been 
absolutely  impassible  from  the  sailing  of  the  vessels  to  the  commencement  of  this  year. 

Tiiis  it  was  that  caused  the  adoption  of  the  resolution  to  proceed  by  the  Mohawk  country  with 
whatever  troops  could  be  collected  capable  of  travelling  on  the  snow  with  the  militia  of  Three 
Rivers  and  Montreal  and  Indians,  wliich  had  always  been  the  plan  of  Monsieur  the  Count  de 
Frontenac  who  foresaw  tlie  difficulty  of  executing  the  other  project  during  winter.  But  this  design 
also  aborted,  because  we  were  informed  that  a  Mohawk  prisoner  who  escaped  from  us,  had  commu- 
nicated our  intention,  and  that  this  Nation,  united  with  the  Englisli  of  Orange,  awaited  us  with  reso- 
lute determination,  which,  however,  would  not  have  prevented  us  going  in  quest  of  them  had  the 


I: 


COCMT    FRONTENAC'S   EXPEDITION   AGAINST   THE  ONONDAGAH. 


209 


continuance  of  the  season  permitted  a  large  body  to  make  so  long  a  mai-cli  and  to  carry  munitions 
and  thie  supplies  necessary  for  subsisting  tliere. 


i 


The  intp"in;ence  which  we  stated  that  M.  Ic  Comte  de  Froutenac  received  I'rom  tlie  Ottuwas  obliged 
us  to  i- ...lupt  what  we  had  commenced  of  the  preparations  for  the  Onnontagu6  voyage.  Every 
thing  was  put  in  order  diu'ing  his  short  stay  at  Montreal.  He  departed  for  hi  Chine  where  the  army 
arrived  on  the  4">  July ;  ten  Ottawa  savages  arrived  there  the  same  day,  and  coming  from  tlic 
vicinity  of  the  Onnontagues  they  roved  a  long  time  around  the  village  witliout  having  been  able  to 
make  any  prisoners,  and  flndiLg  themselves  pursued  by  a  considerable  party,  took  refuge  in  fort 
Frontenac.  They  thanked  Monsieur  le  Comte  for  not  having  deceived  them,  and  lor  having  saved 
their  lives  by  furnishing  them  at  that  fort  with  something  to  eat  and,  particularly,  to  smoke. 

On  the  information  given  them  by  Sieur  Dejordis,  a  Calvinist  Captain,  who  commanded  tliat  fort, 
of  the  march  of  M.  le  Comte,  they  said  they  were  going  to  meet  him,  and  that  they  expected  to 
accompany  him. 

Provisions  having  been  furnished  to  the  Indians,  the  whole  army  proceeded  to  encamp  on  the  6*h 
at  Isle  Perrot.  Next  day  it  was  ranged  in  the  order  of  battle,  which  it  was  intended  should  be 
observed  during  the  entire  march. 

The  savages,  to  the  number  of  500,  were  so  divided  that  the  greater  portion  were  always  in  the 
van  which  was  composed  of  two  battalions  of  troops  consisting  each  of  two  hundred  men.  They 
were  followed  by  several  detached  batteaux  of  militia,  bearing  supplies  and  tlie  baggage  of  M.  le 
Comte,  Messrs  de  Callieres,  de  Vaudreuil,  and  de  Ramezay. 

Monsieur  de  Calli6res  commanded  tlie  vanguard,  having  two  large  batteaux  on  board  which  were 
two  brass  pieces  mounted,  also  mortars  for  grenades,  fire  works  and  other  necessary  ammunition, 
with  the  Commissary  of  Artillery. 

Monsieur  le  Comte  de  Frontenac  followed  the  vanguard  surrounded  by  the  canoes  of  his  Staff, 
Sieur  Levasseur,  Engineer,  and  several  volunteers.  The  four  battalions  of  militia,  stronger  than 
those  of  the  soldiers,  composed  the  main  body.  Monsieur  de  Ramezay,  Governor  of  Three  Rivers, 
commanded  the  entire  miUtia.  The  rearguard,  commanded  by  Monsieur  de  Vauilreuil,  consisted 
only  of  two  battalions  of  troops  and  the  remainder  of  the  savages  who  brought  up  tlie  rear. 

Sieurs  de  la  Durantaye,  de  May,  d«  Grays  et  Dumesnil  veteran  captains  commanded  the  four  bat- 
talions of  troops ;  sieur  de  Subercaze  acted  as  M^or  General  and  there  was  an  adjutant  {^ide  Major) 
to  each  battalion  of  troops  and  militia ;  sieur  de  Saint  Martin,  a  Calvinist  captain,  commanded  the 
Quebec  battalion ;  sieur  de  Grandville,  Lieutenant,  thit  of  Beaupr6 ;  sieur  le  Grandpre,  Major  of 
Three  Rivers,  was  at  the  head  of  the  militia  of  that  g  jvernment,  and  sieur  Deschambaux,  King's 
attorney  at  Montreal,  commanded  the  battalion  of  that  place.  No  officers  remained  in  the  country 
except  those  whom  infirmity  prevented  undertaking  such  a  voyage ;  and  with  difficulty  were  any 
found  for  the  requisite  garrisons. 

Sieur  de  Maricourt,  Captain,  led  the  savages  of  tlie  Sault  and  the  Abenakis  who  formed  one  corps ; 
sieur  Gardeur  de  Beauvaire,  Lieutenant  of  those  of  the  Mountain  and  of  the  Lorette  Hurons,  and 
sieur  de  Beaucourt  also  Lieutenant,  commanded  the  Algonquins,  Socoquois,  Nipissirraens,  and  the 
few  there  were  of  Ottawas,  who  constituted  another  corps. 

The  order  of  battle  was  not  deranged  during  the  march,  and  the  troops  which  formed  the  van  on 
one  day,  retired  on  the  morrow  to  the  rear.  As  there  were  nearly  thirty  leagues  of  Rapids  to  be 
passed,  the  march  was  very  tedious ;  it  is,  therefore,  inconceivable  what  difficulty  was  encountered 
in  making  the  portages,  being  obliged  often  several  times  in  one  day  to  discharge  from  the  batteaux 
the  greater  part  of  the  freight. 

[Vol.  I.]  27 


!  m 

m 


ie. 


210 


(;OlI^T    KIIONTENAC'S    EXPEDITION    AGAINST   THE  ONONIMGAI. 


Thosff  wlio  Imvfl  nn  kimwIeHge  of  the  country,  cannot  niulcrstiind  wlmt  wo  call  Cascadfs  ami 
Siiulfs.  FnilM  from  seven  to  eiglit  feet  high  are  often  met,  and  tliero  iH'ty  men  lliul  »Ufl[lcuUy  enough 
ill  tlrngglng  a  hatteau,  and  in  places  less  twublesoine  tliey  arc  under  tlie  necessity  of  getting  intotlie 
wafer  up  to,  and  Mmetlnies  beyond  the  waist,  it  being  impossible  to  stem  tlie  current  even  with  the 
lightest  canoes  by  aid  of  poU-s  and  j)addles. 

A  jtart  of  the  army  encamped,  on  the  day  of  departure,  alwve  the  chute  called  Le  fiuisson ;  the 
i-est  followed  in  llle  next  day  and  the  rain  obliged  them  to  bivouac  there. 

On  the  O'h  the  Cedars  rapid  was  passed;  on  the  10»*>  the  army  divided  in  two  to  ascend  that  of 
Coteau  (III  lar,a  part  to  the  north  and  a  part  to  the  south.  The  same  thing  was  repeated  next  morn- 
ing, and  u  Junction  was  re-formed  at  the  entrance  of  I^ake  St.  Francis,  which  is  over  seven  leagues 
long,  and  which  was  passed  under  sail  and  in  full  battle  array. 

Our  Indian  scttuts  reported  at  night  that  they  had  seen  some  ascending  and  descending  trails.  A 
detachment  of  savages  and  a  few  Frenchmen  was  formed  to  march  some  leagues  ahead  of  the  main 
huily  and  lu  prevent  ambuscades. 

On  t\w  12'h  before  decamping,  nine  Abenakis  joined  Monsieur  le  Comte  de  Frontenac.  Messieiu's 
I'lntendant  and  the  King's  lieutenant  at  Quebec  remarked  in  their  letters  that  these  savages  said  that 
they  iiad  h'arued  tliat  the  Englisii  intended  coming  to  Quebec.  These  false  reports,  which  are  but 
too  prevalent  in  these  parts,  did  not  interrupt  the  continuance  of  the  niarcli,  and  the  camp  was 
formed  at  tiie  fiM)t  of  the  Long  Sault. 

However  long  and  difllcult,it  was  all  passed  on  the  IS'h.  On  the  14'h  they  came  to  the  foot  of  the 
Kapide  Plat.  Sleur  de  Mante?!!,  Lieutenant,  was  detached  with  fifty  Frenclimen  and  savages  to  '^.lake 
the  necessary  discoveries. 

On  the  15»''  they  arrived  at  the  rapid  des  Galets;  the  !(}">  after  having  repaired  several  batteaux, 
they  co\ilil  not  make  any  more  than  tliree  leagues  beyond  tlie  place  called  la  Galctte  where  the  bad 
navigation  tertninnted. 

At  tiiose  places  where  portages  were  required  to  be  made,  several  detachments  marched  on  land 
to  cover  those  who  drew  (the  batteaux.)    On  the  17"»  the  rain  preventeil  a  long  march. 

On  tlu*  IS""  tliey  procee<led  to  witliin  4  leagues  of  the  fort  [Frontenac].  They  made  more  than 
twelve  leaguer  that  day,  and  arrived  there  the  next  day,  noon ;  so  that  of  70  leagues,  the  distance 
from  Mcjutreal  to  this  fort,  they  were  only  four  days  passing  through  the  smooth  water, crossing  Lake 
St.  Francis  included,  and  thirty  ascending  the  I{apids  which  do  not  comprise  half  the  distance. 

On  the  2(i'h  they  took  their  departure,  and  encamped  at  Deer  island,  {lie  aux  chevreuUs,)  the  scouts 
marching  continually  ahead  of  the  army.  Sieur  de  Luth,  captain,  was  left  in  the  Ibrt  as  command- 
ant with  a  garrison  of  iO  men  and  masons  and  carpenters  necessary  for  the  buildings  whicli  he  was 
recommended  to  hasten.  There  remained  only  26  sick  in  the  fort,  most  of  wliom  were  wounded  in 
tlie  legs  ascending  the  rapids. 

On  tlie  27»''  they  got  to  within  tliree  leagues  of  Riviere  de  la  Famine  [Black  RiverJ,and  on  the  28"> 
at  the  mouth  of  that  of  Onnontagud,  our  scouts  reported  having  seen  the  trails  of  nine  men. 

2fi"«.  As  this  river  is  extremely  narrow,  50  scouts  were  detached  on  each  side,  and  tlie  army  pro- 
ceeded only  according  to  their  reports.  Some  had  seen  the  trails  of  thirty  to  forty  men,  and  the 
others  a  cjinoe  which  had  been  only  recently  abandoned.  But  two  leagues  could  be  made  this  day, 
and  three  the  next.  M.  le  Comte  and  M.  de  Vaudi-euil  with  the  troops  and  a  battalion  of  militia 
occupied  the  northern,  and  Messrs.  de  Calli«^res  and  de  liamezay  with  the  remainder  passed  on  the 
.southern  side.  It  would  be  useless  to  attempt  descr'b'ng  the  rapids  of  this  river;  the  difficulties 
could  not  b<!  understood,  since  by  marching  from  morning  until  night  live  leagues  only  could  bo 
made  in  two  days. 


Mvt; 


COUNT    KRONTENAc'h    F.XPEDITION   AOAINBT   tub   ONONDAOAt. 


sn 


30»i<.  Tlio  jMirtage  of  all  the  hnttenux,  canoes  ami  bnggngc  commenced,  It  being  imt<o8sible  to  pass 
the  Fall.H  otlierwiso.  M.  Ic  Conite  tic  Froiitenae,  wlio  expectetl  to  pass  on  foot  like  the  others,  wiis 
borne  in  liis  canoe  by  fifty  savages  singing  and  uttering  yells  of  joy.  The  battalions  who  could  not 
make  tliis  Carrying  place  passed  it  the  day  following.  Four  leagues  were  travelled,  the  road  being 
better. 

On  tiie  Hrst  of  August,  half  the  army  was  detached  Iwyond  the  river  which  goes  to  Oneida  (0«- 
7njoHst),imi[  niHile  more  than  five  leagues  In  roads  up  to  the  knee.  M.de  Vaudreull  and  the  majority 
of  tlic  olllcers  were  at  their  liead.  Tills  precaution  was  the  more  necessary  as  at  a  place  called  Ar 
RigoLi,  the  river  is  not  more  tium  iiulf  a  pistol  shot  wide,  to  the  mouth  of  Lake  Ganenta. '  Nothing 
Notlilng  was  met  during  tliis  day's  marcli  except  the  description  of  our  army  drawn  on  bark,  after 
tlie  manner  of  tlie  Savages,  and  two  bunilles  of  cut  rushes  whlcli  signified  that  1434  men  accompa- 
nietl  us.  We  passed  the  Lake  in  the  order  of  battle  Monsieur  de  CalU^res  who  commanded  that 
ilay  on  the  left,  tliat  being  the  side  of  tlie  enemy,  made  a  large  circuit  under  pretence  of  debarking 
on  that  side,  whilst  M.  tie  Vaudreull  with  the  right  wing  hugged  the  shore  to  clear  what  lie  could 
encounter  all  around  of  the  enemy.  Tlie  vigorous  manner  this  landing  was  made,  sword  in  hand, 
convinced  us  that  had  the  enemy  been  met  tliey  would  not  have  long  stotxl  their  ground.  M.  de 
Vauilreuil's  tletachment  made  a  circuit  of  half  a  league  and  anchored  at  the  place  where  M.  tie  Cai- 
Uiires  waited.     Tiic  entire  botly  lantled. 

Tiie  scouts  did  not  cease  marching;  they  reportetl  having  seen  trails  proceeding  from  the  village 
of  the  Onnontagutis  to  Cayuga  {Oyogouis)  and  Oneitla  (Obc/om*/),  which  induced  them  to  believe  that 
tlie  women  anil  clilldren  withdrew  thither,  and  that  the  Warriors  of  these  two  villages  came  to 
aid  their  bretliren. 

A  strong  light  was  seen  the  same  night  In  the  direction  of  the  village,  wlilch  caused  the  supposi- 
tion that  tliey  hatl  burned  It ;  it  was  even  supposed  that  they  fired  cannon. 

Tlie  Fort  was  completed  next  morning,  the  'S*.  An  Ottawa  Savage,  named  the  Cat,  returned  fVom 
scouting.  He  had  gone  some  days  previously  with  a  Seneca  taken  last  winter,  whose  life  had  been 
spared.  They  at  first  discovered  two  women  whom  they  had  neglected  to  capture,  and  they  subse- 
tjuently  seized  a  man  who  was  bathing  with  his  wife.  The  Ottawa  wished  to  bind  him,  but  the 
Seneca  opposed  it,  and  released  him  untler  the  pretext  that  he  would  bring  in  others,  which  began 
tt)  make  the  Outaouac  distrust  him,  but  he  had  still  more  reason  to  do  so  when  the  Seneca  quit  him, 
saying  that  ho  wished  to  eat  some  new  corn,  and  having  wandered  aside  for  that  purpose,  he  uttered 
the  ordinary  warning  cry  to  direct  some  young  Onnontagues  who  pursued  the  Outaouacs,  the  swift- 
ness of  whose  legs  saved  him.    Half  a  league  was  made  that  day. 

Sieur  Manjuls  de  Crissaffy,  captain,  was  left;  in  the  fort  with  Sieur  Dssbergeres,  also  captain,  and 
8t)me  t)tlier  officers  and  140  militia  men  and  soldiers  to  guard  the  batteaux,  canoes,  provisions  and 
other  heavy  baggage,  which  could  not  be  transported ;  their  loss  would  have  absolutely  caused  that 
of  the  whole  army,  and  though  everyone  wished  to  share  the  glory  which  M.  le  Compte  was  expected 
to  reaj),  he  thought  he  could  not  leave  too  good  officers  at  this  post.  The  other  Seneca,  the  comrade 
of  him  to  whom  we  have  just  alluiled,  deserted  the  night  of  the  same  day  to  advise  his  nation  of  the 
danger  which  menaced  the  iroquois.  Inconceivable  difficulty  was  experienced  in  moving  the  cannon 
ami  the  remiiinder  of  the  artillery  equipments  over  marshes  and  two  pretty  considerable  rivers  which 
it  was  necessary  to  travei-se,  being  obliged  to  cai-ry  them  on  their  cai-riages  and  parapets,  which  occu- 
pied a  very  great  number  of  the  militia. 

We  camped  at  the  place  called  The  Salt  Springs,  which  in  truth  they  are.  They  produce  enough 
of  salt  to  make  us  wish  that  they  were  near  Quebec ;  the  cod  fishery  would  be  very  easy  then  in 
Canada. 

I  La  KigoU*  is  that  part  of  the  Oswego  River  between  Lake  Onondaga  and  the  Mouth  of  the  Seneca  River, 


nt 


M 


COUNT    >'RONTENACK    EXPEDITION    AGAINIT   THE   OMONDAdAI. 


The  •t'''.    Tliu  urdur  of  battle  was  formed  at  sunrlsi* ;  tliu  urruy  bvlng  divided  Into  two  llnea. 

The  llrst  waa  coiiimundi'd  by  M.  d«  Callii^rcfl  who  kept  on  the  enemy's  left ;  hiii  centre  consisted 
of  two  battalions  of  militia  and  the  two  battalions  of  troops  composed  the  wings,  tin  .  I'illcry  beint; 
in  the  middle  preceded  by  the  two  centre  battalions.  The  greater  iM^rtion  of  the  Indians  of  the  llrst 
line  had  l)een  tluown  on  the  right  wing,  as  they  desired.  From  time  to  time  lurlorn  luiprs  of  the 
most  active  savages  and  Frenchmen  were  deployed  to  discover  and  receive  the  first  lire. 

The  second  lino  was  commamled  by  M.  de  Vaudreuil  who  placed  himself  on  the  right  wing.  It 
was  composed  of  an  C(iual  nuiul)er  of  battalions  of  militia  and  soldiers. 

M.  lo  Compte  preceded  by  the  cannon  was  borne,  on  a  chair,  {fuuteuil,)  between  the  two  lines,  in 
a  position  to  place  himself  when  he  thought  proi)«r  at  the  head,  through  the  Interval  of  the  two 
battalions  of  militia  of  the  first  lino. 

Each  battalion  was  only  two  deep,  and  showed  a  very  great  front.  M.  le  Compte  had  around  him 
Ills  guard,  his  stalT,  and  the  canoe  and  batteaux  men. 

They  united  during  the  march  at  some  places  at  which  it  was  very  diilicult  to  pass  the  cannon  through 
defiles,  and  over  streams  of  some  magnitude  where  the  order  of  battle  was  broken,  so  that  we  were 
from  sunrise  till  night  in  getting  to  the  location  of  the  village  ailer  a  number  of  wheelings  {tfuurti  de 
conversion)  and  other  evolutions  sutficicntly  difficult  to  execute  in  the  woods.  But  the  activity  of 
Sicur  Sul)ercaze,  mi\^or,  supplied  every  rcfiuisite.  Ter  other  men  would  not  have  aocomplislied  all 
that  he  performed  alone,  and  though  he  was  assisted  by  good  adjutants  {aidex  major)  ho  considered 
it  nevertiieless  his  duty  to  be  everywhere.  This  campaign  furnished  him  with  an  opportunity  to 
signalize  his  activity  and  his  zeal  ou  several  occasions,  but  as  this  is  tlie  principal,  mention  of  it  can- 
not be  avoided.  Never  did  a  man  execute  with  more  promptitude  the  prudent  orders  he  received 
from  his  general. 

If  wc  did  not  fear  being  considered  rather  a  panegyrist  than  a  historian,  we  should  8])eak  as  we 
ought  of  tiio  conduct  of  Mess''  de  Callieres,  de  Vaudreuil,  liamezay  and  other  principal  officers ; 
but  the  confidence  which  the  king  reposes  in  them  is  a  sufficient  guarantee  that  he  deems  them 
worthy  the  posts  they  fiU  in  this  country,  and  it  is  unnecessary  to  enlarge  in  their  praise  to 
demonstrate  that  they  are  truly  so.     His  choice  alone  Justifies  it. 

The  cabins  of  the  Indians  and  the  triple  paUsade  which  encircled  their  fort  were  found  entirely 
burnt.  It  has  since  been  learned  that  it  was  in  a  sufficiently  strong  state  of  defence.  It  was  on 
oblong  fianked  by  four  regular  bastions.  The  two  rows  of  pickets  wliich  touclied  each  other,  were 
of  tiie  thickness  of  an  ordinary  mast ;  and  at  six  fieet  distance  outside  stood  another  palisade  of  much 
smaller  dimensions,  but  from  40  to  50  feet  high. 

If  the  flight  of  the  savages  saved  the  army  the  trouble  of  forcing  their  fortifications  by  trenches, 
as  was  resolved  upon  having  aU  the  necessary  tools,  it  robbed  them  of  the  glory  of  utterly  ilestroying 
them  ;  but  it  must  not  be  expected  that  the  Indians  will  ever  stand  against  a  considerable  opjiosing 
force.     The  expense  which  this  expedition  entailed  ought  not  however  to  be  regretted. 

There  were  some  alarms  the  night  after  arriving,  and  a  soldier  on  duty  at  an  outpost  was  wounded 
by  our  people. 

On  the  5th  arrived  two  squaws  and  a  cliild  of  the  Mountain  near  Montre^il,  who  had  been  a  long 
time  prisoners.  They  told  us  that  they  had  cscajwd  five  days  ago  with  the  other  women  and  children 
who  were  removed  on  the  rumor  of  our  approacli.  Another  old  womon  was  captured  in  the  woods, 
and  being  unable  to  follow  our  soldiers  broke  her  skull.  In  the  afternoon  a  Frenchman,  a  prisoner 
among  the  Oneidas,  arrived  with  a  savage.  They  brought  a  belt  from  that  Nation  whereby  they 
soficited  peace  from  M.  Le  Comte  de  Frontenac.  He  immediately  sent  them  back,  and  promised 
peace  on  condition  that  they  should  establish  themselves  with  their  families  among  us,  assuring  them 
that  they  should  receive  land  and  wherewithal  to  sow  it.     He  added  if  their  wives  and  children  were 


I 


R 


COUNT  i'kontrnac'h  kxpcoitiun  auainkt  the  ononuauai. 


Ml 


i 


I 


nut  ready,  tlivy  sliuiild  bring  five  of  their  most  Intluontiul  Chlerii  as  hustugnti,  Hnd  that  they  should  b« 
soon  lolloweil  hy  the  iiruiy  to  oblige  them  by  forco  to  executo  tho  conditions  im|>os«d  on  them. 

On  tliu  next  duy,  the  7th,  u  young  Frenchman,  seven  years  a  prisoner  among  the  OnnuntagUrji 
arrived  in  the  cum)),  lie  hud  escu}»ed  with  those  wiiuiiad  come  into  the  out)M>8ts  tlieniglit  preceding. 
He  re;H)rted  tiiat  tliey  hud  retired  with  their  families  twenty  leagues  from  tlieir  fort,  having  scouts 
alwH.ys  around  them  In  order  to  lly  larther  off  If  pursued.  He  added  that  it  is  probul)le  a  great 
number  would  perisli  having  been  in  such  a  hurry  to  lly  that  they  took  away  scarcely  any  corn, 
caches  of  which  they  hastily  made,  and  tiiat  they  bcguu  to  full  sliort.  Almost  all  these  caches  were 
discovered.  Tlio  grain  und  the  rest  of  the  booty  consisting  of  pots,  guns,  axes,  stuffs,  wampum  Im-Us, 
and  some  peltries  were  plundered  by  our  Frencluuen  and  Suvuges.  Tiie  destruction  of  the  Indian 
corn  was  commenced  the  same  tlay,  and  was  continued  the  two  following  days.  The  grain  was  so 
forward  that  the  stalks  were  very  easily  cut  by  the  sword  and  sabre  without  tlie  least  fear  tiiat  any 
could  sprout  again.  Not  a  single  head  remalne<l.  The  tlelds  strctchcil  from  a  league  und  a  half  to 
two  leagues  from  the  fort :  The  destruction  was  complete.  A  lame  girl  was  found  concealed  under 
a  tve,  and  her  life  was  8i)ared. 

All  old  niun,  ulso  cuptured,  diil  not  experience  the  eume  fate,  M.  le  Comte's  intention,  after  he 
hud  Interrogated  him,  was  to  spare  bis  life  on  account  of  his  great  age,  but  the  savages  who  had  taken 
him  and  to  wliom  he  was  given  were  so  excited  that  it  was  not  deemed  prudent  to  dissuade  them 
from  the  desire  they  ielt  to  burn  him.  He  hud,  no  douijt,  ]>repared  Idmself  during  lus  long  life  to 
die  wltii  firmness,  however  cruel  the  tortures  he  should  liave  to  endure.  Not  the  slightest  complaint 
escaped  his  lips.  On  the  contrary  he  exhorted  tiiose  who  tormented  him  to  remember  his  death, 
so  as  to  display  the  same  courage  when  those  of  his  nation  would  take  vengeance  on  them ;  and 
wlicn  a  savage,  weary  of  his  harangues,  gave  him  some  cuts  of  a  knife,  "I  thank  thte,"  he  cried, 
"  but  tiiou  oughtst  to  complete  my  death  by  fire.  Learn,  French  dogs !  and  ye,  savages!  their  allies — 
that  ye  are  tlio  dogs  of  dogs.  Remember  wliat  ye  ought  to  do,  when  you  will  be  In  the  same  position 
that  I  am."  Similar  sentiments  will  be  found  perhaps  to  How  rather  from  ferociousness,  tlian  true 
valour ;  but  there  are  heroes  among  barbarians  as  well  as  among  the  most  polislied  nations,  and  what 
would  be  brutality  in  us  may  pass  lor  valour  with  an  Iroquois. 

The  9th  M.  do  Vaudreuil  returned  from  Oneida  at  eight  o'clock  In  tlie  morning.  He  departed  on 
the  morning  of  the  Gtli,  with  a  detacliment  of  six  to  seven  hundred  of  the  most  active  men  of  the 
whole  array,  soldiers,  militia  and  Indians.  He  had,  under  him,  Sieurs  de  Louvigny  and  de  Linvil- 
lieres.  Captain  ;  Desjordis  and  Dauberville,  Calvinist  Captains ;  Soulange  and  tie  Sabrevois,  lieutenants 
of  foot,  und  several  other  subaltern  officers.  Sieur  de  Villedenay,  also  lieutenant,  acted  as  his  Aid 
de  Camp. 

As  it  was  necessary  to  use  great  expedition,  they  did  not  march  in  as  exact  order  as  the  army  had 
done ;  M.  de  Vaudreuil  contented  himself  throwing  the  scouts  some  quarter  of  v,  league  in  advance ; 
and  on  the  wings,  between  the  scouts  and  the  main  body  he  placed  a  detached  corps  of  50,  a  forlorn 
hope  commanded  in  turn  by  a  lieutenant.  They  arrived  on  the  same  day  before  sundown  within  a 
league  of  the  village ;  tliey  would  have  pushed  even  farther  if  tlie  convenience  of  encamping  on  the 
bank  of  a  beautiful  river  hud  not  invited  them  to  halt.  They  were  at  the  first  dawn  in  sight  of  the 
village  and  as  tliey  were  about  to  enter  the  fields  of  Indian  corn,  they  met  the  Deputies  of  all  that 
Nation. 

They  requested  M.  de  Vaudeuil  to  halt,  fearing  that  our  savages  would  spoil  their  crops,  assuring 
him  tliat  they  would  execute  in  good  faith  the  orders  which  M.  le  Comte  had  given  to  their  first  delegate. 

M.  de  Vaudreuil  determined  also  on  his  side  to  obey  punctually  those  which  he  had  received,  told 
them  it  was  useless  for  them  to  think  of  preserving  their  grain,  as,  according  to  the  word  of  their 
Father  they  should  not  want  for  any  when  retired  among  us  ;  that,  therefore,  he  should  cut  all  down ; 


111 


214 


COUNT    FRONTENAC'S   EXPEDITION   AGAINST    THE  ONONDAGAS. 


that  their  fort  and  cabins  would  not,  either,  be  spared,  having  every  thing  ready  for  tlieir  reception. 

He  found  in  the  village  but  25  @  40  persons,  almost  all  having  fled  at  the  siglit  of  the  detach- 
ment, but  the  most  influential  chiefs  liad  remained.  M.  de  Vaudreuil  consented  tliat  two  or  three 
men  sliould  follow  these  fugitives  to  try  to  bring  them  back. 

On  entering  this  village  a  young  French  woman  was  found  a  prisoner,  just  arrived  from  the  Mo- 
hawk. Slie  reported  that  that  Nation  and  the  English  to  the  number  of  300,  were  preparing  to 
attack  us.  A  Moliawk  who  had  deserted  from  the  Sault  last  year,  the  same  who  liad  given  informa. 
tion  of  tlie  proposed  attack  against  his  Nation,  was  captured  roving  around  the  village.  He  said  lie 
came  there  intending  to  sui-render  himself  to  us,  which  it  was  pretended  to  believe.  An  eye  was 
kept  on  him,  notA^ithstanding.    He  confirmed  the  report  of  tlie  young  Frencli  woman. 

Another  savage,  also  of  the  same  Nation,  but  who  had  been  captured  with  a  party  of  our  people 
of  the  Sault,  where  he  resided,  assured  M.  de  Vaudreuil  that  the  English  and  Mohawks  had  indeed 
set  out  to  come ;  that  many  of  the  former  had  moved  out  from  Orange,  but  that  they  liad  contented 
themselves  with  remaining  outside  some  hours  in  line,  tuid  had  returned ;  that  the  consternation  was 
pretty  general  among  the  one  and  the  otlier. 

This  last  intelligence  caused  M.  de  Vaudreuil's  detachment  as  mucli  regret  as  the  first  had  given 
them  joy.  It  was  received  with  a  thousand  yells  of  satisfaction,  particularly  by  the  Abenaki's  wlio 
said  they  had  need  neither  of  knives  nor  liatchets  to  beat  the  Euglisli ;  tliat  it  was  idle  to  waste 
powder  on  such  a  set. 

M.  de  Vaudreuil  resolveil  to  await  them  in  the  wood  without  shutting  himself  up  in  the  fort.  He 
left  on  the  O'*"  between  nine  and  ten  o'clock  in  tlie  morning  after  having  seen  it  burned  and  the  corn 
entirely  cut.  He  camped  the  same  night  about  two  leagues  from  Onnontagu<5.  The  celerity  of  his 
movements  cannot  be  too  mucli  praised,  since  he  occupied  only  tliree  days  in  going,  coming  and 
executing  all  he  had  to  do,  altliough  from  one  village  to  the  otlier  was  fourteen  gootl  leagues  in  tlie 
woods  with  continual  mountains  and  a  multitude  of  rivers  and  large  streams  to  be  crossed.  He  was 
therefore  not  expected  so  soon,  and  M.  le  Comte  was  agreeably  surprized  to  see  him  return  in  so 
short  a  time  with  35  Oneidas,  among  wliom  were  as  we  liave  said,  the  principal  Chiefs  of  the  nation, 
and  four  of  our  French,  prisoners. 

But  we  are  accustomed  in  Canada  to  see  liim  perfijrra  so  many  gallant  actions,  and  he  lias  the 
King's  service  so  much  at  heart  that  those  acquainted  witli  him  will  not  be  surprized  at  this,  how- 
ever extraordinary  it  be. 

Tlie  Mohawk  deserter  was  burnt  before  the  departure  of  the  army  who  camped  that  same  day 
midway  from  the  fort  where  the  batteaux  were  left ;  some  savages  having  remained  behind  in  the 
hope  of  finding  more  plunder  received  the  fire  of  a  small  party  ;  three  of  them  were  killed  without 
the  enemy  daring  to  advance  neai-  enough  to  take  their  scalps. 

The  fort  was  reached  on  the  lO'i'  and  destroyed.  The  army  encamped  on  the  11"' below  the 
Portage,  and  on  the  12"'  at  10  o'clock  in  the  morning  at  the  mouth  of  the  river,  on  Lake  Fronteiiac. 
It  was  time  to  quit  that  river,  and  if  the  waters  had  been  as  low  as  tliey  ordinarily  are  in  the  month 
of  August  a  portion  of  tiie  batteaux  should  have  been,  of  necessity,  abandoned.  A  very  violent 
gale  from  the  West  retained  the  army  until  the  14«h  and  though  it  was  not  altogether  calm,  ten 
leagues  were  made  that  day  under  sail,  though  we  did  not  leave  until  noon. 

The  navigation  is  pretty  dangerous  for  canoes  and  batteaux ;  the  waves  extraordinarily  high,  and 
the  landing  very  difficult,  there  being  numerous  shoals  in  some  places  and  in  others  headlands  against 
which  the  sea  breaks  at  a  stupendous  height.  We  camped  in  a  river  where  the  wind  was  less  violent, 
and  arrived  next  day,  the  IS**",  at  Fort  Froutenac. 

On  the  16'h,  the  militia  and  soldiers  were  occupied  in  conveying  fire-wood  to  the  fort  and  in  cutting 
and  transporting  what  was  necessary  for  the  requisite  pl/u]-  s  and  boards.    The  masons  who  had  been 


t\ 


COUNT    FRONTENACS    EXPEDITION    AGAINST    THE   ONONDAGAS. 


215 


led  thern  liad  erected  during  the  Count's  absence  a  building  of  120  feet,  along  one  of  the  curtains, 
not  HO  high  on  that  side  as  the  parapet.  The  wood  work  is  attaclied,  and  there  is  a  range  of  loop 
holen  iilung  tlie  upper  loft  as  in  the  remainder  of  the  fort.  This  long  building  contains  a  chapel,  the 
olIlccrM'  fjUttrtcrs,  a  bakery  and  the  stores  which  are  at  present  filled  with  provisions  for  the  sub- 
sistciici.;  of  tljo  troops  for  more  than  eight  months,  exclusive  of  refreshments  and  what  will  be  required 
for  tlio  Indiiins  wlio  may  pass  there.  The  two  pieces  of  cannon,  one  of  which  was  employed  in  the 
caiii])aign  and  a  ([iiantity  of  grenades  were  left  there.  The  army  sojourned  there  the  11^ ;  encamped 
on  the  IH'I'  at  La  Galette  and  on  the  lO""  on  Lake  St.  Francis. 

On  tlie  same  day,  the  enemy  attacked  some  canoes  of  our  people,  who  had  found  means  to  precede 
UI4.  One  of  our  party  was  drowned,  one  wounded ;  the  enemy  lost  three  men  and  could  not  be  cap- 
tured by  a  detacliment  wliich  was  sent  in  pursuit. 

On  the  20"'  we  arrived  at  Montreal.  Some  batteaux  upset  in  the  rapids  and  tliree  miUtiamen 
were  drowned.  We  were  obhged  to  make  good  to  tlie  others  the  arms  and  baggage  that  the  boat  lost 
by  upsetting. 

Wo  iiiiglit  extend  the  narrative  of  this  campaign  to  a  greater  length,  but  as  we  should  be  obliged 
to  use  U'vm»  little  known  to  those  unacquainted  with  Canada,  we  considered  this  slight  sketch  would 
»\illlcc. 

[t  might  have  been  more  advantageous  to  His  Majesty's  arms,  and  more  glorious  to  Count  de  Fron- 
tt'nac,  had  the  Onnontagues  followed  their  first  plan ;  it  would  have,  no  doubt,  cost  the  lives  of  some 
bravo  men,  as  the  Iroquois  do  not  fight  with  impunity.  There  might  liave  been,  perliaps,  six  to 
ieven  hundred  men  in  their  fort  including  those  who  had  come  to  their  aid,  and  scarcely  any  would 
have  escaped ;  but  tlieir  loss  cannot  fail  to  be  considerable.  After  M.  Denonville's  [departure  from  | 
the  Seneca  country,  we  know  the  difficulty  that  nation  had  to  subsist  for  several  years.  The  Iroquois 
were  powerful,  and  are  diminished  since;  assistance  from  the Englisli, especially  in  provisions,  comes 
In  km  abundantly  ;  wheat  is  wortli  twenty  francs  the  minot  [three  bushels]  at  Orange ;  the  pound  of 
powder,  »i  pistole;  lead  and  other  merchandise  are,  in  truth,  cheaper  than  with  us. 

Tin'  Mohawks  liave  very  little  Indian  corn  ;  the  Oneidas  ar^  ruined,  and  it  is  not  known  whether 
flic  Senecas  will  not  remember  the  liigh  price  the  Onnontagu<Js  set  on  provisions  at  the  time  of  tlieir 
diseoriilltui'e,  wlien  tliey  were  obliged  to  give  most  valuable  belts  for  supplies.  There  remain  then 
only  the  Cayugas  wlio  can  succor  tlieir  neighbours,  and  we  cannot  say  if  they  alone  are  sufficient  for 
that  pur])()sc.  Their  hunting  and  fishing  will,  without  doubt  be  interrupted  by  tlie  difterent  small 
parlies  now  In  tlie  field.  In  flue,  it  is  certain,  by  continuing  the  war  as  H  its  commencement,  and 
aH  Count  de  Frontenac  determined,  the  Iroquois  will  be  reduced  to  the  necessity  of  dying  of  hunger, 
or  accepting  peace  on  the  conditions  we  may  tliiuk  proper  to  impose  on  them ;  and  if  the  almost 
invincible  obstinacy  they  seem  to  liave  towage  it  with  usconiinue,  we  will  not  despair  to  bring  tliem 
to  It,  If  this  blow,  struck  without  the  participation  of  our  allies  from  above,  and  which  they  did  not 
I  telle  ve  coulil  be  undertaken  witliout  them,  could  force  them  to  make  as  great  efforts  on  their  side  as 
wo  have  made  on  ours  ;  it  will  be  easy  to  urge  them  to  it  as  long  as  the  Frencli  remain  at  Missili- 
imikhiuc  and  at  ntlier  posts,  but  wlien  the  fatal  moment  of  their  return  arrives,  their  absence  will  put 
an  al)Solut«!  termination  to  tlie  little  good  will  the  former  may  feel  towards  us,  when  they  shall  see 
tluMnselves  abandoned.  Possibly  they  will  be  greatly  cooled  down  this  autumn,  seeing  neither  pow- 
der nor  balls,  nor  goods  coming  to  them.  How  can  they  be  persuaded  to  wage  war  without  furnish- 
ing them  witli  the  means  ,•  how  can  the  destruction  of  the  Iroquois  be  completed  without  their  aid, 
If  they  withdraw  from  us  and  retire  into  the  woods? 

Count  tie  l''rontenac  learned  on  his  arrival,  tliat  an  Onnontaguo  who  had  been  captured  at  the  fort 
above  the  island  of  Montreal  [killed  |  liimself  in  prison. 


i 


316 


OODRT    FROMTINJLC'S   EXPEDITION  A6AIH8T   THE  OWONDAGAS. 


On  the  23'  August,  thirteen  Algonquins  brought  in  two  Mohawk  scalps,  and  one  woman  and  two 
girls,  prisoners.  Seven  savages  from  the  Sault  and  the  Mountain  who  had  been  detached  to  Oneida 
with  Mons'  de  Vaudreuil,  brought  in  a  prisoner  of  the  same  Nation,  who  was  burned  at  Montreal. 
Some  small  parties  of  the  enemy  appeared  along  the  south  shore,  but  they  made  no  attack,  and  the 
harvest  has  been  saved  very  quietly.  >,  .,  ,         ,  •„ 


COLL  FLETCHER  TO  THE  LORDS  OP  THE  LATE  COMMITTEE  DATED  THE  22d  AUG.  1696. 

[  Lond.  Doc.  X.  ] 

May  it  please  your  Lordships. 

On  the  Sixi  instant  I  had  intelligence  the  Cktvernor  of  Canida  was  in  our  Indian  Country  with  1000 
French  and  2000  Indians,  and  that  the  people  of  Albany  were  in  some  consternation  lest  the  Indians 
of  the  Five  Nations  should  joyne  with  them  and  fall  down  upon  Schenectady  and  Albany.  He  sur- 
prized one  Castle  at  Oneyde  which  he  burnt  and  destroyed  the  Indian  corne.  The  Onondages  sent 
away  their  old  men,  women  and  children  to  the  southward,  the  young  men  tarryed  'till  they  perceived 
the  French  were  too  numerous  for  them,  then  burnt  their  Fort  and  retreated,  leaving  their  corne  to 
be  destroyed.  It  is  reported  by  some  prisoners  that  did  escape,  that  an  Indian  brought  tydings  to 
Count  Frontenac,  that  I  was  on  my  march  from  Albany  with  a  great  army  as  numerous  as  the  trees 
of  the  woods,  which  hastened  his  retreat,  the  Cayounges  and  Sinnekes  are  no[t]  hurt,  I  wrot  to  Con- 
necticut for  their  quota  and  to  the  Grovemour  of  the  Jerseys  for  men  to  meet  me  at  Albany,  but  all 
my  endeavours  could  not  obtain  a  man  from  them 

It  is  resolved  in  Council  here  for  His  Majt; ■  service  that  the  Oneydes  and  Onondages  be  supply'd 
with  corne  the  ensuing  yeare  which  will  add  to  the  charges  of  this  Province. 

I  have  herewith  transmitted  to  your  Lordp»  a  copy  of  my  proceeding  at  Albany  on  this  occasion, 
I  have  delayed  the  giving  them  the  ptesent  from  His  Maj^y  until  such  time  I  can  get  them  all  together, 
and  having  received  advice  from  the  R'  Hon""'*  the  Lords  of  His  Maj*y»  Privy  Council  of  a  designe 
the  French  have  upon  some  part  of  America,  I  hastened  to  Torke,  for  in  a  month  or  six  weeks  time 
the  winds  are  esteemed  a  defence  to  this  coast. 


AN  ACCOUNT  OP  THE  LATE  EXPEDITION  TO  ALBANY  IN  THE  MONTH  OF  AUGUST  1696. 

[  Loud.  Doc.  X.  ] 

July  31.  His  Excellr  Benjamin  Fletcher  had  certain  intelligence  that  the  French  were  on  their 
march  against  the  Indians  of  the  Five  Nations. 

Sunday  Aug'*  the  2^.  Intelligence  came  that  the  French  were  in  the  Indian  Countrey  and  that 
the  inhabitants  of  Albany  were  apprehensive  of  their  marching  against  that  garrison.  At  the  same 
time  came  a  letter  from  the  R«  Hon"*''  the  Lords  of  his  Ma*y»  Privy  Council  advismg  of  preparac6ns 
made  by  the  French  against  some  part  of  America.  His  Excell.  the  same  day  did  recommend  to  the 
Council  to  cause  the  guns  and  batterys  to  be  put  in  order  and  about  noone  took  his  departure  for 
Albany. 

On  the  7*  of  Aug«»  his  Exoell  arrived  at  Albany  and  called  a  Council  of  such  gentl.  and  officers 
as  were  upon  the  frontiers. 


J 
le 

le 


at 
le 

as 
le 

br 

re 


COUNT  FRONTENAC'S   EXPEDITION   AGAINST  THE  OMONDAOAa. 


[  Council  Min.  Vol.  VU.  ] 


217 


At  a  Council  held  at  Albany  the  7»h  day  of  August  1696 
Present.    His  Excellency  Benjamin  Fletcher  &c. 

Coll.  Nich.  Bayard  of  the  Council 

Maj'  Peter  Schuyler  of  the  Council 

Matth:  Clarkson  Sec^ 

L«  Coll.  Charles  Lodwick 

Mr.  Dellius  the  Minister  to  the  Indiana 


CoU.  Rich««  Ingoldesby 
Capt  James  Weems 
Capt  William  Hyde 
Capt.  Peter  Matthews 
Evert  Banker  Esq' 
Dirck  WesseUs,  Esq. 


His  Excell  the  Governor  said : — 

Gentl.  As  soon  as  I  had  certaine  notice  from  you  that  the  enemy  were  marched  into  the  Coun- 
trey  of  our  Indian  friends,  and  by  the  number  of  their  forces  did  seeme  to  threaten  this  place  & 
Schenectady,  I  made  all  the  haste  I  could  to  yo'  assistance,  loosing  no  more  time  but  while  I  wrott  to 
Connecticutt  &  the  Jerseys  for  such  supplys  of  men  as  I  conceived  necessary  upon  this  occasion  b) 
this  letter  which  I  received  at  the  same  time  (with  those  from  Albany)  from  the  Lords  of  His  Ma- 
tyes  Council  in  England,  you  will  see  that  I  could  not  reasonably  draw  forces  from  New  Yorke  nor 
be  well  spared  from  that  place  myself;  yet  by  advice  of  his  Mat^"  Council  there  I  am  come  up  with 
a  part  of  my  own  Company  and  desire  yo'  advice  what  is  most  proper  to  be  done  for  the  King's  ser- 
vice and  y  own  safetyes  and  for  thesecureing  the  Indians  in  their  fidelity  and  renewing  the  covenant 
chain :  this  we  are  to  consider,  that  time  may  not  be  lost  and  the  Countrey  not  burthened  by  an  un- 
necessary charge. 

His  Excell.  further  proposed  sending  thirty  men  of  his  own  Company  now  brought  up  with  him 
with  a  detachment  of  twenty  out  of  each  of  the  three  Companyes  here,  into  the  Indian  Countrey  to 
cover  the  retreate  of  our  Indians  and  secure  them  from  their  .fears. 

The  Council  were  of  opinion  the  French  being  retreated  it  would  be  an  xmnecessary  charge.  And 
offered  their  advice  that  the  Sachems  of  the  Oneydes  should  be  sent  for  (who  are  here)  and  their 
losse  condoled,  which  was  accordingly  done. 

The  Council  are  of  opinion  that  the  members  of  Council  present  with  the  oflBcers  of  the  Compa- 
nyes and  principle  inhabitants  of  this  place  should  meet  &  consult  with  the  chiefe  Indians  now  in 
town  about  the  propperest  methods  for  bringing  back  those  Indians  that  are  fledd,  and  settling  them 
firm  again  in  the  covenant  chain,  and  make  report  what  they  have  done  therein  to  His  Excellency. 
Which  His  Excell.  did  approve  of  &  order  accordingly 

May  it  please  yo'  Excell. 

In  obedience  to  yo'  Excell.  order  of  the  7'h  instant  we  underwritten  have  mett  &  considered 
about  the  properest  methods  for  bringing  both  those  Indian  Nations  viz'  the  Onondages  and  Oneydes 
that  are  fled,  and  renewing  with  them  and  the  rest  of  the  Five  Nations  the  Covenant  Chain,  and 
having  thereupon  sounded  the  opinions  of  the  Sachims  of  the  Maquaes  and  Oneydos  Nations  and 
severall  of  their  chiefe  men  now  at  Albany,  do  humbly  offer  as  our  opinions  that  since  we  are  in- 
formed that  it  is  now  twelve  dayes  ago  the  French  army  left  the  Indian  Countrey  and  that  the  Senekes 
and  Cayouges  are  still  undisturbed  in  their  own  country  that  the  Onnondage  Nation  upon  the  ap- 
proach of  the  enemy  have  set  their  own  Castle  on  fire  and  all  fledd  to  be  out  of  the  enemy's  reach, 
that  the  Oneydes  Nation  have  in  like  maimer  left  their  Castle  and  great  part  of  them  already  are 
come  in  here  to  Albany  for  reliefe  in  their  wants  of  provision  and  ammunicon  &c.  and  that  the  Ma- 
quaes Nation  or  great  part  of  them  are  in  the  like  manner  come  in  hither.  We  cannot  perceive  that 
IVoL.  I.]  28 


■ 


! 


218 


COUNT   FRONTENAC'S    EXPEDITION   AOAINST   THE  0N0NDA6AS. 


1; 
11 


it  can  be  any  great  service  to  send  any  great  body  of  men  now  to  the  Upper  Nations,  who  are  seated 
ut  that  distance  from  hence,  neither  can  any  men  be  well  spared  from  Albany,  here  being  only  tliree 
establisht  compnnyes  in  garrison  with  a  detachment  of  yo'  Excell.  own  Company  now  ]>rought  with 
you,  besides  a  few  inhabitants ;  which  we  judge  to  be  little  enough  for  the  defence  of  tuc  place :  but 
we  humbly  suppose  that  its  of  absolute  necessity  that  small  partyes  be  frequently  sent  out  to  clear 
tlio  coast  from  such  small  troops  that  may  come  to  annoy  the  adjacent  farmcs  in  getting  in  tl.cii'  liai-- 
vest ;  and  lastly  with  submission  we  are  of  opinion  that  the  best  method  to  reduce  the  Indians  that 
are  fled  &  to  unite  tliem  with  the  rest  to  this  government  as  formerly  in  renewing  the  Covenant  chain, 
is,— 

First,  that  trusty  and  faithfull  Indians  be  procured  and  sent  to  the  Senekes  and  Cayouges  in  their 
Castles  and  to  the  Onondages  that  are  fledd,  vifith  instruccons  to  acquaint  them  that  liis  Excell.  the 
Governor  upon  the  first  newes  of  the  French  invading  their  Country  came  to  Albany  from  New 
Yorke  in  order  for  their  assistance  and  reliefe. 

2.  That  upon  his  Excell.  comeing  hither  he  had  intelligence  the  enemy  was  already  departed  out 
of  our  Indian  Countrey. 

3.  That  it  is  hardly  possible  to  have  a  meeting  with  all  the  bretheren  of  the  Five  Nations  now  to 
consult  with  them  what  may  be  propper  for  the  common  good  and  to  present  them  with  those  things 
which  are  sent  to  them  from  his  Excell :  great  Master  the  King  of  Great  Brittaine. 

4.  That  therefore  yo'  Excell:  do  appoint  the  brethereu  to  meet  you  thereunto  at  Albany  this  day 
two  months,  but  if  it  should  so  happen  that  by  reason  of  the  Onnoudages  being  fledd  the  brethren 
could  not  then  meet  in  a  body  at  that  time  the  Onondages  and  Senekes  and  Cayouges  will  consult  and 
pitch  upon  the  time,  and  to  give  yo'  Excellency  timely  notice  thereof  to  the  end  the  brethren  of  the 
Maquaes  and  Oneydes  may  be  acquainted  therewith  accordingly.  Dated  the  S""  of  August  in  Albany 
1696. 

NicH  Bayard 
G.  Dellius  Eveht  Bancker 

DiRCK  Wessels  P'  Schuyler. 

Copy  of  a  Commission  left  by  his  Excell. 

Benjamin  Fletcher,  Capt.  Gen'  &  Govern''  in  Cliiefe  of  his  Ma''e»  Province  of  New-Yorke,  &c.  to 
Peter  Schuyler  Esq.  one  of  his  Ma'y«»  Coimcil  for  the  s^  Province,  Mr.  Godfrey  Dellius  Minister  at 
Albany  and  places  adjacent,  Majf  Dirck  Wessels  and  the  May'  of  the  city  for  the  time  being.  I  doc 
by  virtue  of  tlie  power  and  authority  to  me  given  by  his  Ma») » Letters  Patents  under  the  Greate 
Scale  of  England,  liercby  impower  you  or  any  two  of  you  to  treat  conferr  and  consult  witli  tlie  Five 
Indian  Nations  of  tlie  Maquaes  Oneydes  Onondages  and  Sinnekes  who  have  hitherto  been  laithful  to 
my  Master  his  Majesty  of  Great  Brittain,  France  &  Ireland  &,<=.  and  to  hold  a  correspondence  with 
tliein  i)nrsuant  to  such  instruccons  as  you  shall  from  time  to  time  receive  from  me,  so  as  by  y'  endea- 
vi)Urs  tliey  may  be  confirmed  in  their  fidelity  and  allegiance.  And  from  time  to  time  you  are  hereby 
required  to  give  a  constant  and  minute  account  of  all  yo'  proceedings  to  me  &  his  Ma""'"  Council  for 
the  province  of  New-Yorke,  and  I  doe  hereby  supersede  vacate  make  null  any  former  warr'  or  com- 
mission granted  in  this  belialfe.  Given  under  my  hand  and  seal  att  Albany  the  tenth  day  of  August 
in  the  8<»»  year  of  his  Ma<>e»  reigne    Anno  Dmi  1696. 

Ben.  Fletcher. 
(Copy)  The  Instructions. 

Instrucc('(ns  for  Major  Peter  Schuyler  one  of  his  M^'y*"  Council  for  the  Province  f)f  New-Yorke, 
Mr.  Godfi-ey  Dellius  Maj'  Dirck  Wessels  and  the  May  of  Albany  for  the  time  being,  commissionated 
by  me  in  my  absence  to  conferr  witJi  the  Five  Indian  Nations  for  his  Ma'y**  service  pursuant  to  the 
s*"  Commission. 


COUNT    FRONTENAC'S    EXPEDITION   AGAINST   THE   ONONDAGAS. 


219 


To  send  out  trusty  and  fuitlifuU  Indians  with  one  or  two  Christians  that  understand  tlie  Indian 
Language  to  the  Castles  of  the  Sinnekes  Cayouges  and  Onnondages  who  are  fled,  to  acquaint  them 
that  upon  the  first  news  I  had  of  the  French  Invasion  I  came  up  to  their  reliete  and  assistance. 

That  att  my  arrivall  at  Albany  I  had  Intelligence  the  French  were  retreated  out  of  their  country. 

Tliat  I  am  desirous  to  have  a  meeting  with  the  Five  Nations  at  Albany  to  consult  with  them  what 
may  be  proper  for  their  common  good  and  safety,  and  present  them  with  such  tilings  as  are  sent  from 
my  Great  Master  the  King. 

And  that  I  desire  to  meet  them  the  Eleventh  day  of  October  next,  but  if  it  should  so  happen  there 
be  reason  of  their  seperacon  and  flight  the  brethren  cannot  meet  in  a  body  at  that  time-  tl\e  Onnon- 
dages, Sennekes,  and  Cayouges  being  the  uppermost  Nations  do  consult  and  appoint  a  time  and  give 
me  notice  thereof,  to  the  end  the  brethren  of  the  Maquaes  and  Oneydes  be  acquainted  therewith  that 
the  meeting  may  not  faile. 

That  if  any  of  the  Sachims  come  down  in  my  absence  you  hear  and  answer  then-  propositions  as 
you  shall  tinde  most  to  conduce  to  his  Ma'^e"  service  and  the  safety  of  the  Province. 

That  by  all  opportunityes  you  give  a  minute  account  of  these  affairs  to  me  and  his  Ma*.*"  Council 
for  this  Province  and  from  time  to  time  follow  sucli  further  directions  and  instrucc6ns  as  you  shall 
receive  from  us. 

And  it  is  hereby  further  directed  by  &  with  the  advice  of  those  of  his  Ma»>*»  Council  here  present 
that  the  sume  of  One  Hundred  pounds  be  lodged  in  the  hands  of  M'  Dellius  towards  the  defraying 
the  necessary  charges  of  these  persons  thus  employed  for  his  Ma*'^'  service  of  which  he  is  hereby 
obliged  to  give  a  particular  account  to  me  and  for  his  Ma'y*^  Council  at  New  Yorke  or  to  the  Gover- 
nour  &  Council  for  the  time  being.  Given  under  my  hand  and  seale  at  Albany  the  tcntli  day  of 
August  iu  the  eighth  year  of  his  Ma'y^s  reigne  Anno  Domini  1696. 

Ben  Fletcher 
Signed  David  Jamison  CI.  Concllij. 


if 


>  Esfi^s 


[  CouncU  Minutes  VII.  ]     • 

Att  a  Council  held  at  his  Matyes  fFort  in  New  Yorke  the  18"»  of  August  1696 
Present  His  Excell :  Benjamin  Fletcher  &c. 

Steph  Cortlandt         ^  John  Lawrence 

Nich :  Bayard  V  Esq"  Caleb  Heathcote 

Gabr  Monvielle         J 

Resolved  the  Indians  of  the  two  Nations  of  Onnondage  and  Oneyde  whose  Corn  is  destroyed  by 
the  enemy  be  supplyed  the  ensuing  winter  at  the  charge  of  this  Government. 

Ordered  no  Indian  Come  be  brought  down  the  river  from  Albany  Vlster  and  Dutchesse  Countyes 
untill  the  Indians  be  supplyed  this  ensueing  winter  and  that  the  Commissioners  appointed  to  treate 
witli  the  Indians  in  lus  Excell :  absence  do  purchase  soe  much  corue  as  is  necessary  for  them. 


t 


!  fii; 


"v 


220  COUNT  FRONTENAC'S   EXTEDITION  AGAINST  THE  ONONDAOAS. 


LETTER  FROM  COLL.  FLETCHER  TO  Mr.  BLAITHWAYTE,  DATED  THE  18th  SEPT"  1696. 

[  Lond.  Doe.  X.  ] 

Sir — I  am  not  willing  to  take  up  much  of  your  time  by  my  scurvy  scribblings ;  having  said  all 
that  occurs  to  my  thoughts  in  this  hasty  call  from  the  Five  Indian  Nations,  who  have  been  driven 
by  the  French  fVom  their  wooden  castles  and  are  returned ;  they  desire  to  see  me  at  Albany  in  a 
short  warning  and  I  am  now  ready  to  step  on  board.  The  French  Count  of  Canada  has  made  but  a 
very  silly  business  of  it  after  three  years  preparation  afrighting  a  few  naked  Indians  only ;  by  this 
be  shews  them  his  strength  and  his  mercy,  being  this  summer  recruited  from  France,  he  told  all  he 
took  prisoners,  his  business  was  to  bring  them  under  the  protection  of  liis  Master  but  not  to  destroy 
them.  Our  Chiefe  Sachims  would  not  be  persuaded  to  stay  and  treate,  but  seeing  his  ibrce,  tiiey 
fled,  and  are  return'd.  I  hope  to  revitt  them  in  their  allegiance,  by  the  presents  sent  from  His 
M^jty  and  an  addition  sent  from  this  Province ;  but  yet  I  want  the  most  congent  argument ;  a  good 
body  of  men. 


A  JOURNALL 


OF  WHAT  PASSED  IN  THE  EXPEDITION  OF  HIS  EXCELL.  COLL.  BENJAMIN  FLETCHER  CAPTAINE  GENERALL 
AND  GOVERNOR  IN  CHIEFE  OF  THE  PROVINCE  OF  NEW  YORKE  &C.  TO  ALBANY  TO  RENEW  THE  COVE- 
NANT CHAIN  WITH  THE  FIVE  CANTON  NATIONS  OF  INDIANS,  THE  MOHAQUES,  CNEYDES,  ONONDAGES, 
CAYOUGES   AND   8ENNEKES. 

Sept.  17,  1696.  On  Thursday  after  sunsett  his  Excell :  imbarqued  at  Greenwich :  on  Tuesday 
morning  arrived  at  Albany. 

22.  This  day  his  Excell.  viewed  the  fortifications  of  the  city  and  gave  orders  to  y«  May  and 
Aldermen  for  such  reparacons  as  were  found  needful!  in  the  blockhouses  platformes  and  stockadoes. 

27""  Sunday  aftemoone  the  Sachims  of  Oneyde  and  Onnondage  arrived  at  Albany,  in  the  evening 
they  supped  with  his  Excel,  giving  great  expressions  of  y«  joy  and  satisfacc6n  they  had  in  meeting 
his  Excell. 

28"'  His  Excell  sent  Capt  James  Weems  to  view  the  garrison  at  Schenectady  and  bring  report  to 
His  Excell  what  necessary  repairs  are  wanting  which  was  performed  accordingly. 

This  day  tlio  Sachims  of  the  other  three  Nations  arrived  and  desired  time  to  rest  themselves  till 
tomorrow. 

29^    His  Excell.  called  the  Sachims  together  and  spake. 


At  a  Meeting  of  the  Sachims  of  the  Five  Nations  at  Albany  the  29th  of  September,  1696 
Present  His  Excell  Coll  Benjamin  Fletcher  &c 

Coll.  Nicholas  Bayard 

William  Pinhorne  Esq  V  of  the  Council 

Maji-  Peter  Schuyler 
Matthew  Clarkson  Esq  Secretary. 
The  May  Recorder  &  Aldermen  of  Albany  &c 


S- 


COUNT   FBONTENAC'S   EXPEDITION  AOAINbT  TtlE  ONONDAOAa. 


Ml 


His  ExoeU  said:— 

Brethren,  It  is  an  inexpressible  satisfaction  to  me  that  I  see  you  here.  I  do  heartily  condole  the 
losse  our  brethren  the  Onondages  and  Oueydes  have  susteiued  by  the  late  eruption  of  the  French 
army  from  Ganida. 

Upon  the  first  certaine  intelligence  I  had,  I  came  up  in  person  with  [what]  I  could  hastily  gather 
for  your  assistance. 

And  I  am  now  here  and  present  you  the  Onondages  and  Oneydes  these  two  belts  of  Wampum  as 
a  conflrmac6n  of  my  sincerity  and  these  kettles  to  repair  your  losse  in  that  kinde. 
Brethren 

Two  months  agoe  I  received  at  Now  Yorke  the  first  intelligence  that  the  French  had  made  an  insult 
uti  -  your  country.  I  forthwith  came  up  as  I  said  before  to  yo'  reliefe  and  assistance.  I  had  an 
nt  before  I  did  reach  .. '.i  tiom  some  of  your  people  that  the  French  army  were  retreated 
ana  .„.j"ched  back  towards  Cauida.  I  then  sent  expresses  desiring  you  all  to  meet  me  at  this  place. 
Some  time  after  I  received  yo'  answer  that  you  would  meet  me  about  this  time  at  Albany ;  and  I  am 
now  come  up  a  second  time  this  summeir  in  order  to  renew  the  Covenant  Chain  and  to  consult  with 
the  brethren  what  is  most  propper  and  may  be  most  conducing  to  the  common  good  and  safety  of 
the  whole  House. 

I  do  acquaint  you  from  my  most  illr.strious  Master  the  King  of  Great  Brittaine,  France  and  Ireland, 
that  he  will  always  extend  liis  gracious  protecon  to  you  and  as  a  seal  of  it  his  Majesty  has  commanded 
me  to  deliver  you  these  presents  to  keep  bright  the  Covenant  Chain  from  all  rust  and  to  strengthen 
it  in  behalfe  of  all  his  Majesty's  Subjects,  not  only  of  this  Province,  but  those  also  of  New  England, 
Connecticut,  the  Jerseys,  Pennsylvania,  Maryland  and  Virginia. 


A  list  of  the  Presents  sent  from  the  King's  Most  Excellent  Majesty  and  given  to  the  Indians  (vt's') 
24  blew  coats  1  barrell  powder 

24  laced  hatts  400  weight  of  lead 

24  p"  shoes  with  buckles  1000  flints  . 

24  shirts  1  grose  of  tobacco  pipes,  wood  and  tinn 

22  dozen  hose  2  grose  of  knives 

30  gunn  barrills  and  locks  6  poxmd  of  vermillion 

30  brasse  kettles 

Prime  cost  in  England  of  the  above  goods  £200  sterling. 


A  list  of  presents  added  by  the  government  of  JSTew  Yorke. 

1  piece  of  duflSls  100  batchetts 

2  cask  of  Swan  shott  54^  lbs  tobacco  in  roll 
7  barrills  powder                                                2  grose  pipes 

14  large  kettles  Wampum  X3.  9. 

7  pieces  of  wiiite  hamills  for  shirts  28  gallons  rumm 

All  which  cost  in  New  York  money, £169    5    4J 

For  provision  to  the  Indians  and  repairing  their  arms 130  19    7 

Cash  for  Messengers,  Indian  Scouts  for  intelligence  of  the  Enemyes  motion  pJ  by  Mr. 

Dellius,  Mr.  Barker,  Maj' Schuyler  &  Major  Wessells 100  00    0 

From  England  £200  stg  in  New  York  money  is 260  00    0 

In  all  £660    4  1^ 


i 


\'ii 


II 

h 


223  COUNT  khontenac'b  expedition  against  the  cmondaoas. 

At  a  Meeting  of  the  Sachems  of  the  Five  Nations  at  Albany  the  first  of  October  1096. 

Present 
His  Excell.  Coll.  Beiyarain  Fletcher,  &o. 
Coll.  Nicholas  Bayard 
William  Pinhorne  Esq' 
Major  Peter  Schuyler 
Matth:  Clarkson,  Esq'  Sec". 
The  May'  Aldermen  of  Albany  &c 
Sanonguirese  a  Sachim  of  the  Moliaques  was  Speaker 

Brother  Cayenquimgoe 

We  returne  you  tlianks  for  wliat  you  have  said  the  day  before  yesterday  in  condoling  of  our  losse, 
and  f  >r  the  kettles  which  you  gave  us  to  boyle  our  victuals  in  the  room  of  those  that  are  lost  by  the 
enemy  as  also  for  the  two  Belts  of  Wampum  given  us  as  a  token  of  your  sincerity,  by  which  our 
hearts  are  mightily  rejoiced  and  lifted  up  in  this  our  poor  condition. 
Brother  Cajenquiragoe 
We  are  exceedingly  rejoiced  that  the  great  King  over  the  Seas  has  sent  to  us  in  this  our  low 
condition,  by  which  our  hearts  are  lifted  up,  we  were  ready  to  sink  in  a  miserable  perishing  Condi- 
tion and  this  makes  us  revive  again.    He  laid  down  six  Beaver  Skins. 
Brother  Cayenquiragoe 
We  come  to  desire  you  to  acquaint  the  Great  King  that  the  enemy  has  brought  us  to  a  very  low 
condition  and  have  destroyed  five  of  our  Castles ;  one  is  now  left,  and  if  that  be  destroyed  we  know 
not  what  to  do ;  we  know  not  what  shall  become  of  us  next ;  pray  let  tlie  Great  King  know  this. 
Brother  Cayenquiragoe 
We  desire  that  since  the  Great  King  of  England  &c.  has  Canoes  of  Seaventy  gunns  a  piece  and 
many  forces,  you  may  acquaint  him  that  it  is  a  great  pity  we  should  be  so  plagued  with  soe  small  an 
enemy  as  tlie  French  and  Indians  of  Canida.    We  are  not  able  of  ourselves  to  destroy  them. 

We  are  become  a  small  people  and  much  lessened  by  the  warr.    If  the  people  of  Virginia,  Mary- 
land, Pensilvania,  tlie  Jerseys,  Connecticutt  and  New-England  who  have  all  put  their  hand  to  the 
Covenant  Cliain  will  joyn  with  the  inliabitants  of  tliis  place  we  are  ready  to  go  and  root  out  the 
French  and  all  our  enemyes  out  of  Canida.     He  then  laid  down  a  bundle  of  six  Beaver  skins,  and 
on  the  outside  thereof  a  draft  of  the  river  of  Canida  with  the  chiefe  places  thereof  marked 
to  show  the  smallnesse  of  tlie  enemy  and  how  seated  upon  Canida  river ;  which  they  desire 
may  be  sent  over  and  shown  to  the  Great  King. 
Brother  Cayenquiragoe. 

We  again  thank  you  fur  the  Message  you  have  brought  us  from  the  Great  King. 
And  we  pray  you  to  send  again  to  him  for  us  with  all  vigour  and  speed,  and  to  lay  before  the 
King  what  we  have  here  said,  faile  not  in  writing,  faile  not  to  let  tlie  King  know  it.    We^ive  these 
five  Beavers  to  the  man  that  writes,  to  pay  lor  pajier,  penn  and  ink. 
Brother  Cayenquiragoe 
We  desire  you  to  acquaint  the  Great  King  as  before,  that  we  are  a  small  people  and  he  has  a  great 
people  and  many  canoes  with  great  gunns,  we  desire  you  to  write  to  him  to  know  whether  he  will 
send  tliem  to  destroy  Canida  or  not  against  the  next  time  the  trees  grow  green ;  and  if  he  will  not 
send  forces  to  destroy  Canada  then  to  send  us  word  thereof  that  we  may  make  peace  for  ourselves 
forever,  or  for  some  time. 

And  we  earnestly  pray  you  will  desire  the  Great  King  to  send  us  an  answer  by  the  next  time  the 
trees  grow  green.    He  laid  down  a  bundle  of  six  beavers. 


Qaehecq 
Mnntrul 
Troy  rivier 


COUNT    FRONTENAC'S    EXPEDITION   AGAINST   THE  ONONDAGAS. 


223 


At  a  meeting  of  the  Sachims  of  tin*  Five  Nations  ut  Albany  Octob.  Z*"  1696. 
Present  His  Excell.  Coll.  Benjamin  Fletcher,  &c. 

Coll.  Nicli.  Bayard  ) 

William  Pinhorne  Esq.  >  of  the  Council 

Mjyor  Peter  Schuyler,  ) 

Matth:  Clarkson  Esq.  Secx. 
Tlic  May'  Recorder  &  Aldermen  of  Albany  &c 
Dackashhata  a  Sachem  of  tlie  Sennekes  was  Speaker 
Brother  Cayenquiragoe 
We  come  to  condole  the  losse  you  daily  receive  having  daily  alarms  of  skulking  partyes  of  the 
enemy  doing  mischiete.    Then  laid  down  a  Belt  of  Wampum. 
Brother  Cayenquiragoe 
I  am  come  with  the  whole  House  to  consider  what  tends  to  the  comun  good  of  the  whole 
House 
Brother  Cayenquiragoe 

We  come  liere  to  quicken  the  Are,  and  renew  the  Covenant  cliain. 
Brother  Cayenquiragoe 
We  come  to  renew  the  Covenant  chain  with  all  tlie  brethren  of  New  England,  Connectlcutt, 
New  Yorke,  the  Jerseys,  Pensilvania,  Maryland  and  Virginia  tliat  tliey  may  partake  of  the  warmtli  of 
the  fire. 

Brother  Cayenquiragoe 

We  recommend  to  all  that  are  in  the  Covenant  Chain  to  be  vigorous  and  keep  it  up. 
Brotlier  Cayenquiragoe 

When  all  is  said  I  drincke  to  all  yo»  healths  &  then  I  deliver  you  the  cupp. 
Brother  Cayenquiragoe. 
There  has  been  a  cloud  and  we  come  to  remove  it,  as  tlie  Sun  in  the  morning  removes  the  dark- 
uesse  of  tlie  night.  , 

Brotlier  Cayenquiragoe. 

Tlie  tree  of  safety  and  welfare  planted  here  we  conflrme  it. 
Brotlier  Cayenquiragoe. 

As  tlie  tree  is  planted  liere  and  conflrnied,  so  we  make  fast  all  the  roots  and  branches  of  it,  all  the 
bretliren  of  the  Five  Nations  and  tlie  brethren  of  Virginia,  Maryland,  Pensilvania,  the  Jerseys,  New 
Yorke,  Counecticutt  &  New  England. 
Brother  Cayenquiragoe. 

We  wish  we  may  rest  in  quietness  under  that  tree.    We  fill  it  with  new  leaves,  and  wish  all 
that  are  in  the  Covenant  chain  may  have  the  benefite  to  sitt  down  quiett  under  its  sliaddow. 
Brother  Cayenquiragoe 

I  no  liereby  renew  the  covenant  chain  with  all  that  have  put  their  hands  in  it    Virginia,  Maiy- 
land,  Pensilvania  the  Jerseys,  New  Yorke  Counecticutt  &  New  England 
Brother  Cayenquiragoe. 
We  renew  the  covenant  chain  in  behalfe  of  tlie  whole  House,  the  Mohaques,  Oneydes,  Onon- 
dages  Cayouges  &  Sinnekes 
Brother  Cayenquiragoe. 

We  hu.c  lately  had  the  losse  of  two  Castles  by  the  enemy,  we  have  concluded  to  do  our  best  to 
assist  them  and  we  desire  Cayenquiragoe  will  doe  the  same. 
Brother  Cayenquiragoe 
We  wish  the  Cannoes  may  go  to  and  again  in  safety  that  the  Great  King  may  know  what  we 


I 


;; 


224 


COUNT    IROMTKMAc'h    expedition    against   the  ONOJNDAOAS. 


have  here  said  and  that  we  may  have  an  answer.    We  now  have  made  our  word  good  :  here  is  the 
oup.    Tiien  laid  down  some  small  bundles  of  bever  saying — it  is  but  small,  but  [itj  is  as  It  were 
saved  out  o    .ne  ilre. 
His  Uxcell^  stood  up  and  said — 
Bretluren 
1  liavv  heard  wliat  you  hi>ve  said,  and  have  here  renewed  the  Covenant  Chain  with  all  the  Five 
Nations,  the  Muhuijues,  Oiieydus,  Onnondages,  Cayouges  &  Slnnekes  in  behalf  of  tlie  Brethren  uf  this 
Province,  Virginia,  Maryland,  Peusilvanla,  the  Jerseys,  Connecticutt  &  New  England  and  I  assure 
the  Five  Nations  uf  His  Ma>>**  prutecc6n.    I  have  provided  for  you  some  victuals  and  drink  to  drink 
the  King's  health,  and  in  cuntirmaoon  thereof  that  it  may  last  us  long  as  the  Sun  &  Moon  endures  I 
give  this  Belt  Wampum. 

The  principle  Sachlm  of  the  Mohaques  called — Ohee. 
The  whole  Assembly  answered    Heeeeee  Hogh. 
The  principal  of  Oneyde  called — Ohee. 

The  wliule  Assembly  answered    Heeeeee  Hogh. 
The  principal  Sachim  of  Onnoudage  called    Ohee. 

The  whole  Assembly  answered    Heeeeee  Hogh. 
The  principal  Suchlm  of  Cayouge  called    Ohee. 

Tlie  whole  Assembly  answered    Heeeeee  Hogh 
Tl>e  princii»nl  Sachim  of  Siuneke  called — Ohee 

The  whole  Assembly  answered    Heeeeee  Hogh 
In  the  evening  His  Excellency  did  appoint  the  principal  Sachims  to  meet  him  at  a  private  con- 
ference next  morning. 

At  a  private  Meeting  of  the  Sachims  of  the  Five  Nations  at  Albany 
the  Sd  Oct:  1696. 

Present  His  £xcell.  Coll.  Benjamin  Fletcher  &c 
Coll.  Nich.  Bayard  ^ 

William  Pinhorne  Esq.    >  of  the  Council 
M^jor  Peter  Schuyler       ) 
Matthew  Clarkson  Esq:  Sect. 
His  Excellency  said: — 
Brethren 
It  was  proposed  by  the  Speaker  of  the  Five  Nations  the  first  day  that  I  should  write  to  my 
Great  Muster  t\w  King  of  England  &c  concerning  the  warr  that  is  between  the  Five  Nations  and  the 
French  &  Indians  of  Cunida  and  tliat  I  should  gett  an  answer  from  the  Great  King  to  you  the  brethren 
next  spring. 
Brethren 
I  must  assure  y(ju  its  utterly  impossible  in  so  short  a  time  to  send  over  to  my  Great  Master 
and  to  receive  un  answer  for  reasons  which  I  shall  now  give  you. 

The  way  over  the  great  sea  is  long,  the  danger  and  loazards  are  many,  and  in  the  winter  season 
many  storms  and  contrary  winds. 
Brethren, 
I  do  promise  you  to  use  ail  the  speedyest  means  with  the  first  opportunity  to  write  to  the  Great 
King  and  to  gett  you  an  answer  which  I  am  sure  will  be  to  yo'  content  and  satlsfiiction  and  so  soon  as 
it  comes  I  sh  dl  communicate  it  to  you 


COUNT    FRONTENAC'S   EXPEDITION   AGAIMIT  THE  OMOMOAOAf. 


285 


Brethren. 
In  the  mean  time  I  liavo  appointed  M^j'  Schuyler  M'  Delliug  M^or  Wesiels  and  the  Mayor 
of  the  Citty  of  Albany,  tu  receive  yo'  propositions  upon  any  occasions  that  may  happen  in  my  absence. 
Brethoreu 
I  do  heartily  wlsli  you  home  well  to  yo'  own  castles  and  that  you  may  look  out  and  be  care- 
tnU  not  to  be  durprized ;  you  can  never  be  too  watchful!.    I  now  take  my  leave  of  you  and  give  each 
of  you  a  kegg  of  rumm  fur  a  dram  to  comtbrt  you  ir  the  way  home,  and  a  coat  to  keep  you  warm 
in  the  winter.    I  sliali  see  you  again  (God  willing)  next  summer  or  sooner  if  yo'  atfaires  call,  if  it 
please  Qod  to  continue  my  health. 

The  Sachitns  offer  to  make  some  propositions. 
Sauongurese  Sachiiu  of  the  Mc^hagues  Speaker.  ^ 
Brother  Cayenquiragoe 
We  have  been  a  lung  time  in  the  Covenant  Chain  with  the  brethren  of  New  Yorke,  in  which 
afterwards  at  sundry  times  the  brethren  of  Virginia  Maryland  Pensilvanla,  the  Jerseys,  Connccticutt 
and  New  England  came  and  linked  tliemselves.    Tliey  like'd  tiie  chain  of  peace,  but  where  ave  they 
now ;  they  do  not  like  to  take  part  with  us  in  ilie  war.    They  are  all  asleep  ;  tliey  came  not  to  our 
assistance  against  the  enemy ;  their  hands  hung  down  straight,  and  their  arms  are  lame ;  we  see  none 
minde  the  warr  but  the  brethren  of  New  Yorke. 

We  are  now  down  upon  one  knee,  but  we  are  not  quite  duwn  upon  the  ground ;  lett  tiie  Great 
King  of  England  send  the  grea*^  Caunoes  with  seaventy  gunns  each,  and  let  the  brethren  of  Virginia, 
Maryland,  Peusllvania,  tlie  Jerseys,  Connccticutt  j^  New  England  awake,  and  we  will  stand  up  straight 
agaiue  upon  our  feet ;  our  heart  is  yet  stout  and  good ;  we  doubt  not  but  to  destroy  the  enemy. 
Then  laid  down  a  Belt  of  Wampum 
Broth«'r  Cayenquiragoe. 
We  again  desire  you  to  write  to  the  Great  King  and  to  gett  us  an  answer  ajainst  the  next 
tiir  8  the  trees  become  greep  and  that  there  be  no  delay.  Let  it>not  bo  said  to  us  the  cannoes  are  lost 
under  water,  or  that  the  wind  lias  carried  them  into  another  country,  or  the  like  excuse,  but  let  us 
have  the  answer  against  the  trees  grow  green,  without  faile,  for  we  are  in  great  need  of  it.  Then 
laid  down  a  Bever  Skin. 

Tu  which  His  Excell:  made  answer. 

Brethren.  I  shall  be  faithfull  and  exact  to  my  promise  to  you.  I  shall  senil  to  the  Great  King 
my  Master  by  the  first  opportunity  and  be  careful  in  sending  you  the  Great  Kings  answer,  as  I  told 
you  before ;  but  I  cannot  be  positive  to  a  time  when  the  voyage  depends  upon  winde  and  weather 
winch  are  soe  uncertalne.    I  wish  you  well  to  yo'  castles. 

Tlie  principal  Sachim  of  the  Mohaqiies  called — Ohee 

The  whole  number  of  Sachims  answered    Heeeeee  Hogh  &c. 


[Vol.  I.) 


29 


I' 


\]  i 


226  OOUNT   riOMTUIAC's   KUEDITION   AOAIMIT  TUB  ONOMDAOAS. 

EXTRACT  OF  GOV.  FLETCHER'S  SPEECH 

AT   THE  OPENINO   OF   4*^   »tMU.    6l>>PR0V:    ASSEMBLY    16   OCT:    1696. 

i,   •    '1.1 

\  [Oooaell  Min.  VII.  ] 

M'  Speaker  I  am  to  aoqiiaiut  you  I  have  been  necessitated  twice  this  summer  by  advice  and 
consent  of  the  Council  to  visite  Albany  tlie  fl'renoh  Governor  of  Canida  marched  with  so  conside- 
rable a  force  into  the  Indian  Countrey  of  Onnondage  and  Oneyde  tiiat  I  could  not  suppose  his  design 
would  end  there  but  expected  that  he  would  with  that  strength  attempt  ..Vlhany  where  I  was  ready 
to  adjust  my  duty  in  defence  of  the  place  he  contented  himselfe  with  a  poor  insult  over  our  naked 
Indians  and  retired  Yet  he  destroyed  the  Castles  and  come  of  those  two  Nations  who  must  perish 
this  winter  if  not  relieved  by  us. 

You  all  know  they  have  been  true  to  His  Matyes  interest  in  Joyniiig  with  this  Province  against  our 
oommon  Enemy  the  ffrench  and  unlesse  encouraged  may  be  compelled  by  poverty  to  make  their 
peace  with  them. 


i'i 


1 


l\ 


ii 


t'%\ 


LIST  OP  THE  OFFICERS  OF  THE  MILITIA  OF  THE  PROVINCE  OF  NEW  YORKE,  1700. 


[  Lond.  Doc.  XIII.  ] 

A  Table  of  the  Number  of  the  severall  Regiments  in  y«  Province  of  New 
County  of  Suffolk 
Queen's  County 
King's  County 

Richmond  County  2  Comp*" 
City  &  County  of  New  York 
County  of  West  Chester    . 
Ulster  and  Dutchess  County 
City  &  County  of  Albany  . 

Totall 


York. 


614 
601 
280 
152 
684 
155 
325 
371 

3182  men 


Province  of  JVew  Yorke 
List  of  y«  present  officers  of  ye  Militia  in  his  Maty  Province  of  New  York  in  America  commis 
ilonated  by  his  Excel.  Rich«i  Earle  of  BeUomont,  Capt  Generall  &  Goyr  in  Cliief  in  &  over  his  Maty, 
said  Province  &c.  viz'  . 

Of  ye  Regiment  of  MiUtia  of  y«  County  of  SulTolk  on  y«  Island  Nassaw 
Isaac  Arnold      ....  Colonel     ) 

Henry  Pierson  .  .  Lieu' Col  f  Field  Officers 

Mattliew  Howel  .  lyjajr  \ 

Tlie  several  Compi*  in  y^  said  Regim' 
The  Foot  Compa  in  the  town  of  Brookhaven 

Captain     ^ 

Lieut         Ccomon  Officers 

Ensigne  ) 
Of  the  Foot  Comp»  in  ye  town  of  Huntington 

Capt  N 

Lieut         (c.  0. 

Lieut  ) 
Of  ye  Foot  Compa  in  y"  town  of  Southampton 

Capt 

Lieut         ^C.  0. 

Ensigne 


Sum.  Smith 
RIch'i  Floyd 
Joseph  Tucker 

Tho»  Wicks 
Jo"  Woods 
Epenetus  Plat 

Abra  Howell 
Josepli  Fordham 
Isaac  Halsey 


ii 


230 


Jo"  Lupton 
Joseph  Moore 

Tho.  Stephens' 
Joseph  Pierson 
Jerem.  Scot 

Tho  Young 
Sam  Glover 
Rich.  Brown 


Jonathan  Harlon  Cap' 
Tho'  Mapas  Cap* 
Capt; 


armV  list  of  the  province  of  niw-yobk. 

Of  another  Comp»  in  y«  said  Town 

Capt  ^ 

Lieut.         >C.  0. 
Ensigne.    } 
Of  another  Comp»  in  y«  said  Town 

Capt.  ) 

Lieut.         >C.  0. 
Ensigne.     ) 
Of  ye  Foot  Comp»  in  y"  Town  of  Southold 

Capt.  ^ 

Lieut  VC.  0. 

Ensigne      ) 
Of  another  Foot  Comp"  in  y«  said  Town 

Griflttn  Lieu* 

Emens  Ensign 


Of  another  Foot  Comp»  in  y«  said  Town 

Joshua  Harlow  Lieu* 
Jo"  Booth  Ensigne 
Of  another  Foot  Comp"  in  y"  town  of  East  Hampton 

Lieut  J  Ensigne  ; 

Of  another  Foot  Comp»  in  y*  said  Town 
John  Wheeler  Capt,  Enoch  Fitchen  Lieut, 

Corn.  Conchling  Ensigne 
This  Regiment  consists  of  six  hundred  and  fourteen  men 

Of  the  Regim'  of  Militia  in  Queens  County  on  y«  said  Island 

Colonel 
John  Jackson  .  Lieut  Col  }  Field  Officers 

Maj» 
Of  the  Foot  comp"  in  the  town  of  Jamaica 
Hope  Carpenter        .  Capt. 


Benjn  Thurston 
Rich*  Oldfield 

Of  another  Foot  comp' 
Sam.  Carpenter 
Joseph  Smith 
Dan.  Smith 

Of  the  Foot  Comp*  in  y 
Content  Titus 
Sam.  Ketcham 
Sam.  Morrell 

Of  another  Foot  Comp* 
Rob«  Coe 
Jo"  Berian    . 
Jonathan  Coe 
Of  the  Foot  Comp»  in  y*  Town  of  Hampstead 
Jerem.  Smith  Capt 


Lieut. 

Ensigne 
in  y«  said  Town 

Capt. 

Leiut. 

Ensigne 
*  town  of  New  Town 

Capt. 

Lieut. 

Ensigne 
in  y*  said  Town 

Capt. 

Leiut. 

Ensigne 


Com<">  Officers 


C.  0. 


C.  0. 


C.  0. 


Ili-i 


AKMY   LIST   OF   THE   PROVINCE  OF   NEW-YORK. 


281 


Richd  Hubbs 
Isaac  Smith 

Of  another  Foot  Comp" 
Joseph  Smith 

Tho»  Gildersleeve 


Leiut. 
Ensigne, 
in  y»  said  Town 

Capt. 

Lieut. 

Ensigne. 


Of  another  Foot  Comp"  in  yo  said  Town 


Capt, 

Leiut, 

Ensigne, 


Tho.  Treadwell 
Jon.  Pine 
Jon  Forster 

Of  the  Foot  Comp>  in  y«  Town  of  Flushing" 
Robert  Hinchman  Capt, 

Harrington  .  .  Leiut, 

Daniel  Wright  .  Ensigne, 

Of  the  Foot  Compa  in  y"  town  of  Oysterbay 
Eobt  Coles     ....  Capt. 

Josia  Latten  .  .  Leiut 

Nath :  Coles  Jun-  .  Ensigne 

Of  the  Troope  of  Horse  in  y«  said  Regm* 
John  Lawrence  Capt. 

Jonath:  Smith  .  .  Leiut 

Daniel  Lawrence      .  .  .  Cornet 

JonFinne     ....  Quartermaster 

The  Regiment  consists  of  six  hundred  &  one  men. 

Of  the  Regiment  of  Militia  in  King's  County  on  y*  said  Island, 
Stephen  Cortlandt  .  .  Colonel 

Gerrardus  Beekman  .  .  Leiu*  Col. 

Corn:  Van  Brunt  .  .  Majr 

Of  the  Foot  Comp«  in  tlie  town  of  Amersfort, 
Jon  Terhermon         .  Capt. 

Peter  Mansford        .  .  .  Leiut 

Corn  Van  Voorhuyen  Ensigne 

Of  the  Foot  Comp«  in  ye  Town  of  Gravesend. 
John  Lake  .  .  Capt. 


Feild  Officers 


Clir:  Bemoyn 
Albert  Coerten 


Of  the  Foot  Comp»  in  the  town  of  Brookland, 


Joris  Hansen 
Daniel  Repalie 
Tennis  Repalie 

Of  the  Foot  Comp*  in  y 
John  Van  Dyke 
Joost  Van  Brunt 
Matys  Smake 

Of  the  Foot  Comp»  in  ye  town  of  Midwout 
Arie  Van  de  Bilt  capt. 


Leiut, 
Ensigne, 


Capt, 
Leiut, 
Ensigne. 
town  olNew  Uytregt. 
Capt. 
Leiut. 
Ensigne. 


V 


232 


ABMY   LIST  OF  THE  PROVINCE  OF   NEW-YORK. 


town  of  Boswick 


Leiut, 
Ensigne. 

Capt, 
Leiut, 
Ensigue. 

Capt. 
Leiut, 
Cornet 
Quarter  Master 


Capt, 
Leiuts* 

Capt 
Leiut" 


S3Tnon  Hansen 

Isaac  Hegeman 

Of  the  Foot  Comp»  in  ye 
Peter  Pra 
Michill  Parmyter 
Jochetu  Vouchnewen 

Of  the  Troop,  of  JJorj^  in  y«  said  Regiment 
Dan.  Polhemius 
Roeloft  Verkirk 
Jerominus  Remse 
Gysbert  Bayard 

Tliis  Regiment  consists  of  two  hundred  &  eighty  men. 
Of  the  Militia  in  the  County  of  Richmond. 
Of  the  Foot  Comp"  in  the  said  County. 
Tho.  Stilwell        ...... 

Tho.  Morgane  > 
Nice  Teunisse  ) 

Of  another  Comp«  in  y«  said  County 
Andrew  Carmon  ..... 

John  Stilwell 
Jaque  Poilton 
The  said  two  Comp»»  m  the  said  County  consists  of  one  hundred  &  fifty  two  men. 
Of  the  Regim'  of  Militia  in  y  City  and  County  of  New  York 
Abra :  De  Peyster  ....  Colonel 

W'"  Mervet         .....  Leiut  Col.  }  Field  Officers 

Jo"  Henry  De  Bruyn       ....  Majf 

Of  a  Foot  Comp"  in  y*  said  City 
Robt.  Walters      .....  Capt, 

Andrew  Teller  ....  Leiut  ^  Com<">  Oificers 

Jon  Hardinbrooke  ....       Ensigne, 

Of  another  Foot  Comp*  in  y«  said  City 
David  Provost  ....  Capt, 

W™  Churcher  ....  Leiut, 

Absa :  Brasier  ....  Ensigne 

Of  one  other  Foot  Comp»  in  ye  said  City. 
Leonard  Lewis  ....  Capt, 

Jacob  Vander  Spcigle  .  .  .  Lieut, 

Isaac  Governeur        ....  Ensigne, 

Of  one  other  Troop  Comp"  in  y*  said  City. 
Isaac  De  Keimer  ....  Capt 

Steph  Richards  ....  Leiut 

Nicho.  Blank,  ....  Ensigne 

Of  one  other  Foot  Comp»  in  y  said  Citty 
Cornelius  De  Peyster    ....  Capt, 

Roger  Baker  ....  Leiut 

Com:  Lodge      .....  Ensigne 


CO. 


CO. 


51' 


I" 

-V    ;■ 
.f  .   I 


ARMY   LIST  OF  THE  PROVINCE  OF  NEW-YORK. 

Of  one  other  Foot  Comp»  in  y*  said  Cltty 
John  Tlieobalds  ....  Capt 

Peter  De  Melt  ..."  £^1^ 

Isaac  Brasier Engig^g 

Of  anotlier  Foot  Comp»  in  y«  said  Citty 
Evert  ByvancK  ....  Capt, 

Jolin  Vandcr  Speigel  .  .  .  L^jut 

JonTiebout         .•••'•  Eiisigne. 

Of  one  other  Foot  Comp»  in  y*  said  City 
Martin  Clock  ....  Capt, 

ThoFornuier  .  .  .  ,  J^^■^^^ 

Hend:  Breevort  •  .  .  .'  Ensig'ne, 

Of  the  Troop  of  Horse  in  ye  said  Regimt 

John  De  Peyster  Capt,  Jo»  Outman  Cornet 

Jo"  Hoghland      Leiut,  Evert  Van  deWater  Quarter  master 

Tliis  Regiment  consists  of  six  hundred  k  eighty  five  men. 

Of  the  Regiment  of  Militia  in  y«  County  of  West  Cliester. 

Colonel       ^ 

Lieut.  Col.  }  Field  Officers 
Aug' Graham  .  .  .  j^igj  \ 

Of  a  Foot  Comp»  in  tlie  town  of  East  Chester. 
Jolm  Drake  .  .  c^pt,  n 

Joseph  Drake  .  .  .  Leiut,  f    C  O 

Henry  Tower  .  .  .  ^^^^^^^      ^ 

Of  a  Foot  Compa  in  ye  town  of  New  liochell, 

Oliver  Besley ^apt, 

Isaac  Merier ^eiut, 

Pierre  Vasleau  ....  ^nsigne 

Of  a  Foot  Comp'i  in  ye  town  of  Mamarioneck 

J'^^^^^Mott Captain 

Robert  Lauting  ....  Leiut 

Tho:  Ives  ■•.'.'.  Ensig'ne 

This  Regiment  consists  of  one  hundred  fifty  five  men. 
Of  tlie  Regiment  of  Militia  in  y  Counties  of  Ulster  &  Dutchess. 

Colonel      ^ 
Jacob  Rutsen     ....  Lieut  Col  <  Field  Oflicei-s 

Majr  ) 

Of  a  foot  Compa  in  y*  said  Countys. 
Matthias  Mattyson  .  .  .  Captain     "i 

Evert  Bogardus  .  .  .  j^eiut.        i  Com""  Officers 

Tennis  Tappen  ....  Ensigne,   ) 

Of  another  Foot  Compa  in  yo  s^  Countys. 
Abso:  Hasbrooke  .  .  .  Captain 

Moses  Quantaine  .  .  .  Lieut 

Lewis  Bavea       ....  Ensigne. 


I  Vol.  1. 1 


30 


, 


II 


2^1 


George  Middagh 
Gysbert  Kroom  . 
Alex.  Kosebrans 


AKMY  LIST  OF  THE    PROVINCE  OF  NEW-YORK. 

Of  an  other  Foot  Comp^  in  y«  said  CJountys. 


Baltus  Van  Gleet 
Hcndiick  Kipp    , 
John  Ter  Bus 


tJapt, 
Lieut, 
Ensigne. 
Of  another  foot  Comp»  in  y*  said  Countys, 
Aria  Rose  ....  Captain 

John  Rose  ....  Lieut. 

Aria  Gerrutse     ....  Ensigne 

Of  another  Foot  Comp»  in  y*  said  Countys. 
Jocham  Schoonmaker  .  Captain 

John  Van  Camp  ....  Lieut 

Jacob  Becker      ....  Ensigne 

Of  another  Foot  Cornp*  in  y«  said  Countys 
Coenrod  Elmendorp  .  Captain 

Matlyse  Sleight    ....  Lieut 

Garret  Wyncoop  .  .  Ensigne 

Of  another  Foot  Coinp»  in  y«  said  Countys 

Captain 
Lieut 
Ensigne 

Of  the  Troop  of  Horse  in  y*  said  Regiment 
Egbert  Schoonmaker  Captain  Abra:  Gasbert  Coronet 

Corn:  Decker  Lieut.  Mattys  Jansen  Quartermaster 

This  Regiment  consists  of  Three  hundred  five  &  twenty  men. 

Of  the  Regiment  of  Militia  in  y"  City  &  County  of  Albany. 
Peter  Schuyler    ....  Colonel       ) 

Lieut.  Col.  >  Field  Officers 
Dyrck  Weasels    ....  Maj'  ) 

Of  a  Foot  Company  in  the  city  of  Albany 
Joliannes  Bleeker  Captain       ^ 

Johannes  Roseboom         .  Lieut  >  Com"  Officers 

Abra:  Cuyler      ....  Ensigne      ) 

Of  another  Foot  Comp*  in  y*  said  city 

Captain 
Lieut. 
Ensigne. 
Of  another  Foot  Comp"  in  the  said  County 

Captain 
Lieut. 
Ensigne. 


Albert  Rykman  . 
Wessel  ten  Broek 
Johannes  Thomasse 


Martin  Cornelisse 
Andris  Douw 
Andris  Koyman 


Gerrit  Teimisse  . 
Jonas  Douw         i 
Jochem  Lamerse  ^ 
Volckart  V.  Hoesem  ) 
Abra:  Hanse  ] 


Of  another  Foot  Comp»  in  the  said  County 

Captain 


Lieut» 


Ensignes 


ARMY  LIST  or  THE  PROVINCE  Or  MEW- YORK.  235 

Of  a  Foot  Comp»  in  y"  town  of  Schenectady 
Johannes  Sanderse  Glen  .  Captain 

Adam  Woman  [Vrooman?]         .  .  Lieut. 

Harman  V.  Slyke  ,  Ensigne. 

Of  the  Troupe  of  Horse  in  y*  said  Regiment 
Kilian  van  Renslaer  Captain 

Johannes  Schuyler  .  .  Lieut. 

Bennone  V.  Corlaer  Cornet 

Anthony  Bries    ....  Quartermaster 

This  Regiment  consists  of  Three  hundred  seaventy  one  men. 

(Indorsed)    «  No  13.  New  Yorke.    List  of  the  officers  of  the  Militia  in  the  Province  of  New  Yorke 
«  Referred  to  in  y •  E  of  Bellomonts  lr6  of  y •  28  Nov  1 700  Reed  1 8  Feb  Read     1 700  J 


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CENSUS 


OF   THE 


Oronnties  of  ©range.  Baici^ts  U  Sllbong. 


f  i 


1702,  17191,    1720. 


r 


: 


■  . 


1 1 
h 

li 


If: 


n 


LIST  OF  THE  INHABITANTS  IN  THE  COUNTY  OF  ORANGE.    1702. 


II 


J 

2 


12 


etc 


II 


Uanlsl  O.  Clerqua    . 
Jueol)  (I  Clerqua       . 
Ahram  IlearlPKh      . 
Thomii  Van  lluwttan 
Rnlotr  Van  Ilowttan 
Cladi  Van  llnwllcn 
Hcnilrick  OerUMan 
John  Ilandrlckiian  . 
Harman  Hanilrlokuan 
(jarltlt  lientlrlciien 
Lambert  Arlaniien 
(iorldt  Lamberlsan 
l.owo  Keyneriien 
Thonli  'laalman 


William  MerrlttiMarRry  Hit  Wllff 
IJff 


Caipar  Janiien    . 
Jolian  Claiien 
Johanna  Ueritien 
Jacob  Cool      .    . 
Counrat  Haniien  . 
Reijnier  M linemen 
Uirvk  8traat    ,    . 
Cornelia  Haaringh 
Cuiyn  Haaringh  . 
Jacob  Fllerbiiim 
Hamiial  Conkllln  . 
Abram  NIauvalt    . 
John  I  V>  nard  .     . 
laa&o  Gd'liiien 
Pletar  Ilcaiinffh  . 
Jeremiah  Cenlfr  . 
John  O'puy     ,    , 
John  I  (rfrlai   .    . 
Oerritt  Iluljbrecbtz 
John:  Maijer  .    . 
I'oului  TJurckiian 
John:  Hey  .     .    . 
Malchert  CiiiperiRen 
Joiirlan  Molgcrtison 
John :  I'errn    .     , 
Joma«  Waller      • 
Itaac  Brett      .    . 
Will:  Juell      .    . 
WlllJueliJunar  . 


Rcyn 


V>  lllem  Crom  . 
Ariam  Crom    . 
Oytbart  Crom 
Alhart  Mlmalay 
Cornlii  Cueper 

Edward  Mek   . 


Jan 


florli 


GeretJaHia  WiJO'      I  Child 


iTriJntJa  Hi)  WiJOe    1  Child    .     6  Mayda 


Crom 


frana  Wcy 
DIrck  Storm 


iMary  Hli  Wijfa  .     3  Children 


iMargrUHIt  Wlffe 

Lyibolh  ilia'wij'fle 
Brechtie  Ilia  Wya'e 
Dirckje  A  Widow 
MayHia  WyfTe    . 
iTrlJnIjeHia  Wyffo 
Calhrin  Hia  Wiire 
Barbara  Hia  WilTo 
LciintJeHia  Wiffe 
Mary  Hia  WIITe    . 
Tryntje  Hia  Wiffe 
ICatha  Hia  Wiffe 
Mary  Hia  Wiffe   . 
iMarij  Hia  Wiffe  . 
IHannaHiaWlffa  . 
Oritjo  Hia  Wiffe  . 
Qritjc  Hia  Wiffe  . 
Mary  Hia  Wiffa  . 
Uritje  Hia  Wiffe  . 
Anna  Hia  Wiffe    . 
Janncke  Hia  Wiffe 
Ariantje  Hii  Wiffe 


I  Mayd 


4  Men 
IMan 


;1  Women  I  Child 
!1  Women  1  Child 


2  narla. 
I  Uarl 


2  Chllderen  4  garella 

1  Child   ."     I  jer'cll" 

.     .    :J  gerella    2  Man 


3  Chllderen' 

.  .  .  3 
6  Chllderen  2 
2  Chllderen  2 


1  Child 

1  Child   '. 

1  Child    . 

2  Children 

,1  Child  ; 

;4  Children 

1  Child    ". 

1  Child    . 

3  Children 
3  Chllderen 

2  Children 


gerella 

gerella 

gerella 

gerell 

gerall 

gerell 

goria  . 

gerla  . 

gerll  . 

gorela 

garlli 

gorlla 

gcrlla 
gerlla 
gerllR 
gerjia 


4 

IMao 


jAntJe  AWadow  .     3  Children    3  gerlla      1 


'Trljntje  A  Wedow 
lOertruyt  Hia  Wife 


ISara  Hia  Wiffe    . 
iBetheHia  Wiffe  . 
Magdalen  Hia  Wiffle 
;Sara  His  Wiffa     . 


,2  Children 


2  Gerlla 
j2  Gerlla 


1  Child    .  !3  Gerella 
3  Children  I    .     .    . 

.      .     .  {1  Gerlla 

2  Children  4  Gerlla 


Xyne  Hia  Wiffe    . 
jGeritje  Hia  Wiffe 


1  Child 
1  Child 


Alcenake  His  Wiffe 
lAltjo  His  Wiffe    . 
Sara  Crab  Widow 


2  Gerella 


il  Women  1  Child 


1  Women 


Men 


Men 


Woman 


.  .  .  5  Gerlla  il  Men 
4  Children  7  Gerlla  1  Men 
2  Children    1  Gerll 


Indian  w:  His  Wiffe 
Mery  His  Wife    . 


Com*  to  4U  men 


Women 


1  Child 


1  Child 
1  Child 


garall 
gerral 


1  Child 


Oerll 


Coms  to  5  men     Coma  to  40  Wiffe     Coma  to  57  ;Com8  to    .Coma  to  Coma  to  T.Coma  to  7  Coma  to  6 
;  I  C'lliir:       I  H4  gcrlla  !  13  men;  Women     Childea    gerela 

In  the  County  Urange  the  16th  Day  of  Junij  1702.    Thia  ji  a  Trew  ACount  off  all  the  Malea  and  ffumalea  off  Men  Women  and 
Chllderen 

WlTNCaa  0UWI»  hand WILL  MERRETT 

DANIEL  DE  KLERCK 
Pr :  Order  of  the  Juaticea  r   I  V 

the  pae»  Dit  is       r\     het  marck  van  >  Justices. 

D.  STORM  CI :  11 

THEUNIS  ROELOFFZEN  VAN  HOWTEK^ 
[Endorsed]    Thia  ia  a  Trieuw  Acount  of  the  County  Orange.       CORNELIS  CLASEN 


240 


CKNttUH   or    UUTCIIIUIS   CUUNTV. 


A  LIST  OF  THE  INHABITANTS  AND  SLAVES  IN  THE  COUNTY  OF  DUTCHES.     :7M. 


The  S«r«rall  plaoci  or  DIttrtoit  In  the  Oountr  whore 
IuhabiUn(. 


I 


0 

e 

if 


I 

!, 

h.  M 
0-3 

u 


I 

I 

II 


1 

t 


I 

8 

« 
I 

II 

91 


I 

c 

^. 

I? 

II 
9  a 


B 

8 

I 

•I 


as 


Jaroli  Kip 

Jucoh  IMowith 

Mulleia  HIevt 

Kverl  Van  vVai^enan 

Whilllam  Oitraniler 

Lowrunii  Oitrout 

r<>(er  I'alniater 

MaKhfll  Fallmatir 

William  Totnort , 

Honilrlck  Pell* 

I'etor  Vely 

John  Kip 

Klena  Van  De  Uogart 

John  De  Urava 

Lvnaril  Lewii 

liartolumut  Hooirnnboom. 

Kaltui  Van  Klenk 

Frani  Le  Hoy 

Oarent  Van  Kleck 

John  Oitrom 

Harmen  Hjmlera 

Mrindert  Van  Den  Bogart 

Johanei  Van  Kleck 

Lenar  I<e  Roy 

B wart  Van  Wug^encn 

Henry  Van  Oer  Burgh  . ... 

Kliai  Van  Buncholen • 

Thomas  SanUeri 

Cutrino  Laaink  Wedo 

Peter  I.asink , 

ey  Scouten  

Mollen  Springsteen 

Johnes  Terbots 

John  Beuys 

Abram  Beuys 

Oaratt  Van  VIeit 

William  Uuten 

Andreis  Daivedes 

Frans  De  I.angen 

A  ret  Masten 

James  Husey 

Roger  Brett 

Peter  De  Bnjres 

Isack  Hendricks 

John  Brcinvs 

Jeurey  Sprinsten 

Peck  De  Wit 

Adaam  Van  alsted 

Cellitip  kool 

Harmen  knickerbacker  .... 
Johania  Dyckman  Sienjer  . 

Jacob  Hofjhtelingh 

Dirck  Wesselsc 

WillemSchot 

Jacob  Vosburgh 

Tunis  Pieterse 

hendcrick  bretsiert 

Roelif  Duijtser 

Jnhannis  t^poor  Junjoor.... 

Abraham  Vosburfch 

Al)raham  Van  Duscn 

Willem  Wijt 

T^ouwcrens  knickerbacker  . 

hrnderck  Sissum 

Aenderls  Gerdener 

Gysbert  oostcrhout 

Johannis  Dyckman  Junjor  . 


.§«.•.••* 


11 


89 


120 


97 


<J8 


13 


[Toua  JNo.  of  touts,  445.] 


LIST  or  THC   rKCEHOLDBSa  Or  THC  CITT   AND    COUIITT  OF  AlilAMY. 


241 


A  LIST  OP  THE  FFREEH0LDER8  OF  THE  CITY  AND  COUNTY  OP  ALBANY.    17'20. 


first  umrA 
Evert  Wendell 
Jno  Dunbar 
Hormanis  Wendell 
Peter  Van  Brugh 
Johannifl  Schuyler 
Antoney  Van  Schaick 
Mindert  Schuyler 
Antoney  Vanschalck  Snur 
Robert  Livingston  Junr 
Tho:  Williams 
Coonrodt  Tennyck 
Joseph  Yates  Junr 
Jacob  Roseboom 
Jacob  Staats 
John  Rosie 
Wra;  Hogan 
Johannis  Van  Alen 
Jacob  Lansen 
Baltis  Van  Bentheusen 
Harmanis  Ryckman 
Fred.  Mindertsen 
DanieU  Kelly 
Johannis  Vandenbergh 
Joseph  Vansante 
Joseph  Yeats  Snor 

Winant  Vanderpoel 

John  Kidney 

Mindert  Lansen 

Obediah  Cooper 
Joliaunis  Vansante 

Matthews  Flantsburgh 

Tobias  Ryckman 

Peter  Ryckman 

Wra.  Hilton 

Johannis  De  Garmoe 

Claes  Van  Woort 

Henry  Holland 

John  Collins 

Hend:  Halenbeek 

Peter  Graraoe 

Johannis  Ratclif 

Luykas  Hooghkirck 
[Vol.  L] 


Hendrick  Oothout 
Nicolas  Winegaert 
Curnelis  Vandyke 
Johannis  Lansen 
Luykas  Winegaert 
Kyert  Oerritso 
Oose  Van  Schaick 
Barent  Egbertseu 
Bastlan  Visser 
Antoney  Brogardes 
Thomas  Wendell 
Johannis  Tenbroeck 
Antoney  Coster 
Danl  Flantsburgh 
Joltannis  Beekman 
Johannis  Wendell  Junr 
Antoney  Van  Schaick  Junr 
Phillip  Livingston 
Jacob  Beekman 
Revr'nd  Thomas  Barclay 
David  Grewsbeck 
Stephanis  Grewsbeck 
2d  Ward 
Juhaifnis  Cuyler 

Nicos:  Bleeker 

Abram:  Cuyler 

Warner  Van  Ivera 

Reyner  Mindertsen 

Barent  Sanders 

Wm:  Grewsbeck 

Guisbert  Marselis 

Herpert  Jacobsen 

Arent  Pruyn 

Johannis  Mingaell 

Johannis  Hansen 

Seibolet  Brigardes 

David  Van  Dyke 

Johannis  Vinhagen 

Abrara  Kip 

Cornells  Schermerhom 

Hendrick  Tennyck 

Johannis  Beekman  Snor 

Oerrit  Lansen 


If 


81 


242 


LIST  OF  THE  FREEH0LDEB8  OF  THE  CITY  AND  COUNTY  OF  ALBANY. 


Issack  Kip 
Nanning  Visser 
Hendrick  Roseboom 
Mindert  Roseboom 
Andries  Nach 
Jan:  Janse  Bleeker 
Johannis  Bleeker 
Christofell  Yeats 
Phillip  WendeU 
Jan  Lansen 
Gerrit  Roseboom 
Cornelis  Van  Scherline 
Johans:  Evertse  Wendell 
Abram:  Lansen 
Johannis  Roseboom 
Jolin  Hogan 
Johannis  Visser 
Benj.  Egbertsen 
Johannis  Grewsbeck 
Claes  Funda 
Wm:  Jacobsen 

3d  Ward 
Isaac  Funda 
Samuell  Babington 
Gerrit  Van  Ness 
Albert  Ryckman 
Cornelis  Borghaert 
Jacob  Borghaert 
Joliannis  Hun 
Phillip  Van  Vechten 
Lenord  Gansivoort 
Jan:  Everlsen 
Evert  Janse 
Jacob  Evertse 
Jno:  Solomonse 
Hendrick  Hansen 
Abram:  Schuyler 
Derrick  Brat 
Johannis  Van  Ostrande 
Johannis  Evertsen 
Tunis  Egbertsen 
Derrick  Tenbroeck 
David  Scliuyler 
Winant  Vandenbergh 
Takel  Derrickse 
Johannis  Backer 
Thomas  Long 


John  Gerritse 

Elbert  Gerritse 

Issac  Borghaert 

Cornelis  Maasse 

Jan  Maasse 

Barnt  Brat 

Jacob  Borghaert  Junr 

Jacob  Visser 

Jacobus  Luykasse  Winegaert 

Johannis  Pruyn 

Wessell  Tenbroeck 

Peter  Winne 

Jacob  MuUer 

Johannis  Muller 

Samll:  Pruyn 

Reuben  Ven  Vechten 

Cornlis  Switzs 

Guisbert  Vandenbergh 

Teirck  Harminse  Visser 

Tunis  Brat 

Peter  Walderom 

Rutger  Bleeker 

Harpert  Vandeuseu 

County  of  Albany  Viz. 
ScJwnectady. 
Jonathan  Stevens 
William  CoppernoU 
Claes  Franse 
Teirck  Franse 
Yellous  Fonda 
Adam  Vroman 
Phillip  Schuyler 
David  Lewis 
Mindert  Guisliug 
Peter  Quacumbus 
Abram  Meebe 
Benj.  Van  Vlack 
Marte  Powlisse 
Harma  Van  Slyck 
Sanders  Gelon 
Evert  Van  Eps 
Arent  Van  Petten 
Jolm  Weemp 
Simon  Switzs 
Jacob  Switzs 
Mindert  Weemp 
Arent  Brat 


iiij 

1 


LIST   OF   THE   FREEHOLDERS   OF  HJIE  CITY  AND  COUNTY  OF  ALBANY. 


Hcndrlck  Vrooman  Junr 

Harmanis  Vedder 

Dow  Aukus 

Johannls  Mindertsen 

Adam:  Smith 

Abram  Trueax 

Kob:  Yeats 

Abram:  Lythall 

Assweris  Marselis 

Abram:  Groot 

Hendrick  Vroman  Snor 

Wouter  Vroman 

Jno.  Baptist  Van  Epps 

Derrick  Brat 

Jan  Barentse  Wemp 

Barent  Vroman 

Jan  Vroman 

Gerrit  Van  Brackell 

Arent  Danilse 

Simon  Vroman 

Lawrence  Chase 

Cornlis  Vander  Volgen 
Abram  De  Grave 

Danlell  Danielse 
Cornells  Pootman 
Sam:  Hagadoring 

Gulsbert  Van  Brakell 
Volkert  Simonse 
Jacob  Scliermerhorn 
Jacobus  Vandyke 
Helmes  Vedder 
Arnout  De  Grave 
Johannls  Teller 
Albert  Vedder 
Derrick  Groot 
Gerrit  Simonse 
Yealous  Van  Vost 
Victore  Pootman 
Jan  Delemont 
Caleb  Beck 
Nicolas  Schuyler 
Johannis  Gelen 
Jacob  Gelen 
Jesse  De  Grave 
Carle  TTanse  Toll 
Danlell  Toll 
William  Marrinas 


Arent  Scliermerhorn 

Esays  Swaert 

Johannis  Vroman 

Andries  De  Gr-we 

Joseph  Clamenu 

John  Bumstead 

Harma  Phillipse 

Jereme  Thickstone 

Jacob  Van  Olinda 

Aj-ent  Vedder 

Peter  Vroman 

Daniell  Janse 

Peter  Danielse 

Jan  Danielse 

Jan  Meebe 

Johannis  Peek 

Jacobus  Peek 

Claes  Van  Petten 

Cornells  Van  Slyck 

Marte  Van  Slyck 

Cornells  Feele 

Arnout  Brat  Junr 

Johannis  Vedder 

Tunis  Vander  Volgen 

Claes  Van  Petten 

Andries  Van  Petten 

Jan  Schermcrliom 

Wouter  Swaert 

Arent  Pootman 
Kmderhcok  and  part  Mannor  of  Livingston  Vii 
Jochim  Van  Valkenburgh 
Isaac  Fansborough 
Casper  Rouse 

Peter  Van  Alen 
Lamert  Huyck 
Burger  Huyck 
Johannis  Huyck 
Derrick  Gardineer 
Peter  Van  Slyck 
Jno:  Gardineer 
Evert  Wieler 
Derrick  Goes 
Peter  Tausburgh 
Peter  Van  buren 
Jno: Goes 
Mattias  Goes 
Luykas  Van  Alen 


mssm 


244 


LIST  OF  THE  rREEHOLDIRS  OF  THE  CITY  AMD  COUHTY  OF  ALBANY. 


Jacobus  Van  Alen  ' 

Evert  Van  A'/^n 
Tohannis  Vandeusen 
Cornells  Schermerhorn 
Johannis  Van  Alen 
Gerrit  Dingmans 
Bartlemeus  Van  Valkenburgh 
Thomas  Van  Alstine 
Coonrodt  Burgaret 
Stephanis  Van  Alen 
John  Burgaret 
Abram:  Van  Alstine 
Lawrence  Van  Schauk 
Elias  Van  Schauk 
Jurie  Klaime 
Guisbert  Scherp 
Lawrence  Scherp 
Hendrick  Clawe 
Lamert  Valkenburgh 
Melgert  Vanderpoel 
Lenord  Conine 
The  north  part  of  the  Mannor  of  Livingstort: 
Robert  Livingston  Esqr 
Peter  Coole 
Killian  Winne 
Jan  Emnerick  Plees 
Hans  Sihans 
Claes  Bruise 
Jonat:  Rees 
Coonrodt  Ham 
Coonrodt  Schureman 
Johannis  Pulver 
Bastian  Spikerman 
Nicolas  Smith 
Baltis  Auspah 
Jno:  Wm:  Simon 
Hanse  Jurie  Prooper 
Abram  Luyke 
Broer  Decker 
Jurie  Decker 
Nicolas  Witbeck 
Johannis  Uldrigh 
ffitz:  Muzigh 
Coonrod  Kelder 
David  Hooper 
Gabriell  Broose 
Solomon  Schutt 


Jacob  Stover 
Johannis  Roseman 
Nicos:  Styker 

Claverack 
Tobias  Tenbroeck 
Cornells  Mulder 
Cornlis  Esselstine 
Jeremias  Mulder 
Derrick  Hogoboom 
Cornells  Huyck 
Isaac  Vandeusen 
Jno:  Hoose 
George  Sidnem 
Richard  Moor 
John  Hardyck 
Hendr:  Van  Salsbergen 
Jacob  Van  Hoosem 
Kasper  Van  Hoosem 
Jan  Van  Hoosem 
Saml  Tenbroeck 
Peter  Hogoboom 
Rob:  Van  Deusen 
Casper  Conine 
Frank  Hardyke 
Johannis  Van  Hoosem 
John  Bout 
Wra:  Halenbeck 
Johannis  Coole 
John  Rees 
Wm:  Rees 
Johannis  Scherp 
Andries  Rees 
Ghondia  Lamafire 
Hendrick  Whitbeck 
Jurie  Fretts 
Hendrick  Lodowick 
Jacob  Eswin 
Jurie  Jan 
Cloude  Lamatere 
Nicos:  Vanduse  Cats  Kills 

Coxhacky  and  Cats  Kills 
Mindert  Schut 
Wessell  Tenbroeck 
Wm:  Lefferrese 
Helrae  Janse 
Saml  Van  Vechten 
Gerrit  Van  berghen 


LIST  or  THK  FBEEHOLDKRS  OF  THS  CITY  AND  CODNTY  OF  ALSAHY. 


245 


Marte  Van  berghen 
Frank  Salisbury 
Jno  Brunk 
Minkas  Van  Schauk 
John  Albertse 
Arent  Van  Schauk 
Michael  Collier 
Cornells  Van  Wormer 
Johannis  Halenbeek 
Casper  Halenbeek 
Jan  Van  Loan 
Albert  Van  Loan 
Jno:  Van  Loan  Junr 
Abram:  Provuost 
Jacob  Halenbeek 
Juo:  Casperse 
Coonrodt  Hotlen 
Philip  Corine 
Jno:  Vanhoosem 
Lenord  Brunk 
Peter  Brunk 
Isaac  Spoor 

Canastigonie 
Jno:  Quacumbus 
Jno:  fifoort 
Jacob  Pearse 
Derrick  Brat 
Maes  Bycksen 
Evert  Rycksen 
Gerrit  Rycksen 
Nicholas  Var;  Vrankei*. 
Lapion  Kanfort 
Cornells  Christifuis*) 
Eldert  Timon&e 
Jno:  Quackr.;ibo<..g  Junr 
Peter  Ouderkerk 
Jacob  Cluit 
John  Cluit 
Frederick  Cluit 
Saml:  Creeger 
Derrick  Takelsen 
Mattias  Boose  Snor 
Johannis  Christianse 

Half  Moon. 
Jacobus  Van  Sclioonhoven 
Evert  Van  Ness 
Daniell  Fort 


Corn'ls  Vanburen 
Cornells  Van  Ness 
Isaac  Ouderkerk 
Laviuus  Harminse 
Tunis  Harminse 
Winant  Vander bergh 
Boolif  Gerritse 
Hendrick  Roolifse 
Jno:  De  Voe 
Daniell  Van  Olinda 
Eldert  Ouderkerk 
Cornells  Vandenbergh 

Schaatkooke 
Saml  Doxie 
Curset  Fether 
Johannis  Knickerbacker 
Derrick  Van  Vechten 
Johannis  De  Wandelaer 
Simon  Danielse 
Martin  Delamon 
Lewis  Fele 
Daniell:  Ketlyne 
Peter  Winne 
Adrian  Quacumbus 
Abram  Fort 
Colloney  Renselaers  Wyck. 
Wouter  Barheyt 
Johannis  Vaulkenburgh 
Jno:  Barheyt 
Isaac  Van  Alstine 
Jacob  Schermerhorn 
Jacob  Scliermerhorn  Junr 
Johns:  Ouderkerk 
Claes  Gardineer 
Andries  Gardinier 
Heud:  Valkenburgh 
Jacob  Valkenburgh 
Andries  Huyck 
Maes  Van  Buren 
Corn'lis  Van  Vechten 
Jonat:  Witbeek 
Martin  Vanburen 
Barent  Geritse 
Jan  Witbeek 
Jonas  Dow 
Andries  Dow 
Folcort  Dow 


LIST  OF  THE   FaEIHOLDKRS  OF  THTE  CITY  AND  COUNTY  OF  ALBANY. 


Jno:  Van  Vechten 

Gerrit  Lansen 

Volcort  Van  Vechten 

Melgert  Vandeuse 

Rut  Vandeuse 

The:  Witbeek 

Luykas  Witbeek 

Solomon  Van  Vechten 

Cap:  Hendrick  Van  Renselaer 

Philip  Toreest 

Martin  Van  Alstine 

Albert  Roolifse 

Marte  Van  Alstine  Junr 

Jno:  Funda 

Derrick  Vanderhyden 

Gerrit  Vandenbergh 

Albert  Brat 

Cornells  Van  Alstine 

.Tohns:  Wendell 

Jan:  Van  Alstyne 

Adrian  Oothout 

Peter  Cojeman 

Barent  Staats 

Andries  Coyeman 

Samuell  Coyeman 

Jno:  Witbeek 

Coonrod  Hooghteelir  g 

Storm  Backer 

Jno:  Backer 

Hendrick  Van  Wyen 


Wm:  VanAlen 
Daniell  Winne 
Gerrit  Van  Wie 
Jan  Van  Wie 
Gerrit  Vandenbergh 
Hendr:  Dow- 
Albert  Slingerlant 
Evert  Banker 
Wouter  Vanderse 
Killian  Vanderse 
Johannis  Appel 
Peter  Husyele 
Derrick  Hagodorn 
Andries  Brat 
Storm  Brat 
Ome  Legrange 
Johns:  Legrange 
Johannis  Slmonse 
Nicos:  Grewsbeek 
Jno:  Oothout 
Mindert  Marselis 
Jacob  Lansen 
Abram  Ouderkerk 
Peter  Schuyler  Esqr 
Abram  Wendell 
William  Ketlyne 
Frans  Pryn 
Jaac  Falkenburgh 
Claes  Bovie 
Phillip  Wendell 


Pursuant  to  an  Order  of  Court  of  Judicature  held  for  the  Province  of  New  York  on  the  Eleventh 
Day  of  June  1720,  Directed  to  Gerrit  Vanschaick  high  Sherrif  of  the  City  and  County  of  Albany} 
A  Retume  of  the  fiee  holders  of  the  said  City  and  County. 

Gebbet  Vanschauck  Sheriff 


1 


XIV. 


CADWALLADER  GOLDEN 


ON 


®l)£  CaitJrs  of  N c  10-12 otif. 


1732. 


ii 


STATE  OP  THE  LANDS  IN  THE  PROVINCE  OP  NEW  YORK,  IN  1732. 


BY   CADWALLADER  COLDEN,   SURVEYOR   GENERAL. 
[  Coldan  Mannieriptt,  N.  Y.  Hlttorioal  Boeiatjr.  ] 

In  obedience  to  your  Excellency's  Commands,  I  now  lay  before  you  the  State  of  the  Lands  in  this 
Province,  in  the  best  manner  I  am  capable  of,  by  a  plain  Narrative  of  such  facts  as  have  come  to  my 
knowledge. 

bi  It  may  be  necessary  in  the  first  place  to  observe,  that  the  Kings  Commissioners,  who  were  sent  in 
the  year  1664  to  reduce  this  Country  to  the  Kings  obedience  (it  being  then  in  the  possession  of  the 
Dutch)  issued  a  Proclamation  wherein  they  Promised  and  Declared,  that  whosoever  of  what  JVation 
soever  will  upon  the  Knowledge  of  this  Proclamation,  acknowledge  and  testify  themselves  to  submit  to  hit 
Majesties  Government,  as  good  subjects  ought  to  do,  shall  be  -protected  by  his  Laws  and  Justice,  and 
peacibly  enjoy  what  ever  Gods  blessing  and  their  otim  industry  hath  furnished  them  with,  and  all  other 
privilidges  with  English  Subjects  And  by  the  third  article  of  Surrender,  agrce'd  to  with  the  Dutch 
Gtov  it  is  stipulated  that  All  People  shall  continue  free  Denizens,  and  enjoy  lands,  houses,  goods,  ships 
wheresoever  they  are  within  the  County,  and  dispose  of  them  as  they  please.  And  by  the  eleventh  Ar- 
ticle The  Dutch  here  shall  enjoy  their  oum  customs  concerning  inheritances. 

In  pursuance  of  which  the  Inhabitants  took  out  Confermations  of  their  Lands  and  tenements  under 
the  hand  and  seal  of  Coll  Nicholls  the  first  English  Governor  under  the  Duke  of  York  in  which  their 
Title  under  the  Dutch  is  recite  J,  and  the  form  of  these  Confirmations  appear  to  be  every  where  the 
same. 

Gov'  Nicholls  likewise  granted  imimproved  Lands,  to  any  that  were  willing  to  settle  and  improve 
them  and  these  first  grants  were  made  without  any  previous  survey,  or  without  reciting  any  certain 
Boundaries,  but  only  to  contain  for  example  100,  200  or  300  Acres  adjoining  to  such  another  mans 
Land,  or  to  a  certain  Hill  or  River,  or  Rivulet 

The  Reddendum  in  these  first  Grants  varied  from  time  to  time.  At  first  it  was  Paying  the  usual  Rents 
of  J^ew  Plantations,  what  that  was  is  now  a  dispute,  but  perhaps  it  may  still  be  ascertained  by  living 
Evidences  and  sometimes  their  is  added  as  a  condition  of  the  Grant,  that  the  Grantee  shall  do  and 
perform  such  acts  and  things  as  shall  be  appointed  By  his  Royal  Highness  or  his  Deputy. 

In  about  a  vears  time  the  form  of  the  Reddendum  was  changed  as  follows  Paying  such  duties  at 
shall  be  constituted  and  ordained  by  his  Royal  Highness  and  his  heirs  vr  such  Gov'^  or  Gov"  as  shall  from 
time  to  time  be  appointed  or  set  over  them.  It  is  probable  people  were  not  willing  to  axcept  of  Grants 
upon  such  precarious  terms  and  therefore  we  find  this  form  soon  after  clianged  into  the  following, 
Paying  such  duties  and  acknowledgements  as  now  are  or  hereafter  shall  be  constituted  and  established 
by  the  Laws  of  this  Government. 

What  Laws  were  then  in  being  or  afterwards  enacted  I  know  not  tho"  perliaps  they  are  still  among 
the  Records ;  but  it  is  to  be  observed,  that  the  Legislative  autliority  was  then  assumed  by  the  Gov' 
and  Council  without  the  assent  or  concurrence  of  the  Representatives  of  tlie  People  and  the  Laws 
then  made  are  now  in  disuse.    And  for  this  Reason,  none  of  these  Lands  pay  now  any  Quitrent,  tho' 

[Vol.  I.]  32 


250 


COLOEN's   report   on  the   lands   in   the  province  of   NEW-YORK. 


their  number  be  large,  being,  as  I  compute,  not  less  than  a  Tliousand :  but  I  take  into  this  computa- 
tion all  those  grants  in  recording  whereof  the  Clerks  have  omitted  all  that  port  of  the  grant  which  is 
commonly  culled  the  Habendum  and  Reddendum.  The  reason  of  which  neglect,  I  suppose  to  be 
that  they  were  all  in  the  same  words  with  a  few  that  are  Recorded  at  length  in  the  beg'i  ii'ii?,  for  so 
much  is  recorded  as  wherein  they  can  differ,  when  the  Habendum  and  Reddendum  is  tlie  same  viz 
The  Motives  to  the  Grant,  the  bounds  to  the  thing  granted,  and  tlie  Grantees  name  and  designntion. 

Before  I  proceed  further,  it  will  be  likewise  necessary  to  observe  that  the  greatest  pait  oi  Long 
Island,  Viz  all  that  part  which  lies  opposite  to  Connecticut,  was  settled  from  Connecticut, and  claimed 
by  the  Inhabitants  under  the  Connecticut  Title,  to  which  in  pursuance  of  the  Proclamation  above 
mentioned  some  regard  is  had.  For  the  first,  or  at  least  the  principle  Grants  of  Lands  upon  this 
Island,  are  made  in  Townships  according  to  the  custom  of  Connecticut,  &  to  the  Freeholders  and 
Jnliabitauts  which  supposess  a  previous  Title  some  I  know,  think  that  these  Grants  of  Townships 
me  not  Grants  of  tlie  Soil,  but  only  for  the  Good  Government  of  these  parts  of  the  Country,  as  I 
remember  it  is  expressly  mentioned  in  the  Patents  for  the  Townships  of  Southampton  and  Southold 
and  perliaps  it  is  so  in  others  likewise,  and  the  Governours  who  granted  these  Town  Patents  con- 
tinued to  grant  tlie  Soil,  within  tlie  limits  of  these  Townships,as  some  of  the  succeeu  ng  Governours 
did  likewise,  However  most  of  all  the  Lands  within  these  Townships  ore  held  bj  Grants  from 
Trustees,  or  Common  Council  of  these  Towns  upon  the  General  Town  rights  only.  If  these  Town 
Patents  siiouhi  not  be  valid,  as  to  the  whole  Soil  contained  within  their  limits  yet  they  may  operate 
as  a  confirmation  of  the  particular  rights  and  possessions  of  those  who  are  called  freeholders  in  the 
said  Grants.    Tliese  Town  Patents  are  generally  upon  small  yeorly  acknowledgements — 

Notwithstanding  that  the  Gov"  under  the  Duke  of  York,  took  these  extraordinary  methods  to 
secure  their  Masters  Authority,  and  interest,  they  made  some  Grants  of  Large  Tracts  of  Land,  upon 
trifiing  Quitreuts  but  as  these  are  very  few,  in  Comparison  of  what  happened  afterwards  what  obser- 
vations I  have  to  make  on  this  head  will  come  in  more  properly  in  another  place. 

Sir  Edmond  Andross  the  third  English  Gov  of  New  York,  as  he  seems  to  have  had  the  interest  of 
his  Master  and  of  the  People  he  Governed  as  much  at  heart  as  any  Gov  that  has  at  any  time  been 
set  over  this  Province  so  he  was  very  carefull  in  Granting  of  Lands :  All  Lands  to  be  Granted  were 
Surveyed  before  the  Grant  and  bounded  in  the  Grant  according  to  the  Survey.  The  Quitrents  were 
likewise  fixed  by  the  Grant,  generally  at  the  rate  of  one  Bushel  each  hundred  acres  tho'  some  times 
at  a  higher  rate  and  sometimes  the  rent  was  less,  probably  as  the  value  of  the  land  was  represented. 
And  as  these  grants  are  the  most  profitable  to  the  Lords  of  tho  soil,  so  are  they  to  the  Tenant,  they 
being  free  of  all  those  disputes  about  their  Boundaries  which  have  in  a  great  measure  rendered  some 
otliers  useless  to  the  grantees.  S'  Edward  has  left  but  a  few  exceptions  to  be  made  to  this  general 
account  given  of  his  care  of  his  Masters  Interest.  Coll  Duiigan  who  succeeded  liim,  followed  his 
steps  in  the  Granting  of  Lauds,  but  tht  .  xceptions  to  the  General  Good  Rule  are  both  more  numerous 
and  more  considerable  tlian  in  S'  Edmonds  administration. 

While  Coll  Dungan  was  Gov  the  Duke  of  York  became  King  by  which  the  property  of  the  Soil 
and  the  Quitrents  became  anexcd  to  the  crown,  and  have  continued  so  ever  since,  but  as  tho  Revo- 
lution happened  soon  afterwards,  there  is  nothing  material  to  be  observed  'till  after  that  time. 

After  tlie  Revolution  the  Grants  of  Lands  to  all  ran  in  the  Kings  name,  whereas  before  that  th«y 
were  made  in  the  Gov"  name  that  granted  the  Land,  and  this  inethoil  of  Granting  in  the  Gov^name 
was  continued  after  the  Duke  of  York  became  King,  as  it  was  before. 

Coll  Slaughter  the  first  Governor  after  the  Revolution,  found  the  Country  in  such  confusion  and 
lived  so  short  a  while  tliat  I  think  only  one  Patent  passed  in  his  time  for  Lands.  But  Coll  Fletcher 
who  succeeded  him,  made  amends  by  the  liberal  bond  with  which  he  gave  away  Lands.  The  most 
extraordinary  favors  of  former  Gov"  were  but  petty  Grants  in  comparison  of  his    He  was  a  generous 


t 


oolden's  report  on  the  lands  in  the  province  or  new-york. 


251 


man,  and  gave  the  Kings  Lands  by  parcels  of  upwards  of  One  hundred  thousand  Acres  to  a  man, 
and  to  some  particular  favourites  four  or  five  times  that  quantity,  but  the  King  was  not  pleased  with 
him,  as  I  am  told,  and  he  was  recalled  in  disgrace.  This  lavishing  away  of  lands  probably  was  one 
reason  for 

The  Earl  of  Bellamont,  who  succeeded,  having  orders  to  me  all  legal  means  for  breaking  extrava- 
gant grants  of  Land,  Joined  witli  the  assembly  in  vacating  several  of  the  extravagant  Grants  ninde 
by  Coll  Fletcher  but  as  tills  act  was  carried  tliro'  with  Spirit  of  party  in  tlie  assembly,  it  passed  witli 
much  less  impartiality  than  might  have  been  expected  I'rom  the  Justice  of  the  Legislature.  For 
some  of  the  most  extravagant  Grants  were  passed  over,  while  some  others  were  declared  extravagant 
and  vacated,  that  no  way  deserved  that  Character.  However  this  act  has  considerably  enoreascd  liis 
Majestys  Quitrents  for  of  these  tracts  which  were  then  vacated,  and  which  liy  tlioir  pattcnts  wore  to 
pay  altogether  five  beaver  skins,  one  otter  skin  one  fat  Buck  and  twenty  shillings  the  lands  since 
that  time  regranted  within  the  bounds  of  the  said  patents  pay  near  four  liundred  pounds  yearly  at 
the  rate  of  2»  6<'  per  hundred  acres,  notwithstanding  that  a  great  part  of  tliese  lauds  still  remain  un- 
granted.  The  Earl  of  Bellamont's  administration  was  short  lie  being  removed  by  Deatli  before  he 
could  compieat  the  designs  he  had  in  view 

After  his  death  the  admistration  fell  Into  Cap'  Nafans  hands,  then  Lieu'  Gov.  It  appears  that  the 
Grants  made  in  his  time  pass'd  in  a  hurry,  without  any  previous  Survey,  but  upon  very  uncertain 
informations  of  the  natural  Boundaries,  which  the  Grantees  took  in  their  Grants,  so  tliat  some  of 
them  are  become  a  sort  of  ambulatory  Grants.  Tiie  Patentees  claiming,  by  virtue  of  the  same  Grunt, 
sometimes  in  One  part  of  the  Country,  and  sometimes  in  another,  as  they  are  driven  from  one  place  to 
another  by  otliers  claiming  the  same  lands  with  more  certainty.  In  otlier  grants  we  find  the  same 
persons  joined  in  several  Grants  with  others,  which  Grants  were  intended  for  dilTerent  Tracts  and  in 
appearance  seem  to  be  so,  and  yet  by  their  present  claims  they  take  in  the  same  Lands  within  the 
bounds  of  their  several  grants. 

The  Earl  of  Bellamont  was  succeeded,  after  Queen  Anns  ascension  to  the  throne  by  her  Cousin  the 
Lord  Cornbury.  The  Grants  of  large  tracts  upon  trifling  quitrents,  that  were  made  during  his 
Lordships  administration  at  least  equalled  those  of  all  his  preclecessors  put  together.  Indeed  his 
Lordship's  inclinations  were  so  evident  to  everybody  at  that  time  that  two  Gentlemen  (as  I  am  well 
assured)  had  agreed  with  his  Lordship  for  a  Grant  of  all  the  lands  in  the  Province,  at  a  Lump,  which 
were  not  at  that  time  granted,  and  that  the  only  thing  which  prevented  the  passing  of  that  grant 
was,  that  those  Gent"  apprehended  that  the  Grant  would  of  itself  appear  so  extravagant  an  I  would 
create  so  many  enemies,  that  they  would  not  be  able  to  hold  it.  During  the  Lord  Cornbury- s  admi- 
nistration an  act  was  likewise  passed,  repealing  tlie  act  above  mentioned  for  vacating  the  extrivagant 
Grants  ot  Land  by  Coll  Fletcher.  The  vacating  Act  passed  not  long  betbre  King  Williams  Death, 
and  lay  in  the  offices  in  England  without  any  notice  taken  of  it,  till  after  the  Lord  Coj  nbury  %vas 
removed  from  his  Government ;  then  tlie  vacating  Act  was  confirmed  and  the  Act  repealing  it  was 
repeal'd  by  the  Queen  and  at  the  same  time  new  instructions  were  given  to  the  Gov',  by  which  the 
Quitrent  was  directed  not  to  be  less  than  2'  Q^  each  hundred  acres,  and  previous  surveys  were  ordered 
to  be  made  before  the  Grant  should  pass,  which  have  efifectually  prevented  the  above  mentioned 
abuses. 

I  shall  now  proceed  to  some  more  particula-*  account  of  the  great  Grants  of  Lands,  I  mean  of  such 
as  contain  fifty  thousand  Acres  and  upwards  to  a  Million  of  acres,  for  if  I  be  not  very  much  misin- 
formed, there  is  more  than  one  that  contain  that  quantity. 

No  quantity  of  Land  or  number  of  Acres,  for  tlie  most  part,  are  mentioned  in  any  of  these  Grants, 
nor  is  it  possible  to  discf^ver  the  Quantity,  by  inspection  of  the  Patents,  as  it  may  be  done  in  those 
Grants  which  are  founded  on  a  previous  Survey  and  where  any  quantity  is  expressed,  it  seems  to  be 


'-*m:_ 


262 


COLMJl't  UrOHT  OH  THl  lUIfM  IM  THl  rKOTIHCB  OF  MEMT-YOUI. 


done  more  with  d(  ilga  to  hide  the  ri-ol  quantity  (if  their  present  claims  he  truly  conformable  to  their 
original  bounds)  than  to  fpI  forth  the  truth,  for  I  have  heard  of  one  instance  at  lenst,  vhere  the 
patent  Grants  HOO  a^re<i,  and  the  patentee  now  claims  upwards  of  sixty  thousand  acres  within  the 
buunds  (if  his  Grant.  Others  suspecting  timt  auch  disproportion,  between  the  real  qninitlty  and  the 
quantity  expressM  In  the  Grant,  might  invalidate  the  Grant,  got  the  quantity  of  Land  to  hn>  expressed 
In  the  following  manner,  Containing  tor  example,  One  thou!>and  acres  of  profltaLle  Land,  besides 
wood  liUnd,  und  waste  and  yet,  wlun  these  Lands  were  Granted,  perhaps  there  was  not  ten  acres 
that  was  not  woml  I^nd,  or  One  Acre  that  at  the  time  of  the  Grunt  yielded  any  profit  or  one  acre 
that  by  Improvement  raiglit  not  be  made  profitable.  Others  guard  against  this  exception  to  their 
Grant,  by  adding  to  the  quantity  of  Land  expressed  in  the  Grunt  these  words  Be  it  more  or  lest, 
or  some  such  words,  and  by  virtue  of  these  they  not  only  claim  a  small  quantity  more  than  is  expressed 
in  ^the  patent,  but  d'^lm  twice  as  much,  and  often  ten  times  as  much,  and  sometimes  above  one 
hundred  times  the  quantity  of  Lard  I'lut  is  expressed  in  the  Grant,  but  as  I  said  before,  generally 
no  quantity  of  I^und  Is  expressed  in  the  Large  Grunts 

Ti»ere  bclnn  no  j)rcviou3  Survey  to  tlie  Grants,  their  boundaries  are  generally  expressed  with  much 
uncertauity,  by  tiio  Indian  names  of  Brooks,  Rivulets,  Hills,  Ponds,  Falls  of  water  &c  which  were 
and  slill  are  known  to  very  few  Christians,  and  which  adds  to  this  uncertainty  is,  that  such  names 
HH  are  in  these  Grants  taken  to  be  the  proper  name  of  a  Brook,  Hill,  or  Fall  of  water  &c  In  the 
Indiun  Language  signifies  only  u  Large  Brook  or  broad  Brook,  i  r  small  Br><  or  high  Hill,  or  only  a 
Hill  (jrjfull  of  water  in  general,  so  that  the  Indians  sliew  many  pla'-^cs  \>y  the  same  name  Brooks  and 
Rivers  have  difierent  names  withe  the  Indians,  at  different  places  and  often  change  their  names,  they 
taking  tiieir  names  often  from  the  abode  of  some  Indiun  near  the  place  where  it  is  so  called.  This 
has  given  room  to  some  to  explain  and  enlarge  their  Grants  according  to  their  own  inclinations  by 
putting  tlie  names  mentioned  in  their  gruntc  to  what  place  or  part  of  the  Country  they  please,  of 
which  I  can  give  3><rae  particular  instt,iu«s  where  the  eliiims  of  some  have  increased  many  miles,  in 
n  few  years,  imd  tii!.-  thf-y  i-ommonly  dO;  by  taking  some  Indians,  in  a  Publick  manner,  to  shew  such 
places  as  they  name  to  theui,  mx\  it  is  too  well  known  that  an  Indian  will  shew  any  place  by  any 
name  you  please,  for  tlic  si.iall  reward  of  a  Blanket  or  Bottle  of  Rum ;  and  the  names  as  I  observed, 
being  conjmon  names  in  the  Indian  langiiage,  and  not  proper  ones  as  they  are  understood  to  be  in 
English,  gives  more  room  to  these  Frauds. 

Several  of  the  great  Trocts  lying  on  Hudson's  River  are  bound  -d  by  that  River,  on  the  East  or 
"ost  sides  and  on  the  North  and  South  sides  by  Brooks  or  Streams  of  Water  which,  when  the  Coun- 

/  wus  not  well  known,  were  supposed  to  run  nearly  perpendicular  to  the  River,  as  they  do  for 
some  distance  from  their  nioutlis,  whereas  many  of  these  Brooks  run  nearly  parallel  to  the  River 
and  sometimes  In  a  course  hlmost  directly  opposite  to  the  River.  This  has  created  great  confusion 
with  tlie  adjoining  patents,  and  frequently  Contradictions  iu  the  boundaries,  as  they  are  expressed  in 
the  same  patent. 

Sometimes  the  Grant  is  of  tlie  Land  tliat  belonged  to  such  an  Indian  by  name  or  is  bounded  by 
sucli  an  Indians  land,  but  to  prove  that  any  particular  spot  belonged  to  any  particular  Indian,  or  to 
show  the  bounds  of  any  particular  Indian,  I  believe  is  beyond  human  skill,  so  us  to  make  it  evid.-nt 
to  any  indifferent  man. 

I  shall  next  recite  what  have  been  the  consequences  of  these  large  Grants,  It  is  evident  that 
thereby  the  King  has  iK'en  deprived  of  almost  all  his  Quitrents,  which  it  oppears  by  the  powers 
given  to  the  Gov"  to  grant  I.Ands,  the  King  design'd  to  reserve.  But  the  consequence  I  think,  has 
been  mucli  worse  as  to  the  improvement  of  the  country  for  tho  this  Country  was  settled  many  years 
before  Pennsylvania,  and  some  of  the  Neighboring  Collonies,  and  has  many  advantages  over  them, 
as  to  the  situation  and  conveniencies  of  Trade,  it  is  not  near  so  well  cultivated,  nor  are  there  near 


OOLDEN'S   RETOKT   ok  the  LAin»    IK   Tilt  PmOVIRCE   or   HEW-TOMC. 


258 


with  large  dependen 
Colonies  on  their  M' 
brought  to  efi'ect,  in 


■uoh  a  number  of  Inhabitants,  as  in  the  others,  in  proportion  to  the  quantity  of  Land  ;  and  it  in 
ehieilj  if  not  only  wliere  these  largo  Grants  are  made  where  the  Country  remains  uncultivated — tho  they 
contain  some  of  tlie  best  ut'  the  Lands,  and  tlie  most  conveniently  situated.  And  every  year  the 
Young  people  go  from  this  Province,  and  Purchase  Land  in  tho  Neighbouring  Colonies,  while  much 
better  and  every  way  more  convenient  Latids  lie  useless  to  the  King  and  Country  The  reason  of 
this  is  tliat  the  Grantees  themselves  are  not,  nor  ever  were  in  a  Capacity  to  improve  such  large 
Tracts  and  other  People  will  not  become  their  Vassals  or  Tenants  for  one  great  reason  as  peoples 
(the  better  sort  especially)  leaving  their  native  Country,  was  to  avoid  the  dependence  on  landlords, 
and  to  ei^oy  lands  in  fee  to  descend  to  tlieir  posterity  tiiat  their  cliildren  may  reap  the  beneflt  of 
their  labour  and  Industry  Tlierc  is  tho  more  reason  for  tliis  l)ecau8e  tho  first  purchase  of 
unimproved  Land  is  but     trillo  to  the  cliarge  of  Improving  them 

It  moy  perhaps  i\v>  ic  consideration  of  those  who  are  more  cupabV'  o,'.  '.  cH>'(  al  foresight  than 

I  am,  wiietlier,  if  tli<        irge  *  trants  take  place,  as  they  are  designed  ;  >,  <l  derome.  great  Lordships 

'1      venues,  whether  this  will  secure  or  indiiiger  t»<«  7/ependancy  of  the 
iintry.    I  tliink  few  instances  can  be  giver;  where  great  changes  were 
3iau  but  wlien  they  were  headed  by  iiich  and  powerful  men ;  any  other 
commotions  generally  produced  unly  some  short  lived  disorders  and  confusions 

Now  that  I  have  done  with  what  is  more  peculiarly  my  business  the  Historical  part  of  this  repre- 
sentation, yet,  as  your  Excellency  did  me  the  Honour  likewise  to  ask  my  opinion  of  what  Remedy 
may  be  most  proper,  and  effectual,  I  Hatter  myself  that  the  giving  my  opinion  at  large  in  writing 
will  be  most  agreeable  to  your  Excellency's  commands. 

What  at  first  Sight  occurs  in  the  vacating  or  breaking  these  Grants  by  due  course  of  Law,  and 
indeed  there  seems  in  common  justice  to  be  room  enough  for  it  but  (to  the  purely  Legal  part,  as  it 
is  an  art  or  science  I  pretend  to  no  skill  in  it)  It  is  evident  that  in  many  of  these  the  Governor  who 
granted  them  was  deceived  as  to  the  quantity ;  but  that  the  King  was  deceived  in  all  of  them.  The 
Gov*  who  granted  these  large  tracts,  if  they  knew  their  extent,  were  guilty  of  a  notorious  breach  of 
trust,  and  as  it  cannot  be  supposed,  that  they  did  this  merely  in  the  gayety  of  their  heart,  they  must 
have  had  some  temptation,  and  this  must  be  supposed  to  proceed  from  those  that  received  the  Benefit 
of  it.  That  therefore  the  Grantees  are  equally  guilty  witl\  the  Gov'  in  deceiving  the  King,  and  like- 
wise of  delVauding  all  the  adventurers  or  settlers  in  the  Colony  of  their  equal  chance  of  obtaining 
the  most  Improvable  and  convenient  lands,  and  of  preventing  the  Improvement  and  settling  of  the 
Colony  for  which  purpose  only  tlie  Lands  are  supposed  to  be  Granted.  These  things  supposed,  I  can 
make  no  doubt  of  a  remedy  in  the  common  course  of  tlie  Law,  but  notwithstanding  of  this  I  appre- 
hend, tliRt  it  will  be  accompanied  with  so  many  difficulties,  that  it  will  be  better  to  think  of  some 
other.  For  all  attempts,  of  those  in  the  administration  upon  the  properties  of  the  subjects,  are 
looked  upon  with  an  evil  eye  and  as  dangerous,  and  will  be  more  so  in  this  country,  where  perhaps 
few  Grants  in  America  are  made  with  such  skill  and  care  that  some  flaw  may  not  be  found  in  them 
by  a  strict  and  legal  search,  so  that  every  man  will  be  apt  to  look  upon  any  attempt  of  this  kind,  as 
In  some  measure  his  own  case,  and  those  that  are  really  concerned  will  use  all  their  Art  to  stir  up 
the  people  to  make  it  a  Country  Quarrel  To  prevent  this  it  may  be  proposed,  to  give  an  absolute 
confirmation  of  all  the  Grants  excepting  such  as  are  truly  extravagant  But  it  will  be  difficult  how 
to  define  or  determine  the  Grants  that  are  truely  such  without  making  the  exceptions  to  general  or 
too  particular,  by  naming  the  particular  Grants  to  be  excepted 

The  following  proposal  seems  to  me  to  be  more  practicable,  Viz  to  abolish  all  the  present  rents,  by 
an  act  of  the  Legislature,  and  in  lieu  of  them  to  establish  the  Qultrents  of  all  passed  grants  at  2»  6^ 
per  hundred  acres,  with  an  absolute  Confirmation  of  all  Grants  upon  their  paying  the  said  Qultrents. 


P  II 

Si '.I  M 

in 


IMAGE  EVALUATION 
TEST  TARGET  (MT-3) 


^/ 


4 


:/. 


1.0 


1.1 


11.25 


tiiB23.    |2.5 

lu  m  12.2 

^    IAS    120 

|U   1 1.6 


7 


Photographic 

Sciences 

Corporation 


33  WIST  MAIN  STRUT 

WnSTIR.N.Y.  US80 

(716)  873-4S03 


264 


OOLDIir's  BEPORT  ON  THE  LANM  IM  THE  nU>TIIfCE  OF  MEW-YOBS. 


This  would  effiMtuallj  restore  the  Qultrents,  and  would  as  effectually  destroy  all  the  Gr'*  which  are 
truly  extravagant.  I  mean  such  as  the  Proprietors  cannot  improve  in  any  reasonable  time  for  as  this 
rent  would  be  very  heavy  where  the  Tracts  exceed  twenty  or  thirty  thousand  acres,  the  Patentees 
would  gladly  surrender  their  Grants,  to  free  themselves  from  this  Burden,  but  at  the  same  time  it 
would  be  Just  to  preserve  to  them  their  improved  Lands  under  proper  restrictions  of  not  rendering 
useless  any  part  of  what  is  not  delivered  up. 

The  Quitrents  would  in  this  case  be  sufficient  to  support  the  Government,  and  if  they  were  applied 
to  that  purpose,  I  believe  would  give  a  general  satisikction,  because  it  would  be  as  equal  a  Taxation 
as  could  well  be  contrived,  and  the  taxes  woidd  not,  as  they  do  now,  fall  only  upon  the  improve- 
ments and  the  industry  of  the  people.  It  wou'<i  likewise  absolutely  remove  the  complaints  of  the 
Merchants,  so  that  it  would  generally  please  all  sorts,  excepting  the  owners  of  the  large  Tracts — ^And 
I  humbly  conceive  it  for  the  Kings  interest  and  of  all  those  in  the  Administration  to  consent  to  this 
because  the  Quitrents  are  of  no  use  besides  paying  tho  Salary  of  the  Receiver  and  Auditor,  and  that 
Gentlemans  estate  would  be  thought  to  be  ill  managed,  when  it  only  paid  his  Steward  and  Iiis  Clerks 
wages.  Besides  when  the  revenue  shall  be  fixed  in  this  manner  it  will  be  much  easier  to  obtain 
extraordinary  supplies  when  they  shall  be  wanted,  and  it  will  likewise  be  much  easier  for  the  People 
to  pay  them. 

The  chief  objection,  which  I  can  conceive,  that  will  be  made  to  this  is  that  if  a  perpetual  revenue 
be  Granted,  then  the  Gov*  will  be  free'd  from  that  dependance  on  the  People,  and  check  on  their 
behaviour  that  is  necessary  in  aU  well  ballanced  Governments  and  which  is  the  only  check  which  the 
poor  people  have  in  America  and  that  without  such  check  the  people  of  the  Plantations  may  become 
a  prey  to  Rapacious  Tyrannical  Gov*  or  other  officers,  tho  the  people  do  not  doubt  of  their  obtain- 
ing relief  from  the  King,  and  his  Ministers  yet  that  relief  is  at  such  a  distance,  and  must  be  attended 
with  so  much  charge,  that  few  private  persons  can  have  any  benefit  by  it,  and  may  often  prove 
ineffectual  by  being  too  late  even  when  many  Join  in  the  complaint.  Therefore  unless  some  effectual 
solid  check  be  given  to  the  people,  in  lieu  of  what  they  have  at  present,  by  granting  the  Revenue  for 
a  short  time,  it  cannot  be  expected  that  ever  they  will  consent  to  a  perpetual  Revenue  of  any  kind, 
or  that  they  will  be  easy  under  it. 

Now  I  have  laid  before  your  Excellency  in  the  best  manner  I  can  within  the  bounds  I  think  it 
necessary  to  confine  myself,  the  most  material  things  concerning  the  Grants  of  Lands,  as  far  as 
relates  to  the  King,  the  people  of  the  Province,  and  the  Grantees.  If  the  remedy  for  the  abuses  set 
forth  be  thought  practicable,  no  doubt  your  Excellency  will  easily  obtain  an  Instruction,  such  as  the 
Earl  of  Bellamont  had  to  propose  to  the  Assembly  to  find  some  proper  means  for  establishing  the 
Quitrents  generally  over  all  the  lands  in  Province  at  the  same  same  rate  and  for  promoting  the 
improvement  and  settling  of  tlie  Ck)untry,  for  that  otherwise  the  King  will  take  such  legal  methods, 
as  shall  be  thought  proper  for  vacating  extravagant  Grants,  and  receiving  his  Quitrents.  And  if 
there  be  a  permission  given  at  the  same  time  to  apply  the  Quitrents  to  the  support  of  Government, 
and  absolutely  to  confirm  all  past  Grants,  I  believe  an  Assembly  may  conform  with  the  Instructions, 
under  such  restrictions  as  shall  be  thought  necessary  checks  on  the  ofilicers — 

In  order  to  compute  what  the  Quitrents  would  immediately  yield  I  make  the  following  calcu- 
lation— 

Long  Island  is  computed  to  be  150  miles  long,  and  Albany  to  be  the  same  number  of  miles  distant 
from  New- York,  I  suppose  Long  Island  to  be  eight  miles  wide,,  one  place  with  another,  and  that  10 
miles  on  each  side  Hudson's  River  would  immediately  pay  rent,  this  amount  to  —  2,(>8S,000  Aci-es 
which  at  2"  6«>  the  hundred  will  yield  X3350,  and  if  the  Cities  of  New  York  and  Albany  pay  a  rea- 
sonable Quitrent  for  their  house  lots  the  whole  Quitrent  will  immediately  amount  to  4000  pounds 
yearly,  which  is  more  than  the  Assembly  has  at  any  time  given  for  the  support  of  Govern^ 


^^«T^:r 


ill 


COU)Em's   EEPOBT  on  tHE  LANDS   IN  tHE  PROVINCE  OF  NEW-YORK. 


.55 


It  may  be  objected  that  the  length  of  Long  Island  and  distance  to  Albany  may  be  less  than  what  is 
vulgarly  computed  :  That  New  Jersey  extends  20  miles  on  one  side  Hudson's  River  :  and  that  some 
Mountainous  places,  within  my  computation  will  yield  no  quitrent  in  this  age  but  if  it  be  considered 
that  Staten  Island  is  not  within  the  Ck>mputation  that  the  settlements  extend  30  miles  beyond  Albany, 
and  that  many  settlements  are  twenty  miles  from  the  river  and  some  thirty  miles,  it  will  be  granted 
the  Quitrent3  will  at  least  amount  to  the  sum  above  mentioned. 

In  the  last  place  it  may  be  objected,  that  the  Kings  Ministers  design  the  Qultrents  for  other  uses, 
but  if  it  be  considered  of  what  consequence  it  is  to  free  the  Kings  Officers  of  that  immediate  depen- 
dance  on  the  humours  of  an  Assembly,  they  are  now  under  for  their  daily  support,  I  believe  it  will 
be  thought  more  for  His  Majesty's  service  to  apply  the  Qultrents  to  the  support  of  the  Administra- 
tion in  this  Province,  than  to  the  uses  the  Qultrents  have  been  hitherto  applied. 


Note— Appended  to  the  copy  of  the  preceding,  in  possession  of  the  N.  Y.  Historical  Society,  is 
the  following  memorandum,  in  the  hand-writing  of  Lieut.  Governor  Colden- — 

Mat  6tb,  1752. 

It  is  now  twenty  years  since  I  delivered  the  above  Memorial  to  Col.  Cosby,  soon  after  his  arrival. 
I  question  whether  ever  he  read  it.  I  have  reason  to  think  he  gave  it  to  the  person  in  whom  he 
then  confided  who  had  no  inclination  to  forward  the  purposes  of  it.  It  had  no  other  effect  than  to 
be  prejudicial  to  myself. 

The  computations  of  what  the  lands  would  have  at  that  tune  produced  at  2*  6^  p'  hundred  acres  I 
believe  were  made  within  bounds.  The  settlements  are  greatly  increased  since  that  time  more  than 
in  fifty  years  before  it  so  that  I  make  no  doubt  they  will  produce  six  thousand  pounds  a  year,  taking 
in  a  reasonable  Quitrent  for  the  house  lots  in  the  Cities  of  New-York  and  Albany. 

I  forgot  to  mention  that  it  appears  from  the  Records  that  numbers  of  house  lots  were  granted  under 
the  yearly  Qultrents  of  one  shilling  two  shillings  &c  or  some  such  small  rent  which  I  believe  is  now 
never  paid. 


I 
i. 


:t        11 


>>■■■■  \'.\  ■■>::•■"  i. 


:■•■::,;;•;     1:1} 
■^/■.    '   ;;„  ;..0-3 


ii'.'s?'   ;  r 


.?--i  '■•- 


.  \'':'!>is\?;-f.-,  ■  rj'jv    j  ;.;  >;i  sviv 


,  I 


\ 

* 

.  \    . 

>      '  .'■- 

_/ 

XV. 


P  A  P  E  E  S 


RILATmO  TO 


®t)t  0ti0quet)annai)   Wxxstx. 


16S3--1757- 


M\ 


[Vol.  1.] 


88 


'■  /,  • 


[  From  th*  Dutch  Baeords  Mtltlad  •«  Pfoettdinci  of  the  Jattloei  of  the  Pewe  from  1680  to  1680,"  in  th«  Ooontj  CI«rk>s 

Offloe,  Albany.  ] 

Extraordinary  Meeting  Mdm  in  Albany 

on  the  7  Septemb^  1683. 

Present—Marte  Gerritse,  Cornells  Van  Dyck,  Dirck  Wessels,  Joh:  Provoost,  J.  Janse  Bleker. 

Two  Cayugas,  Aekontjaeken  and  Kakeja«goeke  by  name,  and  a  Susquehanne  being  questioned  in 
the  CJoiirt  house  relative  to  the  situation  of  the  Susquehanne  River  which  M'.  W™  Haig  and  M». 
James  Graham,  Gov:  W">  Penn's  Agents,  propose  to  purchase,  Report  as  follows: — 

That  it  is  one  day's  journey  from  the  Mohawk  Castles  to  the  Lake  wlience  the  Susquehanne  River 
rises,  and  then  10  day's  journey  from  the  River  to  the  Susquehanne  Castles — ^in  all  11  days: 

One  day  and  a  half's  journey  by  land  from  Oneida  to  the  kill  which  falls  into  the  Susquehanne 
River,  and  one  day  from  the  kill  unto  the  Susquehanne  River,  and  then  7  days  unto  the  Susque- 
hanne Castle— in  all  9^  days'  journey: 

Half  a  days  journey  by  land  and  one  by  Water  from  Onnondage  before  we  arrive  at  the  River,  and 
then  6  days  from  the  River : 

From  Cayuga  one  day  and  a  half  by  Land  and  by  water  before  arriving  at  the  River  and  then  5 
days  from  the  River: 

From  Sinnekes'  four  Castles  3  days  by  Land  and  two  days  by  water  ere  arriving  at  the  River  and  then 
5  days  from  the  River — in  all  10  days  which  is  very  easy,  they  conveying  their  packs  in  Canoes  from 
the  River — 

The  Indians  demand  wherefore  such  particular  information  relative  to  the  Susquehanne  River  is 
sought  after  from  them,  and  whether  people  are  about  to  come  there  1  The  Indians  are  asked  if  it 
would  be  ^reeable  to  them  if  folks  should  settle  there  1  The  Indians  answer,  that  they  would  be  very 
glad  if  people  came  to  settle  there,  as  it  is  nigher  than  this  place  and  more  convenient  to  transport 
themselves  and  packs  by  water  inasmuch  as  they  must  bring  every  thing  hither  on  their  backs ;  say 
further,  that  people  must  go  from  here  and  dwell  there.  Those  there  should  be  pleased  on  that 
account — they  will  come  to  trade  there. 

N.  B.    The  ascending  the  Susquehannah  River  is  one  week  longer  than  the  descending. 

A  Map  of  the  Susquehannah  River  is  sent  to  the  Governour  with  this  letter  :— 

Mhany  8'*  of  Sepr  1683. 
Right  Honbi*— We  have  according  to  your  hon"  Commands  taken  Informac6n  both  off  Christians 
and  Indians  concerning  y«  situation  of  Susquehannes  River,  and  how  near  it  Lyes  to  y«  severall 
Nations  off  Indians  Westwards,  that  Live  in  his  R:  highnesse  Territories  and  from  whence  y«  trade 
is  brought  to  these  Parts,  and  after  that  we  caused  Twoo  Cajouges  Indians  and  a  Susquehanne  Indian 
demonstrate  to  us  all  y«  Rivers  and  Creeks  Relating  thereunto,  doe  finde,  that  they  that  settle  upon 
said  River  will  be  much  nearer  to  y  Indians  than  this  Place,  and  consequently  y«  Indians  more 
Inclinable  to.goe  there,  where  y«  accommodation  of  a  River  is  to  be  had,  then  come  by  Land  here, 


M 


'i     \ 


.«  ! 


280 


FARM  BSLATUra  TO  THE  tVBQUEHAHIIAH  KIVEt. 


aa  the  said  Indians  did  expresse,  soe  y^  by  that  meanss  your  hon'  may  easily  conjeecture,  how  advan- 
tageous it  will  tte  to  his  Royall  highnesse  Intrest,  and  since  your  hon'  was  desyreous  to  know  our 
opinions  of  y«  bussinesse,  wee  cannot  Juge,  but  that  it  will  be  PreJudiciaU  to  his  Royall  highnesse 
(Government  but  y*  Expedient  that  it  is  to  be  found  for  Preventing  y*  same,  is  Left  to  your  bono* 
Gonsideracdn  Wee  have  ordered  our  Secretary  to  draw  a  draught  of  y*  River,  and  how  y*  fores**  five 
Nations  of  Indians  Lie,  as  near  as  y«  fores<i  Indians  could  demonstrate,  which  wee  are  apt  to  beleeve 
is  not  much  amisse,  and  have  sent  it  here  Inclosed,  we  shall  p'  y*  first  conveniency  expect  your 
bon"  ConUnds  how  to  act  and  Proceed  in  y*  Bussinesse.    In  y*  meantime  shall  break  off  and  Remain 

Tour  hon<*  most  humble  & 

most  obedient  Servants 
T'  Commissaries  or  Albamt  &o' 


THE  MAGISTRATES  OF  ALBANY  TO  GOV.  D0N6AN. 

Right  hon"« 

Last  night  Arnout  y«  Interpreter  arrived  here  from  y«,Indians  Westward  and  brings  us  news  y* 
yo  four  Nations  viz^  Cajouges,  Onnondages,  Oneydes  &  Maquase  are  upon  there  way  hither  and  may 
be  expected  her  to-morrow.  Wee  are  credibly.  Inlbrm'd  of  there  willingnesse  to  dispose  of  y«  Susque- 
hanne  River,  being  verry  glad  to  hear  oif  Christians  intending  to  come  and  Live  there,  it  being  much 
nearer  them  then  this  Place  and  much  easier  to  get  thither  with  there  beever.  The  River  being 
navigable  w*  Canoes  till  hard  by  there  Castles,  soe  y»  if  W»  Penn  buys  said  River,  it  will  tend  to  y« 
utter  Ruine  off  y«  Bev  Trade,  as  y«  Indians  themselfs  doe  acknowledge  and  Consequently  to  y«  great 
Prejudice  off  liis  Royall  highnesse  Revenue's  and  his  whole  Territoryes  in  general,  all  which  we  doe 
humbly  offer  to  your  hon"  serious  Conslderac6n,  Wee  presume  that  there  hath  not  any  thing  Ever 
been  mooved  or  agitated  from  y«  first  settleing  of  these  Parts,  more  Prejudiciall  to  his  Royal  high- 
nesse Intrest,  and  y«  Inhabitants  of  this  his  govern'  then  this  businesse  of  y«  Susquehanne  River, 
The  french  its  true  have  endevoured  to  take  our  away  our  trade,  by  Peace  mealls  but  this  will  cutt 
it  all  off  at  once ;  The  day  after  your  hon'  departed,  wee  sent  a  draught  of  y«  River  and  how  near 
there  Castles  lie  to  it,  drawne  by  our  Seer'  as  near  as  y«  Indians  could  deskribe,  a  copy  Whereof  we 
have  kept  here,  and  Arnout  y«  Interpreter  says  that  he  is  also  informed  by  diverse  Indians,  that  y« 
Castles  are  situate  as  near  y«  Susquehanne  River  as  y»  draught  demonstrates,  if  not  nearer  •  and  in 
his  Private  discourse  with  them,  did  Perceive  there  joy  of  People  comeing  to  live  there ;  Wee  did 
Expect  an  answ»  of  our  Letter  w'  y"  Last  Sloops  wiih  absolute  orders  concerning  this  bussinesse,  In 
the  meantime  shall  Putt  a  Stopp  to  all  Proceedings  till  wee  have  RecJ  your  hon"  Commands  w«»»  we 
hope  will  be  to  deny  y«  treaty  in  this  point.  This  goes  by  an  Expresse  sent  by  M'  Haig  Wee  sup- 
pose to  M'  Graham  to  come  up  and  Prosecute  businesse ;  In  y«  meantime  shall  use  our  uttmost  En- 
deavours in  our  Stations  both  for  Our  Masters  hon'  and  y«  Interest  and  y*  Welfare  off  his  Territories 
whilst  wee  subscribe  ourselfs 

Your  hon'i  most  humble 

&  Devoted  Servants  ¥• 
Albany  24  Sept'  1683  Commissaries  of  Albany  &c» 

M'  Haig  did  not  send  y«  Canoo  yesterday,  expecting  Possibly  to  hear  first  off  y«  Indians  arrivall 
who  are  now  all  att  Skinnecttady. 


PAPUS  KILATIMO  TO  THE  tVtWVUXtlAM  Kim. 


261 


PROPOSALS 

OrrCRED    BY  THE    CAYVQA  AND    ONANDAOE    lACHEMt    TO    THE  W.   OOIOIIUAEIES    Or  ALBAMT,    OOLOMIE 
EENtEUkEBSWYCK  &C.    IN   THE  COUBT   HOUSE  OF  ALBANY   THE  26*^  •EPTEMBEB,   1683. 


[From  Duteh  Reeord  0.  No.  8,  in  Oonnty'*  Clwk  Oflea,  Albuy.] 


Van 


Present— Marte  Oerritse,  Corn  :  Van  Dyok,  Dlrck  Wessells,  J.  Provoost,  P.  Winne,  Hend 
Ness,  J.  Janse  Bleker,  R.  Pretty,  Sheriffe,  P.  Livingston,  Sec. 

Brothers.  We  are  rejoiced  to  see  the  Brethren  here  who  Represent  Ck)rlaer,  We  were  yesterday 
together  and  heard  the  Oreat  Penn,  (meaning  the  agent  of  Govern'  Penn)  speak  about  the  Land 
lying  on  the  Susquehanne  River,  but  saw  none  of  the  Commissaries,  nor  Corlaer's  order. 

I  have  slept  but  little  through  the  night  though  I  constantly  tried,  and  think  that  the  Land  cannot 
be  sold  without  Corker's  order,  for  we  transferred  it  to  this  Grovemment  four  years  ago.  Therefore 
we  shall  do  nothing  in  the  Sale  without  Corlear  (meaning  the  Gov.  Gen')  or  his  order  or  those  who 
Represent  him. 

The  aforesaid  Land  belongs  to  us,  Cayugas  and  Onondages,  alone;  the  other  three  Nations  viz*  the 
Sinnekes,  Oneydes  and  Maquaas  have  nothing  to  do  with  it. 

We  have  not  only  conveyed,  but  given  it,  four  years  ago,  to  Goiiaer,  that  is  the  Gov.  Geni,  to  rule 
over  it,  and  we  now  Convey  and  Transport  it  again  and  give  it  to  the  Gov.  Gen'  or  those  who  now 
Represent  him ;  and  in  confirmation  hereof  we  have  signed  and  sealed  these  Presents,  Dated  as 
above. 

This  is  the  mark  of 

[i.  ».] 
[l.  8.| 


Me  present 

Ro:  Livingston  Sec' 

Present  as  before. 


Thaowe  ^3^  ratt  Sachem  of  Cayuga 
This  is  fvvv^  the  mark 
of  Corraol^jundie  of 
Cayuga 
This  js  the  .mark  of 
Ochquari ''okichke  of  Cayuga 


[l.  8.] 


Mhany  the  26  Septr    1683. 


ANSWER   TO   THE  PROPOSALS   OF  THE  CATVGAS   AND  ONNONDAGES. 

We  have  heard  your  Propos;»l8  and  thankfully  accept  for  Corlaer  the  conveyance  of  the  Susque- 
hanne River,  with  the  Land  .  t  i  ite  thereupon  and  have  seen^that  you  have  adhered  to  your  word  of 
over  four  years  since,  and  in  ct  aflrmation  of  your  gift  and  conveyance  of  the  Land  aforesaid  have 
signed  and  sealed  it.  We,  therefore,  give  you  a  half  piece  of  Duffels,  Two  Blankets,  Two  Guns, 
Three  kettles,  Four  Coats,  Fifly  lbs.  of  Lead  and  Five  and  twenty  lbs.  of  powder. 

Meanwhile  we  shall  communicate  this  to  His  Excell:  the  Gov:  Geni.  of  whose  good  disposition 
towards  you,  you  need  not  doubt,  who  will  compensate  you  therefor  when  occasion  permits. 

Whereupon  the  Sakamakers  have  signed  and  sealed  their  gift  and  conveyance  as  is  to  be  seen  on 
the  other  side,  and  have  accepted  in  full  satisfaction,  the  aforesaid  presents. 
Albany  in  the  Court  house  as  above. 

CoRNELis  Van  Dyck 
DiRCK  Wessels 
Jan  Janz  Bleeckeb 
PiEiEB  Winne. 


!■  ill 


PAPCBS   RELATING   TO  THE  ■VSQUIHANKAH   RITKB. 


(ConiMll  Mia.  V.] 


At  a  Council  held  at  ffort  James  In  New-Tork,  Ootob'.  [1683.] 
Psent  The  OoTerno' 

Capt.  A.  Brockholls 
M».  ffr.  Pflypsen 
J.  Spragge  M'.  S.  Y.  Cortland 

The  Indians  being  asked  if  they  were  only  for  the  Maquas,  they  aniwe/red,  yes ;  and  oame  from 
the  three  castles  of  the  Maquas 


Speech  of  the  Sachem  Odianah. 

That  ossoone  as  they  received  the  Message,  they  came  hither  and  are  very  gladd  to  be  so  well 
received  and  that  his  Mat'y  hath  so  great  a  kindness  for  them ;  os  for  the  Indians  tiat  are  gone  to 
Canada,  they  are  very  gladd  his  bono'  speaks  of  it  and  they  will  endeavour  to  get  them  back  again 
and  they  desire  the  Ck>vernor's  assistance  in  it  that  they  may  goe  hand  in  hand  to  promote  it,  and 
they  doubt  not  to  get  them  back  againe. 

That  when  they  were  sent  for  hither  they  did  not  know  what  might  be  proposed  to  them ;  and  for 
Corlear's  proposition  to  make  peace  with  the  Indians  they  war  against,  they  say  that  ossone  as  they 
com  home  they  shall  have  a  Oenerall  meeting  of  all  the  Castles  and  will  tell  them  what  is  here  pro- 
posed and  doubt  not  but  it  shall  be  effected  ;  for  the  former  Governor  said  the  same  and  they  obeyed 
and  made  peace  and  why  should  it  not  be  allso  at  this  time  performed,  for  they  have  been  allways 
obedient  to  this  governm'  that  his  Hono'  having  told  them  to  have  an  eye  to  the  ffrenchmen,  they 
give  his  Hono'  their  thanks,  &  will  allways  have  an  eye  open  to  those  people,  and  they  desire  L 
anytliing  happen  to  be  informed  for  they  are  and  have  been  allways  belonging  to  this  Govemm'.  and  we 
expect  no  favo'  item  the  ffrench,  but  will  put  themselves  under  his  Hono*.  protection.  That  the 
Governor  haveing  wondred  why  they  bring  so  little  Beaver  and  formerly  did  bring  so  much,  that  it 
may  be  the  Govern'  thinks  they  carry  it  to  some  other  Governm'  they  answer  no  they  do  not  They 
never  had  so  firm  a  friendshipp  with  any,  os  with  this  Government  but  the  true  reason  is  they  haveing 
a  warre  with  other  Indians,  those  Indians  would  not  dare  to  come  on  their  hunting  places ;  but  now 
they  are  all  in  peace  ;  the  Indians  catch  away  the  Beaver  so  fast  that  ther  be  but  very  few  left ;  his 
Hono'  haveing  told  them  they  should  harbour  no  ffrench  but  the  Jesuits  and  each  of  them  a  man, 
they  answer  they  will  never  suffer  any  straggling  ffrenchmen  amongst  them,  but  those  Jesuits  who 
are  very  good  men  and  very  quiett ;  and  yet  if  his  Hono'  sliall  please,  they  wiU  send  them  away  allso ; 
and  that  none  hath  any  land  from  them  and  they  are  resolved  never  to  sell  or  give  them  any  or  any 
others  except  the  people  of  this  Governm*  that  they  were  sent  for  by  tlie  Crovern^  of  Canada  who 
told  them  that  they  should  make  a  peace  with  all  the  Indians  and  that  the  Govern'  took  their  axe 
and  threw  it  into  the  water,  but  did  not  bury  it  because  if  it  had  bin  buried  it  might  have  been 
taken  up  again ;  and  that  nothing  shall  com  to  their  ears  but  they  will  acquaint  this  Govemm*  with 
it,  and  expect  the  same  from  this  Government. 

They  allso  say  the  Govern'  of  Canada  promised  them  to  have  free  passage  upon  all  the  Rivers  and 
Creeks  and  said  they  should  suffer  all  other  Indians  to  have  the  same  &  the  Govern^  took  them  os  his 
children  and  told  them  they  should  be  all  of  the  ffrench  Religion. 

That  all  this  land  is  imder  the  Governm^  of  his  R»  High**  that  there  has  been  som  Strangers  at 
Albany  to  buy  the  Susquehannah  River,  but  they  have  considered  and  will  not  sell  it  to  them  except 
by  the  particular  leave  of  his  Hono'. 


"  \ 


rAPBM  SSLATina  to  TUC  •UtQVXHAMMAH   SIVKK. 


268 


The  Qoveni'  desired  them  to  make  up  the  differences  amongst  themselves  about  Susquehanna 
River  in  a  civil  and  peaceable  way,  that  being  don  to  send  word  to  the  Governo',  and  that  then  he 
will  give  them  AUler  orders  about  it.  ^  , 

At  a  Council  held  Aprill  20ti>,  1684. 
P'sent  The  Govemo' 

M'  Lucas  Santen 
J.  Spragg.  Coll  Lewis  Morris. 

Mr.  Willi"  Welch  said  Govern'  Penn  had  a  desire  to  treat  w»>  tlio  Indians  of  Susquehannah  River 
by  the  consent  of  the  Govemo*  of  New- York. 

Mr.  Lloyd  said  that  Govern'  Penn  complained  of  y*  unkind  usages  and  sinister  dealings  of  the 
people  of  Albany  who  caused  him  to  be  put  to  a  vast  expence  in  bringing  down  the  Indians  and  the 
desire  of  Govern'  Penn  was  that  hath  already  bin  expended  may  he  valued  and  som  consideration 
had  to  the  loss  of  time  and  monies. 

Govemo'  Dongan  replyed  that  as  for  the  charges  M'  Penn  had  bin  at  he  had  nothing  to  say  to  it, 
that  they  of  Albany  have  suspitlon  it  is  only  to  get  away  their  tracle  and  that  M'.  Penn  hath  land 
allready  more  than  he  can  people  these  manyyeares  that  the  Indians  have  long  since  given  over  their 
land  to  this  Goverm*  and  advised  them  to  write  over  to  the  Duke  al>out  it. 
Mr  Lloy  k  M'.  Welch  desired  a  letter  from  the  Governor  to  the  Indians  w<!>>  was  not  granted. 


1 


t   i 


FATHER  LAMBERVILLE  TO  M.  DE  LA  BARRE. 

[Paris  Doo.  II.] 

Fabruarx  lU,  1084. 

The  man  named  Oreouak^  of  Cayuga  told  me  also  that  lie  would  go  to  Montreal  to  see  you.  'Tls 
he  who  caused  Father  de  Carhell  to  withdraw  and  wlio  treacherously  brought  the  six  Tlonnontates 
to  Cayuga.  He  is  extremely  proud.  Sorennoa  and  he  are  the  two  most  considerable  Captains  of 
CajTuga.  It  was  of  this  Oreouak^  that  the  English  of  Albany  (formerly  Orange)  made  use  to  pre- 
vent Sieur  Penn  purchasing  the  Country  of  the  Andastogn6s  who  have  been  conquered  by  the 
Iroquois  and  the  English  of  Marllande. 


ABSTRACT  OF  THE  PROPOSALLS  OF  THE  ONOUNDAGES  AND  CAYOUGES  SACHEMS  AT 

NEW  YORK,  2.  August  1684. 

[Load.  Doo.  IV.] 

That  the  English  will  protect  them  fVom  the  French  otherwise  they  shall  loose  all  the  Beaver  and 
himting. 

That  they  have  put  themselves  and  their  lands  under  the  Protection  of  the  King  and  have  given 
Susquehannah  River  to  the  Government  of  New  York  of  which  they  desire  it  may  be  a  Branch,  and 
under  which  they  will  shelter  themselves  from  the  French. 


rArum  mlatino  to  thc  ■viQcuumrAH  >itbb. 

That  Penn*!  people  taaj  not  lettle  under  the  Suiquehannah  River. 

They  have  putt  themielvei  under  the  King  and  give  two  Deer  Sklni  for  the  King  to  write  upon 
them,  and  put  a  great  read  Scale  to  them,  that  they  put  all  their  landi  under  Hii  Ma*7  and  under  no 
other  Government  then  New  Yorke. 

They  desire  theie  propoulls  may  be  sent  to  the  King  with  a  Belt  of  Wampum  peeg  and  another 
small  Belt  for  the  Duke  of  York. 

And  they  give  Col.  Dungan  a  Beaver  to  send  over  this  Proposall. 

And  my  Lord  ifflngham  is  desired  to  take  notice  that  Penn's  agents  would  have  bought  the  Suf> 
quehanna  River  of  them,  but  they  would  not,  but  fkstened  it  to  the  government  of  New  York. 

That  being  a  free  people  uniting  themselves  to  the  English,  it  may  be  in  their  power  to  give  their 
land  to  what  Saohim  they  pie 


PROPOSITION  OR  ORATION 


or  THE  ONOHDAOOIS  AND  CAYOUOia  BACHUfi  MADE  IN  THC  TOWN  HALL  ALBANY  lErOKC  THE  aiOHT 
HORbU  xHB  LOkD  HOWAED  OF  EmNCHAM,  OOVEEMOE  OF  VIRGINIA  AND  COL,  THOMAS  OUNOAN  OOV' 
or  NEW   YOEK   UPON  THE  2*>  DAY   Or  AUOCST   1684. 

[  Lond.  Doe.  V.  ] 

Brother  (Torlaer 

Your  Sachlm  is  a  great  Sachim  and  we  are  but  a  small  people,  When  the  English  came  to 
Manhattans  that  is  N.  York,Aragiske  which  is  now  called  yirginia,and  to  Jaquukranogare  now  called 
Maryland,  they  were  but  a  small  people  and  we  a  great  people,  and  finding  they  were  good  people 
we  gave  them  land  and  treated  them  civilly,  and  now  since  you  are  a  great  people  and  we  but  a 
small,  you  will  protect  us  from  the  French,  which  if  you  do  not,  we  shall  loose  all  our  hunting  and 
Bevers,  The  French  will  have  all  the  Bevers,  and  arc  angry  with  us  for  bringing  any  to  you. 

Brethren.  Wee  have  putt  all  our  land  and  ova  seifs  under  the  Protection  of  the  great  Duke  of 
York,  the  brother  of  your  great  Sachim ;  We  have  given  the  Susquehanne  River  which  we  wonn 
with  the  sword  to  this  Government  and  desire  that  it  may  be  a  branch  of  that  great  tree  that  grows 
here,  Whose  topp  reaches  to  the  Sunn,  under  whose  branches  we  shall  shelter  our  selves  from  the 
French  or  any  other  people,  and  our  fire  bum  in  your  houses  and  your  fire  burns  with  us,  and  we 
desire  that  it  always  may  be  so,  and  will  not  that  any  of  your  Fenns  people  shall  settle  upon  the 
Susquehanne  River ;  for  all  our  folks  or  soldiers  are  like  Wolfs  in  the  Woods,  as  you  Sachim  of  Vir- 
ginia know.  We  having  no  other  land  to  leave  to  our  wives  &  Children. 

Wee  have  put  ourselves  under  the  Great  Sachim  Charles  that  lives  over  the  Great  Lake,  and  we 
do  give  you  Two  White  Drest  Deer  Skins  to  be  sent  to  the  Great  Sachim  Charles  That  he  may  write 
upon  them,  and  putt  a  great  Redd  Seale  to  them,  Thatt  we  do  putt  the  Susquehanne  River  above  the 
Washinta  or  falls  and  all  the  rest  of  our  land  under  the  Great  Duke  of  York  and  to  nobody  else, 
Our  brethren  his  Servants  were  as  fethers  to  our  Wives  and  Children,  and  did  give  us  Bread  when 
we  were  in  need  of  it,  and  we  will  neither  jojrn  our  selves  nor  our  Land  to  any  other  Oovernm*  then 
to  this,  and  this  Proposition  we  desire  that  Corlaer  the  Govrnr  may  send  over  to  your  Great  Sachim 
Charles  that  dwells  over  the  Great  Lake  with  this  Belt  of  Wampum  Peeg,  and  another  Smaller  Belt 
for  the  Duke  of  York  his  brother,  and  we  give  a  Bever  to  the  Corlaer  to  send  over  this  Proposition. 

And  you  great  Man  of  Virginia,  meaning  the  Lord  Effingham  Govemr  of  Virginia,  we  let  you 


PAnUM   RELATINO   TO  THE  ■USQUEIUNNAH   KIVEB. 


866 


know  that  Orent  Penn  did  apeak  to  us  here  in  Corlaer'i  houie  by  his  agents,  and  desired  to  buy  the 
Susquehannc  River,  but  we  woultl  not  liearken  to  him  nor  come  under  Ills  Oovernment,  and  there- 
fore desire  you  to  be  witness  of  what  we  now  do  and  that  wo  liave  alrewly  done  and  lett  your  friend 
that  lives  over  the  Great  lake  know  tliat  we  are  a  ffrce  people  uniting  our  selves  to  what  Sachem  we 
plaoae,  and  do  give  you  one  beavor  sklnn. 

This  Is  a  true  Copy  Translated,  compared  and 
Hevlsed  P  me 

Rod'  Livimoston. 


SIR  JOHN  WERDEN  TO  COL.  DONOAN. 

[From  MOM,  Vol.  IV.] 

St.  Jtmal'l,  27th  Aututt,  16M. 

fExTBACT.J  Touching  Susquehunnah  River  or  lands  abo»  It  or  trade  in  it,  w*  the  Indians  convey 
to  you  or  Invite  you  to,  we  think  you  will  doe  well  to  preserve  yo'  Interest  there  as  much  as  possible 
that  soe  nothing  more  may  goe  away  to  M'  Penn  or  ether  New  Jerseys.  For  it  Is  apparent  they  are 
apt  enough  to  stretch  their  privileges  as  well  as  the  people  of  New  England  have  beene,  who  never 
probably  will  be  reduced  to  reason  by  prosecution  of  the  Quo  Warranto  w«*"  is  brought  ag"  y" 


[CouncU  MlnutM  V.] 

At  a  Council  August  the  30"<  1686 
P'sent  the  Govern'  M'.  S.  V.  Cortlandt  M'  N.  Bayard,  Mt\j.  Ger.  Baxter  J.  Spragge  Arnold  Inter- 
preter. 

The  Govern'  gave  presents  to  the  Indians  for  w»h  they  thanked  him  after  their  manner,  and  he 
said  to  them 

Brethren  #*••••«« 

I  allso  desire  that  neither  ffrench  uor  English  go  &  Hue  at  the  Susquehannah  River ;  nor  hunt  nor 
trade  amongst  the  Brethren  without  my  passe  and  scale,  the  impression  of  which  I  will  give  them 
but  if  they  doe  that  the  Brethren  bring  them  to  Albony  and  deliver  them  at  the  Town  house  when 
care  shall  be  taken  for  punishing  them  (except  the  priests  and  one  man  wth  each  or  either  of  them) 
allthough  any  of  them  should  be  married  to  an  Indian  squa  ;  they  being  only  spies  upon  the  Bretlu-en. 

At  a  Council  Septemb  1»'  1686. 
P'sent  the  Gov.  M'  Steph.  v.  Cortlandt  M'  N.  Bayard,  Maior  G.  Baxter    J  Spragge 

The  Indians  of  the  flue  Nations  returned  the  following  answer 
The  Cayouges  &  Oneydes  answered  first  &  said 

Brother  Corleor  We  are  come  hither  at  New  York  by  y  order  although  the  appointed  place  is  at 
Albany. 

JVoi,.  1.]  34 


' '1 

4 


Sf6 


PAPERS   RiXATINO  TO   THE  8UIQUEHANMAH   BIVEB. 


We  have  understood  your  propositions  that  we  are  no  more  Brothers  but  looked  upon  as  Children 
of  w""  we  are  gladd.  ■•<■'-■■      <■   ■   ■  *  '•      '  •       •■ 

And  what  concerns  tlie  sending  the  prisoners  bade  againe  which  the  Cayouges  and  Oneydes  have 
no  hand  in  talcing  them  ;  that  concerns  the  Sinequas 

Wliat  your  Honoi'  hath  said  about  the  Indians  that  are  at  Canada  we  will  do  our  utmost  endeauo'' 
(o  bring  them  from  thence  &  do  desire  that  y'  Hono'  would  write  a  letter  to  them,  w"*"  will  liave 
more  influence  upon  them  then  our  bare  words 

Concerning  the  Indians  going  to  Cadaracqua  that  doth  not  concern  us  but  the  Onondagos. 

What  yo'  Hono'  hath  said  of  the  Christian  hunters  &  the  traders  that  may  come  upon  the  Susque- 
hafiah  River  to  hunt  or  trade  w^^iout  your  passe;  that  we  should  take  their  goods  from  them  &  bring 
their  persons  to  Albany,  we  dare  not  meddle  therewith  ;  for  a  man  whose  goods  is  taken  from  him 
will  defend  liiinself  w«»>  may  create  ti-ouble  or  warre,  and  therelbr  we  deliver  the  seales  to  y  Hono' 
againe.  •**••#• 

The  Maqnas  stood  up  and  said 

We  desire  that  y  Hono'  will  order  that  lande  &  a  priest  may  be  at  Saraghtoge  ;  for  they  will  be 
most  Maquas  that  return  from  Canada ;  &  for  the  reasons  given  your  Hone  by  the  Cayouges  & 
Oneydes  we  aliso  deliver  your  Hono'  the  Seals  againe — upon  that  tlicy  gaue  a  pi-esent 
The  Onondages  stood  up  and  said  in  Answer 

Brother  Corlear  •  •  •  •  yf^  apg  affraid  the  seals  given 

us  put  us  in  a  new  trouble  ;   therefore  we  deliver  them  to  your  Honour  againe,  that  we  may  Hue 
wholly  in  peace. 

The  Sinnequas  said 

We  came  first  to  Albany  Although  we  line  the  furthest  off,  and  do  find  Corlear  to  be  a  good  bro- 
ther to  us,  therefore  did  not  delay. 

I  shall  speak  first  of  the  Seales  ;  We  know  tlie  iTrench  by  their  Coats  and  the  other  Christians  by 
their  habitts  &  if  we  should  take  their  goods  fi'om  them,  it  would  create  trouble  or  warre  &  therefor 
deliver  the  same  againe. 


EXTRACT  OF  A  LETTER  FROM  GOV*  DONGANTOM.  DE  DENONVILLE.  DATED  31  OCTBr  1687. 

[  Lond.  Doo.  VI.  ] 

Sir,  I  doe  not  take  the  King  my  Master's  riglit  to  the  five  nations  on  this  side  of  the  lake  from 
Mons'  de  la  Barr,  but  from  our  records  whicli  demonstrates  that  these  five  nations  has  been  in  a  free 
and  brotherly  correspondence  from  the  first  Settlement  of  this  towne,  and  further  they  have  submitted 
themselves,  there  country  and  conquests  to  tlie  Dutch  in  tlicir  time  and  to  the  Kinge  of  England 
since  this  Colonic  came  under  His  Majes*'**  obetlience,  so  that  the  King  haveing  given  a  Pattent  to 
M'  W""  Penn  of  a  tract  of  land  in  which  there  conquest  land  uppon  tlie  Susquehana  River  was 
included  in  tlie  grant.  Since  all  this  they  came  to  me  in  the  presents  of  the  Lord  Eflfingham  now 
Gov  of  Virginia  presentinge  two  dorst  [dressedlj  Deerskins  desiringe  me  to  send  them  to  the  Kinge 
that  a  red  broad  seale  might  be  affixed  to  them,  that,  that  part  of  Susquehanna  river  might  be  annexed 
to  this  CoUony  haveing  some  of  their  friends  livlnge  there. 


PAPERS   RELATING    TO   THE   BVSQUEHANNAH    RIVER. 


THE  HUMBLE  ADDRESS 


267 


OF   THE   GOVERNOUR     AND  COUNCILL   OF     YOUR   MAJESTy's     PROUINCE  OF    NEW     YORXE    AND  DEPENDENCY*. 

[6   AUG.    1691.J 

^  [Lond.  Doe.  VIII.] 

Most  Gracious  Sovereigne 

May  it  please  Yo'  Most  Excell*  Maj'y 

There  being  nothing  so  dear  unto  us  as  the  prosperity  of  your  Majesty  the  increase  of  your  empire 
and  the  safety  of  your  people  planted  in  these  remote  parts  of  America,  We  therefore  in  all  humble 
manner  find  it  is  our  duty  to  represent  unto  you-  most  sacred  Majesty  the  State  and  Condicon  of  this 
your  Majesty's  Province,  that  by  a  view  thereof  Your  Majesty  may  be  truely  informed  of  the  advan- 
tages accruing  to  your  Majesty  and  also  of  the  great  detriment  and  prejudice  that  threatens  your 
Majesty's  interest  by  the  pretences  of  our  Neighbours  and  the  strength  of  the  French  your  Majesty's 
declared  enemys. 

Therefore  Most  Excel'  Sovereigne 
This  your  Maj'y*  Province  was  first  settled  and  planted  in  tlie  year  of  our  Lord  1019.  by  the 
States  Generall  of  the  United  Provinces,  who  did  extend  the  line  of  their  dominion  from  tliis  your 
Majesty's  Citty  of  New  Yorke  to  the  Eastward  so  farr  as  Connecticut  River  and  to  the  Westward 
along  the  C!oast  beyond  the  Delaware  River,  and  to  the  Northward  up  Hudson's  River  so  farr  as 
Schenectady  and  from  thence  to  the  Lakes  of  Canada,  and  from  thence  to  the  Westward  so  farr  as 
the  Sinnekes  land  or  the  Indian  hunting  reacheth.  Since  which  time  in  the  yeai-  of  our  Lord  1664. 
King  Charles  the  Second  did  subdue  and  reduce  to  the  allegiance  of  Your  Majesty's  Crowne  all  the 
Inhabitants  and  Territorys  within  the  limits  aforesaid ;  all  which  was  granted  by  King  Charles  the 
Second  unto  His  Royall  Highness  James  Duke  of  Yorke  in  the  same  year  together  with  the  governm' 
of  all  that  tract  of  land  to  the  Westward  of  Delaware  River  unto  Maryland. 

His  Royall  Highness  was  pleased  out  of  the  premises  to 'grant  a  certain  tract  of  land  unto  the  Right 
Honorable  John  Lord  Barclay  and  Sir  George  Carterett  limited  and  bounded  by  Hudson  and  Delaware 
Rivers,  as  per  the  Deed  of  Conveyance  relation  being  thereunto  had  may  more  fully  appeare ;  the 
remaining  part  continued  in  His  Royall  Highness  possession  untill  the  yeare  of  our  Lord  1682,  Wil- 
liam Penn  procured  a  Pattent  from  King  Charles  the  Second  for  land  to  the  Westward  of  Delaware 
River,  now  called  Pensilvania,  as  per  said  pattent  doth  more  largely  appeare. 

His  Royall  Highness  was  also  pleased  to  grant  imto  the  said  William  Penn,  New  Castle  upon  Dela- 
ware River  and  twelve  miles  round  about  and  afterwards  he  made  another  grant  unto  him  of  all  the 
land  to  the  Southward  of  New  Castle. 

Now,  may  it  please  your  Miyesty,all  that  been  reserved  out  of  the  Territorys  and  dominion  aibre- 
said  is  only  Long  Island  and  some  other  small  Islands  adjacent.  New  York,  Zopus,  Albany  and  the 
limitts  thereof;  for  the  preserving  of  which  the  Crowne  hath  been  at  great  charge,  and  for  the  sup- 
port of  your  Majt'M  governm'  there  is  now  in  Generall  Assembly  a  revenue  established  upon  the 
trade  thereof  which  is  managed  in  manner  following. 

New  Yorke  is  the  Metropolis,  is  scituate  upon  a  barren  island  bounded  by  Hudson's  River  and  the 
East  River  that  runs  into  the  Sound,  and  hath  nothing  to  support  it  but  trade,  which  chiefly  flows 
from  flower  and  bread  they  make  of  the  Come  the  West  end  of  Long  Island  and  Zopus  produceth ; 
which  is  sent  to  the  West  Indies,  and  there  is  brought  in  returne  from  thence  amongst  other  things  a 
liquor  called  Rumm,  the  duty  whereof  considerably  encreaseth  your  Majesties  revenue. 

Zopus  is  a  place  upon  Hudson's  River,  80  miles  distant  from  New  Yorke ;  consists  of  five  small 


I 


268 


PAPERS   RELATIIfO   TO   THE  SVIQUEHANNAH   RIVCB. 


IJ 


towns  whose  inhabitants  manage  husbandry  and  have  not  above  3000  acres  of  manureable  land ;  all 
the  rest  being  hills  and  mountains,  not  possible  to  be  cultivated. 

Albany  lyes  upon  the  same  River  distant  from  New  Yorke  144  miles,  only  settled  for  Indian  trade ; 
its  commerce  extends  itself  as  far  as  the  Lakes  of  Canada  and  the  Sinnekes  Country  in  which  is  the 
Susquehannah  River ;  their  chiefe  dependance  is  upon  their  tralPick  with  the  5  Nations  called  Sinnekes 
Cayeugoes  Oneydes  Onondagcs  and  Maquase ;  wliicb  Indians  in  the  time  of  the  Dutch  did  surrender 
themselves  and  their  lands  to  the  obedience  &  protcc<^n  of  Albany,  and  upon  that  place's  reduccon 
to  your  Majesties  Crowne  of  England  they  continued  confirming  the  same  successively  to  all  the 
Grovernours  of  this  Province,  and  hath  now  ratifyed  and  confirmed  the  same  unto  your  Majesty ;  so 
that  all  that  tiact  of  land  from  the  Westerraost  extent  of  the  Sinnekes  Country  unto  Albany  hath 
been  appropriated  and  did  absolutely  belong  unto  the  Inhabitants  of  Albany,  upwards  of  fourty 
yeares ;  The  Indian  inhabitants  have  always  reckoned  themselves  subjects  to  your  Majesties  Crowne, 
and  are  not  willing  to  submitt  or  have  any  trade  or  Commerce  with  any  of  your  Majesty's  subjects 
but  those  att  Albany,  your  Majesty's  forts  of  New  Yorke  and  Albany  had  always  an  absolute  do- 
minion over  all  the  Indian  Nations  adjacent  to  this  Province  but  especially  of  all  those  to  the  West- 
ward ;  and  they  were  accustomed  annually  to  bring  tribute  to  your  Majesty's  forts,  acknowledging 
the  same,  but  of  late  years  the  neighbouring  Collonys  have  obstructed  them  which  we  conceive  highly 
injurious  to  your  Majesty's  interest  and  that  this  royalty  is  not  conveyed  by  any  of  the  afore  recited 
grants. 

Long  Island  is  pleasantly  scituated  and  well  planted  but  brings  little  gain  unto  your  Majesty,  the 
East  end  being  chiefly  ef  tt]  by  New  England  people  wlio  have  erected  five  towns.  Their  improve- 
ments are  most  in  pasturage  and  whaleing.  Wliat  is  produced  from  their  industry  is  frequently 
carried  to  Boston  and  notwithstanding  of  the  many  strict  rules  and  laws  made  to  confine  them  to  this 
place  they  interlope  that  the  revenue  there  is  not  able  to  defray  the  expense  of  looking  after  it.  The 
middle  of  the  Island  [is]  altogether  barren ;  the  West  end  chiefly  employed  in  tillage,  which  in  a 
great  measure  supplys  the  trafliq  of  New  Yorke 

All  the  rest  of  the  Province,  West  Chester,  Staten  Island  and  Martin's  Vineyard  excepted,  consist 
of  barren  mountains  hills  not  improveable  by  humane  industry. 
Now  May  it  please  Your  Maj'r : 

The  revenue  that  is  established  in  this  Province  is  in  such  a  nature  that  if  the  encroachm**  and 
pretences  of  our  neighbours  be  removed,  it  will  not  only  be  sufficient  to  defray  the  charge  of  your 
Mtg*'**  Govemm*  but  also  bring  in  profitt  into  your  Maj«'"  Coffers. 

East  Jersey  is  scituate  on  Hudsons  River  over  against  Long  Island  Staten  Island  and  New  York, 
and  they  pretend  by  the  aforementioned  grant  to  be  a  free  place  and  to  have  free  ports  to  trade  as 
they  please,  which  if  admitted  must  certainly  destroy  yo'  M^*'«»  interest  and  revenue  here ;  for  what 
merchant  will  come  to  New  York  and  trade  and  pay  to  yo'  Majf  2  and  10  p  cent  with  the  excise  and 
yo'  Majt'w  duties  settled  here,  if  they  can  at  2  or  3  miles  distance  over  against  the  same  place  go  and 
be  free  from  any  duty  or  imposition  whatever. 

Connecticutt  lyes  to  the  eastward  of  us  &  pretends  to  the  like  freedome  as  East  Jersey,  and  doth 
in  the  same  degree  threaten  y  Majestys  interest  wit'n  the  like  inconveniency  and  prejudice.  There- 
lore  may  it  please  our  Maj'r  if  Connecticut  East  and  West  Jersey  be  not  annexed  to  your  Majesty's 
Government  of  this  Province  it  will  be  alltogether  Impossible  to  raise  such  a  revenue  to  yo'  Majesty 
here  as  will  be  sufficient  to  defray  the  charge  of  the  government,  and  the  annexing  thereof  cannot 
be  injurious  to  the  proprietors,  but  on  the  contrary  advantageous  to  them,  for  it  will  ease  them  of 
the  charge  of  governm*  which  hath  allways  exceeded  the  quitt  Rents  accrueing  to  them  ;  whereas  if 
they  were  annexed  the  profits  would  be  freed  from  that  charge,  retain  their  propertys  and  putt  the 
Quitt  Rents  clear  in  their  pocquets. 


PAPERS   RELATING   TO   THE  BUSQUEHANNAH  RIVER. 


m 


„ 


These  inconveniences  of  Connecticut  East  and  West  Jersey  are  not  only  prejudicial!  to  yo'  Maj»" 
intrest,  but  also  the  pretences  of  William  Penn  Esq'  to  the  3  lower  Countys  on  Delaware  River  and 
to  the  Susquehanna  River  are  equally  if  not  more  injurious  to  your  Majiy  and  particularly  in  this 
respect  Susquehanna  River  is  scituate  in  the  middle  of  the  Slnnekes  Country  which  they  gave  unto 
your  Majesty's  Crowne  and  hath  belonged  as  an  appendix  to  this  your  Maj*'«*  Govemm*  many  years 
before  Mr  Penn  had  his  pattent.  Notwithstanding  thereof  Mr  Penn  endevors  to  disturb  your  Majesty 
in  the  peaceable  and  quiett  possession  of  the  premises ;  endeavoring  to  tempt  the  Indians  to  sell  it 
again  to  him,  by  that  means  not  only  to  dispossess  your  Majesty  of  your  antient  rights,  but  also  to 
pervert  and  draw  away  the  trade  of  the  Indians  to  his  Province ;  which  will  be  an  irreparable  loss 
to  your  Majesty,  all  the  Nations  with  whom  Albany  hath  their  trade  liveiug  at  the  head  of  Susque- 
hanna River.  So  the  revenue  of  10  p'  Cent,  the  impost  upon  powder,  lead,  alumn  and  furrs,  quite 
lost,  and  if  Mr  Penn  should  attain  his  pretences  to  the  Susquehanna  River,  it  will  not  only  destroy 
the  best  branch  of  your  Maj''*»  revenue,  but  it  will  likewise  depopulate  your  Province,  the  inhabi- 
tants of  Albany  haveing  only  seated  themselves  there  and  addicted  their  minds  to  the  Indian  lan- 
guage and  the  misteries  of  the  said  trade  with  purpose  to  manage  it,  that  if  it  should  be  diverted  from 
that  channell  they  must  follow  it,  haveing  no  other  way  or  art  to  gett  a  livelyhood. 

The  3  Lower  Countys  were  planted  at  the  charge  and  expence  of  this  your  Maj*^«  citty  of  New 
Yorke  and  chiefly  to  encrease  and  preserve  the  navlgacon  of  this  port,  being  recommended  to  imploy 
their  industry  in  planting  of  tobacco,  which  being  a  bulky  comodity  gave  great  encouragement  to 
shipping  as  well  as  it  brings  great  profltt  to  yo'  Maj'y  Since  we  have  mett  with  obstruccons  from 
that  place  by  the  pretences  of  M'  Penn,  we  have  not  been  able  to  load  so  many  ships  as  formerly ; 
all  that  yo'  Majesties  province  producetli  suitable  for  Europe  being  only  furrs,  which  are  of  great 
value  and  in  small  bulk,  gives  little  encouragement  to  uavigation.  We  were  also  accustomed  to  have 
considerable  parcells  of  peltry  from  said  Countys,  which  go  now  another  way  witliout  paying  yo' 
Majesty  any  thing,  and  that  wliich  is  a  heavier  presture  upon  us,  they  constrain  us  a  penny  p'  pound 
for  the  tobacco  brought  here,  and  send  it  to  Pensilvania,  a  distinct  Province,  without  paying  any 
thing ;  by  that  means  diverting  the  trade  of  this  port  to  Pensilvania ;  by  all  which  your  Majesty  may 
perceive  that  the  pretences  of  M'  Penn  to  the  Susquehanna  River  are  very  iiyurious  to  your  Majt'«» 
ri^ht  and  revenue ;  so  that  some  care  must  be  taken  if  your  Maj'^  sees  cause  shall  remain  a  distinct 
governraen'  that  his  line  doth  encroach  upon  your  Majesties  right  noe  further  upon  the  Susquehanna 
River  then  the  fall  thereof;  otliervvise  its  scituation  being  so  near  the  Sinnekes  Indians,  if  planted  by 
him,  must  of  necessity  divert  the  whole  trade  of  Albany. 

May  it  please  Your  Most  Excel'  Maj'y. 

This  is  the  state  of  your  Majesties  Province  with  relation  to  our  neighbours  your  Majesty's  sub- 
ject. There  is  likewise  the  French  formerly  under  the  pretence  of  propagating  the  Christian  faith 
amongst  the  Indians,  did  thereby  very  much  incroach  upon  yo'  Majesties  right  on  this  side  of  the 
lake,  and  particularly  did  draw  uway  many  of  our  Indians  into  Canada,  under  the  notion  of  supply- 
ing them  with  priests  to  instruct  them  in  the  Christian  religion  ;  by  which  means  they  lessened  our 
hunting  much,  and  lias  so  weakened  the  Maquase  nation  that  they  are  not  capable  to  do  yo'  Majesty 
the  service  as  formerly.  Besides  they  are  so  affected  to  the  French  Yo  Maj''«*  enemys  that  while 
they  are  in  being  we  cann  liave  no  safety.  Since  the  war  the  French  priests  have  retired  from  their 
castles,  and  the  Dutch  Minister  at  Albany  liatli  been  very  successful!  in  converting  many  of  them  to 
the  true  religion,  in  wliich  they  are  very  devout  and  desirous  to  have  a  ministry  settled  amongst 
them  for  their  pious  comfort  and  instruccon.  This  would  be  of  great  advantage  to  your  Majesty  not 
only  in  the  increase  of  your  revenue  but  also  to  endear  the  Indians  to  us,  that  they  would  continue 
to  be  the  preservacon  of  this  and  the  rest  of  your  Majesty's  adjacent  Colonys  ;  these  Nations  being 
the  strongest  and  most  terrible  among  the  Indians  are  the  only  bulwarke  and  wall  of  defence  both 


270 


PAPEBS   BELATINO   TO  THE  IVSQUEMANNAH   RIVEH. 


against  other  ludians  and  the  French  pretences,  which  we  are  daily  threatened  with,  being  informed 
that  they  intend  with  a  considerable  force  of  themselves  and  the  Ottawawes  Indians  to  descend  upon 
Albany  and  take  it,  which  is  not  at  present  able  (if  attaqued)  to  resist,  neitlier  is  the  whole  Province 
as  now  narrowed,  capable  to  secure  that  post,  which  hath  occasioned  an  appllcac<^n  to  our  neighbours 
for  assistance,  but  possitively  denyed  :  the  particulars  whereof  are  more  plainly  expressed  in  letters 
to  the  Secretary  of  State  and  Flantacdns  :  by  all  which  yo^  M^'r  may  Judge  of  the  present  state  of 
this  Province,  and  of  the  inconveniencys  that  dayly  attend  it. 

Now  may  it  please  your  most  Excels  Mtd'r. 

The  premises  considered  we  humbly  presume  and  represent  unto  y  most  sacred  Majesty  that  there 
can  be  nothing  in  America  more  conducive  to  yo^  Majt>'*  subjects  upon  this  continent  then  that 
Connecticut,  East  and  West  Jersey,  Pensilvu.'^.^.a  and  3  Lower  Countys  be  reanuexed  to  this  y  Mfg*'** 
Province  which  then  will  be  a  govemm'  of  sufficient  extent ;  our  late  annexing  to  Boston  haveing 
been  evidently  ruinous  and  destructive  to  these  parts  and  may  be  other  waies  prejudicial  to  yo' 
Mtyt'"*  interest  for  these  reasons.  Yova  MaJ'r  hath  already  by  the  unanimous  consent  of  the  people, 
a  revenue  established  of  greater  value  than  is  any  where  else  in  yor  MaJ^r'  Plantac<jns  and  whoever 
are  joyned  to  this  Province  submit  to  the  Establishm* ;  wheras  it  will  be  difficult  to  settle  the  like 
among  our  neighliours,  and  if  settled,  remain  distinct  governments  they  are  so  weak  as  not  capable 
to  defend  themselves,  and  the  revenue  will  be  eat  up  in  looking  after  it,  that  they  cannot  be  profi- 
table to  your  Maj*.T.  Whereas  if  they  be  annexed  the  charge  will  be  no  more  to  you'  MaJ^y  than  now 
without  them, and  their  conjunction  must  at  least  increase  the  Revenue  3  fold,  besides  will  make  this 
province  not  only  capable  to  defend  themselves  but  to  anoy  if  not  subdue  the  enemy 

May  it  please  your  Majesty ;  the  small  quantity  of  stores  Govern''  Sloughter  brought  over  are 
mostly  disposed  of  in  the  severall  small  forts  of  Albany  and  Schenectady  fc«  so  that  now  we  must 

begg  the  &vor  of  a  fresh  supply. 

All  which  is  humbly  submitted 

RicH<':  Ingoldsbt 
Fred:  Phillips 
Stev:  Cobtlandt 
Nich:  Bayabd 
Gab:  Monviell 
Chid:  Brook 
Secy.  Will:  Nicolls. 


A  true  Copy 

M.  Clabkson 


REMARKS 

UPON     THE    OBSEBVATIONS    OF    THE    PBOPBIETOBS    OF    PENSILVANIA    ON    A    PARAORAPH   OF    SIR    WILLIAM 

Johnson's  letter  to  the  bight  honoubable  the  lobds  of  trade  and  plantations  beabing 


DATE   THE    IOtH  OF   SEPTEMBEB    1757. 


[  Lond.  Doe.  XXIV.  ] 


sai  lepi  The  whole  paragraph  of  the  above  letter  which  gave  birth  to  the  observation  is  as  follows : — 

"  I  think  I  have  before  now  hinted  to  your  Lordships  my  opinion  that  the  Hostilities  wliich  Pen- 

silvania  in  particular  has  suffered  from  some  of  the  Indians  living  on  the  Susqucliannah  did  in  some 

measure  arise  from  the  large  purchase  made  by  that  Government  two  years  ago  at  Albany.    I  have 


PAPERS  KELATINO  TO  THE  SUSQVEHAMNAH   BITER. 


vn 


more  reason  every  day  from  talking  with  the  Indians  to  be  confirmed  in  this  Suspicion.  I  am  inclined 
to  believe  that  this  purchase  was  publicly  consented  to  at  Albany,  some  of  the  Six  Nations  are  dis- 
gusted at  it,  and  others  repent  their  consenting  to  it,  and  that  part  of  them  do  underhand  connive 
at  the  Disturbance  between  the  Susqiiehannah  Indians  &  the  Province  of  Pensilvania  whose  raising 
forces  and  building  Forts  on  the  Susquehana,  tho'  it  hath  very  plausible  pretences  is  at  the  bottom 
bad  policy  and  really  intended  to  secure  Lands  which  it  would  be  more  for  the  true  interest  of  the 
community  to  give  up  at  least  for  the  present.  I  conceive  the  most  effectual  method  of  producing 
tranquility  to  that  province  would  be  a  voluntary  and  open  surrender  of  that  Deed  of  Sale,  fix  with 
the  Indians  in  the  best  manner  they  can  the  Bounds  for  their  Settlements  and  make  them  Guarantees 
to  it. 

"  The  Proprietors  are  pleased  to  introduce  their  observations  with  a  challenge  to  Sir  William  John- 
son and  all  the  World  to  shew  any  one  Instance  of  their  Conduct  that  has  given  dissatisfaction  to  the 
Six  Nations  and  which  V\fy  say  those  Nations  will  readily  acknowledge  in  any  free  Conference." 

Tho'  the  real  Intent  oi  the  above  paragraph  from  Sir  William  Johnson's  letter  was,  and  its  obvious 
meaning  is,  to  assign  a  cause  to  which  he  suspected  the  Indians'  Hostilities  in  Pensilvania  were  in  a 
great  measure  owing.  Yet  upon  Sir  William  Johnson  saying  he  was  inclined  to  believe  &«•  The 
Proprietors  are  pleased  to  sound  this  unprovoked  challenge,  which  thd  to  answer  as  well  as  to  have 
given  is  departing  from  the  main  argument.  Yet  Sir  William  Johnson  begs  leave  to  say  something  in 
answer  to  it. 

First,  He  will  now  presume  to  assert  that  from  many  Private  conversations  he  hath  hadd  with 
severall  of  the  Chiefs  of  the  Six  Nations,  they  are  not  satisfied  with  the  conduct  of  the  Government 
of  Pensilvania  in  General,  nor  with  the  aforesaid  purchase  in  particular. 

Secondly,  He  will  adduce  some  facts  public  and  upon  Record  in  support  of  the  above  assertion. 

At  tlie  Treaty  of  Lancaster  in  the  year  1744  the  Six  Nations  complained  to  Governour  Thomas 
that  the  Connoge  Indians  had  not  been  satisfied  for  their  Lands.  The  Governour  promised  redress. 
In  the  yeare  1749  the  Six  Nations  renewed  the  aforesaid  Complaint  to  Gtovernor  Hamilton. 

(NB.    It  doth  not  appear  upon  Record  that  the  Connoge  Indians  are  to  this  day  satisfied.) 

In  the  year  1750  Connageriwa  a  Sachim  of  the  Six  Nations  living  on  the  Ohio  came  at  the  head  of 
a  Deputation  from  thence  to  Mr.  Croghan's  house,  and  told  Mr.  Peters  he  was  sent  down  from  Ohio 
to  enquire  about  the  purchase  they  had  heard  the  Governour  had  made  on  the  East  side  of  the  Sus- 
quehannah  the  year  iiefore,  from  the  Onondaga  Coimcil  and  said  they  were  entitled  to  part  of  the 
goods  paid  for  those  Lands  as  well  as  the  Onondaga  Councill,  but  they  had  received  no  part. 

That  they  were  come  down  to  desire  the  Governour  to  purchase  no  more  Lands  without  giving 
them  notice  and  desired  the  Governour  might  send  that  Belt  of  Wampum  to  the  Onondaga  Council 
and  let  them  know  what  the  Ohio  Indians  had  said  on  this  head.    Gave  a  large  Belt. 

The  Indians  of  the  Six  Nations  who  were  settled  on  the  Ohio  were  so  dissatisfied  with  the  Albany 
purchase  made  by  the  Proprietary  Agents  and  saw  such  bad  consequences  arising  from  it  that  they 
left  the  Ohio  and  returned  to  tlieir  own  Country. 

In  a  Speech  of  the  Six  Nations  at  a  publick  meeting  with  Sir  William  Johnson  on  the  3d  July  1755 
They  said 

Brother,  You  desire  us  to  imite  and  live  together  and  draw  all  our  allies  near  us,  but  we  shall 
have  no  land  left  either  for  ourselves  or  them,  for  your  people  when  they  buy  a  small  piece  of  land 
of  us,  by  stealing  they  make  it  large  We  desire  sucli  things  may  not  be  done  and  that  your  people 
may  not  be  suffered  to  buy  any  more  of  our  lands.  Sometimes  its  bought  of  two  men,  who  are  not 
the  proper  owners  of  it.  The  land  which  reaches  down  from  Oswego  to  Schahandowana  (Wyoming) 
we  beg  may  not  be  settled  by  Christians.  The  Governour  of  Pensilvania  bought  a  whole  track  and 
only  paid  for  half,  and  desire  you  will  let  him  know  that  we  will  not  part  with  the  other  half  but 


272 


PAPEBS   RELATING  TO  THE  SU8QVEHAMNAH   RIVER. 


I 


^•1 


keep  it.  Tliese  things  makes  us  constantly  uneasie  in  our  minds,  and  we  desire  you  will  take  care 
that  we  may  keep  our  land  for  ourselves. 

At  a  Meeting  between  Oovernour  Denny  George  Croghan  Esq'  Sir  William  Johnson's  Deputy,  and 
sundrey  Six  Nations  and  other  Indians  held  at  Lancaster  in  May  1757,  a  coppy  of  tlie  proceedings  of 
which  lays  before  the  Board  of  Trade.  There  is  a  speech  of  tlie  Six  Nations  bearing  date  Thursday 
igth  May  from  the  whole  letter  and  speech  of  which  it  appears  that  tlie  Six  Nations  have  been,  and 
are  very  far  fix>m  tliat  satisfaction  of  mind,  with  the  conduct  of  the  Province  of  Pensilvauia  which 
the  Proprietors  boast  of  and  found  their  challenge  upon. 

The  Proprietors  are  fUrther  pleased  to  add  to  tlieir  challenge  tliis  assertion,  that  the  Six  Nations 
will  readily  acknowledge  the  truth  of  it  in  any  free  conference. 

As  the  truth  of  this  assertion  can  depend  only  upon  a  Contingent  event,  Sir  William  Johnson  begs 
leave  to  be  of  a  very  different  opinion,  and  fix>m  a  variety  of  circumstances  is  well  perswaded  the 
Six  Nations  never  will  be  reconciled  to  the  conduct  of  the  Proprietors,  their  Deputies  and  Agents 
unless  the  deed  of  the  Albany  purchase  be  siurrendered  and  the  claims  founded  tliereupon  in  a  great 
measure  given  up. 

The  Proprietors  say  they  cannot  conceive  that  the  last  purchase  made  of  land  to  the  Westward  of 
Susquehanna  could  possibly  be  the  Cause  of  the  hostilities  committed  by  the  Indians  living  on  that 
River  &c». 

Sir  William  Jolmson  gave  it  as  his  opinion  that  the  hostilities  whicii  Peusilvania  had  suffered  from 
some  of  the  Indians  living  on  the  Susquehanna  did  in  some  measure  arise  from  the  large  purchase 
made  by  the  Grovemour  two  years  ago. 

This  is  the  point  to  be  proved  and  more  then  this  it  is  apprehended  will  be  proved  by  the  follow- 
ing Quotations  from  authentick  Records  &  Papers. 

"Before  tlie  year  1742  the  Delaware  Indians  complained  that  they  were  defrauded  out  of  some 
lands  or  not  paid  for  them. 

"It  is  well  known  that  the  purchase  made  at  Albany  in  1754  gare  a  great  uneasiness  to  the  Sus- 
quehana  Indians  and  from  the  time  the  Coimty  Surveyor  begaa  to  survey  Jimiatta,  and  up  the 
Susquehana :  The  Delewars,  Shawanese  and  Nanticokes  tlien  settled  on  the  River  begaa  to  remove 
farther  back,  some  to  Tiijahoga  some  to  Ohio. 

"  The  Ohio  Indians  at  a  Meeting  with  M'  Wiser  (the  Pensilvania  Interpreter)  at  Aughwick,  after 
the  defeat  of  Colo  Washington  asked  M'  Wiser  how  those  Lands  came  to  be  sold.  He  said  in  answer 
that  the  Six  Nations  had  only  made  over  their  right  of  sale,  and  taken  an  earnest  piece,  and  that 
when  the  lands  came  to  be  settled,  that  they  should  receive  a  consideration  for  them.  At  the  same 
time  John  Schecelany,  a  Deleware  Indian,  burned  some  liouses  that  were  built  on  Penns  creek  (be- 
low Shamokiu  on  tlie  West  side)  and  said  there  should  be  no  plantatir  ns  made  on  their  hunting 
grounds,  and  all  the  Indians  at  Shamokiu  seemed  very  uneasie,  and  indeed  obliged  the  Surveyor  to 
come  away,  and  quit  surveying." 

In  the  Spring  of  1756.  Governour  Morris  sent  several  messages  with  Belts  and  strings  of  Wampum 
by  an  Onondaga  Indian  to  the  Five  Nations,  amongst  which  is  the  following  just  and  remarkable 
Confession. 

"  That  he  found  by  woful  experience  that  making  purchases  of  Lands  was  the  cause  of  much  blood 
having  been  shed,  he  was  determined  therefore  to  buy  no  more." 

As  a  Confirmation  of  Sir  William  Johnsons  said  opinion  he  refers  himself  to  the  following  extract 
from  Margaret  Williams  deposition  who  was  a  prisoner  amongst  the  Delaware  Indians,  sworn  before 
him  the  S^  day  of  September  1756. 

"  The  said  Margaret  says  she  often  heard  the  Indians  say  and  declare  most  solemnly  they  never 
would  leave  off  killing  the  English  as  long  as  there  was  an  Englishman  living  on  their  lands  that  they 


PAPERS  RCLATIMO  TO  THE  8U8QVEHAMNAH  EIVEK. 


flVS 


were  determined  to  drive  them  all  off  their  lands,  naming  Minlsinck  almost  to  the  North  River  East, 
(in  the  provinces  of  New  York  &  Jersey)  also  Bethlehem  and  the  lands  in  parallel  to  it  West  which 
the  English  cheated  them  out  of." 

In  further  support  to  his  opinion  Sir  WiUiam  Johnson  refers  himself  to  the  Treaty  Governour 
Denny  held  with  Tedinscung  the  Delaware  Chief  at  Easton  last  autumn,  and  which  is  before  the 
Board  of  Trade 

Sir  William  Johnson  also  refers  himself  to  the  Extract  from  a  Speech  of  the  Six  Nations  to  Gov' 
Denny  and  M'  Croghan  (before  mentioned  in  these  Remarks)  in  answer  to  their  earnest  call  upon  the 
Six  Nations  to  assign  if  they  knew  the  Cause  of  the  hostilities  and  Discontents  of  the  Susquehana 
Indiana. 

The  Indian  proceedings  thia  Summer  which  past  at  Easton  between  Govemo'  Denny,  M'  Croghan 
&  the  sundry  Indians  therein  mentioned,  &  whicli  Sir  WiUiam  Johnson  transmits  herewith  to  the 
Right  Honorable  the  Lords  of  Trade  puts  beyond  dispute  and  demonstrates  the  Truth  of  what  Sir 
William  Johnson  gave  as  his  opinion  in  his  aforesaid  letter  to  the  Lords  of  Trade  and  he  apprehends 
it  doth  very  fully  evidence  the  conclusions  of  belief  he  then  drew  from  that  opinion. 

Lastly  Sir  William  Johnson  refers  himself  to  the  following  Extract  from  the  examination  of  John 
Morris  of  Lancaster  County,  who  was  taken  by,  and  made  his  escape  from,  the  Delaware  Indians 
sworn  before  hira  27*''  August  1757. 

The  Exaroinant  says  he  often  heard  the  Delawares  say  that  the  reason  of  their  quarrelling  with 
and  killing  the  English  in  that  part  of  the  country  was  on  account  of  their  lands  which  the  people  of 
Pensilvania  Government  cheated  them  out  of,  and  drove  them  from  their  settlement  at  Shamokin 
by  crowding  upon  them,  and  by  that  means  spoiled  their  hunting  and  that  the  people  of  Minisinck 
used  to  make  the  Indians  always  drunk  whenever  they  traded  with  them  and  then  cheated  them  out 
of  their  furs  and  skins,  also  wronged  them  with  regard  to  their  lands.  This  he  has  heard  from  many 
of  the  chief  and  oldest  men  amongst  them  both  in  the  English  and  Delaware  Language  which  he  suf- 
ficiently understands 

The  Proprietors  say,  that  as  the  Six  Nations  are  not  well  satisfied  with  the  sale  of  those  lands  on 
the  Ohio,  they  are  willing  to  waive  that  part  of  the  Tret^ty  provided  &ca. 

As  Sir  William  Johnson  has  never  seen  the  deed  of  sale  for  the  Albany  purchase,  he  cannot  to  his 
knowledge  tell  liow  far  the  pm-chase  extends,  but  he  hath  in  his  possession  a  Report  of  several  Indian 
Transactions,  relative  to  the  Government  of  Pensilvania  signed  by  George  Croghan  Esq'  who  was  for 
several  years  employed  as  an  Indian  Agent  by  that  Government,  in  which  Report  M'  Croghan  says 
as  follows  : — 

« I  never  understood  from  any  of  the  Six  Nations  that  they  deemed  the  Lands  west  of  the  Susque- 
hana as  a  purchase,  but  rather  as  u  deed  of  Trust  and  rec'*i  1000  Dollars  as  an  Earnest  Price  and 
looked  on  it  that  when  the  lands  came  to  be  settled  they  should  receive  the  Consideration  and  the 
Commissioners  who  were  sent  from  Pensilvania  to  make  that  purchase  at  Albany  in  1754,  viz*  M' 
Norris  &  M'  Peters,  with  the  Interpreter  M'  Wiser,  have  repeatedly  acknowledged  to  me,  that  the 
Land  West  of  Allegany  Mountains  cross  to  Lake  Erie  was  included  in  the  deed  of  1754,  that  it  was 
neither  purchased  nor  paid  for,  and  which  will  appear  by  a  private  Conference  in  Mr.  Peter's  hand  at 
the  time  of  signing." 

Certainly  the  proprietors  are  not  apprized  of  the  fact  here  asserted,  or  they  would  not  have  made 
an  offer  to  relinquish  Land  they  have  never  purchased,  nor  allowed  it  to  have  been  put  in  a  deed  of 
sale. 

In  answer  to  Sir  William  Johnson's  opinion  about  the  Government  of  PensUvania  raising  Forces 
and  building  Forts  on  the  Susquehana  River 

IVoL.  I.]  86 


mt 


PAPEM  BELATINO  TO  TBI  ■OfQUIIUNNAH  miTER. 


"  The  Proprietors  say  this  Insinuation  is  without  any  sort  of  Foundation,  as  it  never  would  have 
I  been  attempted  had  not  the  ChieA  of  the  Indians  living  on  the  SusquehanniUi  and  Delaware  River  on 
their  own  Motion  entirely  desired  they  should  be  built  at  Shamokin  and  near  Wyoming  for  their  own 
seoiirity. 

"  In  this  the  Proprietors  must  certainly  be  misinformed  for  none  of  the  Indians  on  Susquehanna 
or  Delaware  ever  requested  any  Forts  to  be  built  there.  Indeed  after  the  defeat  of  General  Brad- 
dook,  Scarayade,  Cayseuntenego,  and  two  or  three  more  Ohio  Indians  who  had  left  their  country  on 
the  first  approach  of  the  French  in  the  year  1753  did  desire  the  Government  of  Pensilv  to  build  a 
Fort  at  Shamokhi,  in  order  to  protect  their  interest  with  the  Susquehanna  Indians,  but  the  request  of 
those  four  or  five  dispossessed  Indians  can  never  be  iairly  construed  as  an  authority  of  application 
ttom  the  Six  Nations,  or  any  other  Bodies  of  Indians.  However  this  request  for  a  Fort  was  not 
complied  with  at  that  time." 

In  a  Message  which  Sir  William  Johnson  received  the  23<>  May  1756  from  the  Onondaga  Indians 
they  say  as  follows  : — 

*'■  Tell  our  Brother  fiurther  that  since  we  took  the  hatchet  out  of  the  hands  of  the  DeUware  and 
Shawanese  they  have  told  us  there  is  an  army  of  the  English  coming  against  them,  (they  mean  the 
Provincial  Troops  of  Pensilvunia  under  Colonel  Glapham)  and  that  they  think  it  unreasonable  and 
mmatural  for  us  to  hold  them  in  our  arms,  and  preventing  them  defending  themselves  when  People 
are  just  on  their  backs  to  destroy  them. 

"  We  are  informed  the  English  are  building  a  Fort  at  Shamokin.  We  can't  comprehend  the 
method  of  making  War  which  is  made  use  of  by  our  Brethren  the  English.  When  we  go  to  war  our 
manner  is  to  destroy  a  Nation  and  there's  an  End  of  it.  But  the  English  chiefly  regard  building 
Forts  which  looks  as  if  their  only  scheme  was  to  take  possession  of  the  lands.^^ 

Here  is  an  evident  Proof  of  the  Jealousy  which  the  Pensilvania  levies  and  Fort  building  occasioned 
and  a  strong  hint  of  the  Ends  intended  by  them,  as  it  stood  in  the  minds  of  the  Indians. 

Sir  William  Johnson  well  knowing  how  extremely  tender  the  Indians  in  general  are,  with  regard 
to  Forts,  near  to  their  country  or  hunting  grounds  and  naturally  judging  a  Body  of  Armed  Men,  to 
support  as  it  were  the  building  of  those,  at  a  tims,  and  in  places  where  he  had  many  reasons  to  be- 
lieve the  neighbouring  Indians  (as  it  hath  since  fully  appeared)  were  dissatisfied  with  the  Gtovem- 
ment  on  the  score  of  Lands,  and  Encroaching  by  their  purchases  on  their  hunting  grounds,  and 
crowding  too  near  upon  them  by  their  extended  settlements  he  judged  this  conduct  in  the  Govern- 
ment of  Pensilvania  was  impolitick,  and  he  must  beg  leave  to  be  still  of  the  same  opinion,  and  as  he 
looked  upon  those  proceedings  to  be  contrary  to  the  true  interest  of  the  Community,  \e  did  suspect 
they  were  pushed  forward  upon  other  motives. 

And  to  conclude,  unless  the  Province  of  Pensilvania  is  both  able  and  willing  to  maintain  their 
land  pretensions  by  force  of  Arms  against  the  Indians,  Sir  William  Johnson  hath  juDt  altered  his 
opinion  but  doth  with  yet  stronger  degree  of  conviction  than  formerly,  humbly  offer  his  conception 
of  the  matter  in  the  same  words  as  before.  Namely,  "  that  the  most  effectual  method  of  producing 
tranquility  to  that  Province  would  be  a  Voluntary  and  open  Surrender  of  that  Deed  of  Sale,  to  fix 
with  the  Indians  in  the  best  manner  they  can,  the  bounds  for  their  settlements,  and  make  them  Gua- 
ranties to  it."        , 


:t; 


x.-KfV'  w    ^t   '.*''■{  ,i'':»lid'  <5'ffci'  «*j  '?^   Jlt:»*-i!ju. 


i-:- 


NoTE. — See  further  on  this  subject,  The  Susquehanmh  Title  Stafed  and  Examined  in  a  Series  of 
Mimbers  first  published  in  the  Western  Star  and  now  Re-publishedj  &o  Catakill ;  by  Mackay  Croswell. 
1796. 


X 


i 
t 


I 


ll^ 


foil  I'  /f<H'^i'iu,„ 


17.1S 


X 


'  liiliiifl"" 
I"" 


\ 


MAW  jj. 


orrffE 


'  flea(ll^  Haters  of  the 


^^      iirnv  mut 


/ 


•:a/ 


v'V 


'•    Ji'  TrHct 


l'«.5       ^f'Mf/ ./oAtt.um\      .c»'^ 
I7<i.?  I    I  •*  --^ 

i.1 


17  M» 


\     Johi' 
.   ..    I»        ,  \, U'. •'■'■/'  / 


^'^  /(^ 


\  ''""  _       I  lilt  z  Li  . 


I.  II III 


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*>*  fAll 


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v'.  /''"'" 


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A../v/<-  ^ '•"///'"" 


I7T' 


-^  /I'l'"- 


,  K^;  ivi\  it!/"'"'       .hiiu'li""  ''""  ' 


0F1 


Head  Waters 


}y       iim.1  Nai« 


/ 


from  f/tf  (hif/htftl,  f/ratr^ 


o^T$tr 


::Z-/ 


/  Wafers  of  the  HirvrH 

'^>^y^      ^..^^      -^~^^:<^!-'    '  <  "-7 

il^  tljC   KarlvPahMils  Oil  11) 


oi  nio 


BMA  WM  MTWWJt 


(hif/hta/,  f/ratrft  a/wa/  f/a'  )hir   JjffJO .  At/ 


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\tfn'i'f/or  (nifcra/  AV'. 


""riJ'-'-  Oo,/s  o0«' 


^.^ 


'A'iJr'  //    /;v/..r    ,'.,//,        //f'„rn 


XVI. 


PAPERS 


RELATING   TO   THE 


(ffarlg  Settlement  at  ©gJreusbttrgl), 


NEW-YORK. 


1749. 


.1it->ri-1-l-'' 


^x^ 


ESTABLISHMENT  OF  A  MISSION  IN  THE  NEIGHBOURHOOD  OF  FORT  FRONTENAC.  APRIL  1760. 

[  Parit  Doc.  X.  ] 

A  large  number  of  the  Iroquois  Savages  having  declared  their  willingness  to  embrace  Christianity, 
it  has  been  proposed  to  establish  a  Mission  in  the  neighbourhood  of  Fort  Frontenac.  Abb6  Picquetj 
a  zealous  Missionary  in  whom  the  nations  have  evinced  much  confidence  has  taken  charge  of  it,  and 
of  testing,  as  much  as  possible  what  reliance  is  to  be  placed  on  the  disposition  of  the  Indians.' 

Nevertlieless,  as  Mr  de  la  Gallisonnifire  had  remarked  in  the  month  of  October,  one  thousand  seven 
hundred  and  forty  eight,  that  too  much  dependence  ought  not  to  be  placed  on  them,  Mr  de  la  Jon- 
quiere  was  written  to  on  the  fourth  of  May  one  thousand  seven  hundred  and  forty  nine,  that  he 
should  neglect  nothing  for  the  formation  of  this  establishment,  because  if  it  at  all  succeeded  it  would 
not  be  difficult  to  give  the  Indians  to  understand  that  the  only  means  they  had  to  relieve  themselves 
of  the  pretensions  of  the  English  to  their  lands  is  the  destruction  of  Choueguen  which  they  founded 
solely  with  a  view  to  bridle  these  Nations ;  but  it  was  necessary  to  be  prudent  and  circumspect  to 
induce  the  Savages  to  undertake  it. 

31. t  gber  1719.  Mr.  de  la  Jonquiftre  sends  a  plan  drawn  by  Sieur  de  Lery  of  the  ground  selected 
by  the  Abb6  Picquet  for  his  mission  and  a  letter  from  that  Abb6  containing  a  Relation  of  his  voyage 
and  the  situation  of  the  place. 

He  says  he  left  the  fourth  of  May  last  year  with  twenty-five  Frenchmen  and  four  Iroquois  Indians ; 
he  arrived  the  thirtieth  at  the  River  de  la  Presentation,  called  Soegatzy.  The  land  there  is  the  finest 
in  Canada.  There  is  Oak  timber  in  abundance,  and  trees  of  a  prodigious  size  and  height,  but  it  will 
be  necessary,  for  the  defence  of  the  settlement,  to  fell  them  witliout  permission.  Picquet  reserved 
sufficient  on  the  land  he  had  cleared  to  build  a  bark. 

He  then  set  about  building  a  storehouse  to  secure  his  effects ;  he,  next,  had  erected  a  small  fort  of 
pickets  and  he  will  have  a  small  house  constructed  which  will  serve  as  a  bastion. 

Sieur  Picquet  had  a  special  interview  with  the  Indians  ;  they  were  satisfied  with  all  he  had  done ; 
and  assured  him  they  were  willing  to  follow  his  advice  and  to  immediately  establish  their  village. 
To  accomplish  tliis,  they  are  gone  to  regulate  their  affaii-s  and  have  promised  to  return  with  their 
provisions. 

The  situation  of  this  post  is  very  advantageous  ;  it  is  on  the  borders  of  the  River  de  la  Presentation, 
at  the  head  of  all  the  rapids,  on  the  west  side  of  a  beautiful  basin  formed  by  that  river,  capable  of 
easily  holding  forty  or  fifty  barks. 

In  all  parts  of  it  there  has  been  found  at  least  two  fathoms  and  a  half  of  water  and  often  four 
fathoms.  This  basin  is  so  located  that  no  wind  scarcely  can  prevent  its  being  entered.  The  bank  is 
very  low  in  a  level  country  the  point  of  which  runs  far  out.    The  passage  across  is  hardly  a  quarter 

1  The  following  Extract  from  Paris  Doc.  X.,  furnishes  the  date  of  the  Abbg  Picquet's  departure  to  establish  his  colony 
on  the  Oswegatohie  Kiver :— «« 30  Sept.  1748.  The  Abbe  Picquet  departs  from  Quebec  for  Fort  Frontenac;  he  is  to  look  In 
the  neighbourhood  of  that  Fort,  for  a  Kiation  best  adapted  for  a  village  for  the  Iroquois  of  the  Five  Nations  who  propose 
to  embrace  Christianity." 


1 


278 


EARLY   SETTLEMENT   AT  OGDENSBUROil. 


of  a  league,  and  all  the  canoes  going  up  or  down, cannot  pass  elsewhere.  A  Ibrt  on  this  point  would 
be  impregnable ;  it  would  be  impossible  to  approach,  and  nothing  commands,  it.  The  east  side  is 
more  elevated,  and  runs  by  a  gradual  inclination  into  an  Ampliitheatre.  A  beautii'ul  town  could 
hereafter  be  built  there. 

This  post  is,  moreover,  so  much  the  more  advantageous  as  the  English  and  Iroquois  can  easily 
descend  to  Montreal  by  tlie  River  de  la  Presentation  which  iias  its  source  in  a  lake  borderinfT  r>n  the 
Mohawks  and  Corlar.  If  they  take  possession  of  this  River  tliey  wiU  block  tlie  passai^o  iv  JTort 
Frontenac  and  more  easily  assist  Choueguen.  Whereas  by  means  of  a  Fort  at  the  Point,  it  would  be 
easy  to  have  a  force  there  in  case  of  need  to  despatch  to  Clioueguen  and  to  intercept  the  English  and 
Indians  who  may  want  to  penetrate  into  the  Colony,  and  tlie  voyage  to  Missilimakinac  could  be  made 
in  salety. 

Moreover,  tliis  establishment  is  only  thirty-live  leagues  from  Montreal ;  twenty-five  from  Fort 
Frontenac  and  thirty  three  from  Choueguen  ;*  a  distance  sullicient  to  remove  the  Indians  from  the 
disorders  which  the  proximity  of  Forts  and  Towns  ordinarily  engenders  among  them.  It  is  conve- 
nient for  the  reception  of  tlie  Lake  Ontario,  and  more  distant,  Indians. 

Abbe  Picquet's  views  are  to  accustom  these  Indians  to  raise  Cows,  Hogs  and  Poultry ;  there  are 
beautiful  prairies,  acorns  and  wild  oats. 

On  the^other  hand  it  can  be  so  regulated  tliat  the  batteaux  carrying  goods  to  the  posts,  may  stop 
at  La  Presentation.  Tlie  cost  of  freight  would  become  smaller ;  men  could  be  found  to  convey  those 
batteaux  @  fifteen  to  twenty  livres  instead  of  forty-five  and  fifty  livres  which  are  given  for  the  whole 
voyage.  Otlier  batteaux  of  La  Presentation  would  convey  them  fartlier  on,  and  the  first  would  take 
ui  return  plank,  boards  and  other  timber,  abundant  tliere.  This  timber  would  not  come  to  more 
than  twelve  @  fifteen  livres,  wliUst  they  are  purchased  at  sixty-eiglit  livres  at  Montreal  and  some- 
times more.  Eventually  this  post  will  be  able  to  supply  Fort  Frontenac  witlx  provisions  which  will 
save  the  King  considerable  expense. 

The  Abbe  Picquet  adds  hi  his  letter,  that  he  examined  in  his  voyage  the  nature  of  the  rapids  of 
the  Fort  Frontenac  river,  very  important  to  secm-e  to  us  the  possession  of  Lake  Ontario  on  which 
the  EngUsh  have  an  eys.  Tlie  most  dangerous  of  those  rapids,  in  number  Iburteen,  are  the  Trou 
(the  Hole)  and  the  Buisson  (the  Thicket).  Abbe  Picciuet  points  out  a  mode  of  rendering  tliis  River 
navigable  ;  and  to  meet  the  expense  he  proposes  a  tax  of  ten  livres  on  each  canoe  sent  up  and  an 
ecu  (fifty  cents)  on  each  of  the  crew,  whicli  according  to  him  will  produce  tliree  thousand  livres,  a 
sum  sufficient  for  the  workmen. 

Mess"  de  la  Jonquiere  and  Bigot  remark  that  they  find  this  establishment  necessary  as  well  as  the 
erection  of  a  saw  mill,  as  it  will  diminish  the  expense  in  the  purchase  of  timber ;  but  as  regards  the 
Rapids  they  will  verify  tlicm  in  order  to  ascertain  if  in  fact  the  river  can  )je  rendered  navigable  and 
they  will  send  an  estimate  of  the  works. 

They  have  caused  five  cannon  of  two  pound  calibre  to  be  sent  to  Abb(!  Picquet  for  his  little  fort 
so  as  to  give  confidence  to  his  Indians  and  to  i^ersuade  them  that  they  will  be  in  security  tliere. 

M.  de  la  Jonquiere  in  particular  says,  he  will  see  if  the  proprietors  of  batteaux  would  contribute 
to  the  expense  necessary  to  be  incurred  for  the  Itapids  ;  but  he  asks  that  convicts  from  the  galleys 
or  people  out  of  work  {gens  inutiles)  be  sent  every  year  to  him  to  cultivate  the  ground.  He  is  in 
want  of  men,  and  the  few  he  has  exact  high  wages. 

1st  8ber,  1749.  Mr.  Bigot  also  sends  a  special  memoir  oi  the  expense  incurred  by  Abbe  Picquet 
for  improvements  {defrichemens)  amounting  to  three  thousand  lour  hundred  and  eighty  five  livres 


f 


1  UgdcDiburgh  U  1U6  milei  from  Montreal;  60  frouiKinciton,  Can.,  aod  about  00  from  Oiwffo. 
in  the  Text  are  very  accurate,  considering  tiie  time  and  thecircumitanee*. 


The  dittancei  laid  dowo 


EARLY   SETTLEMENT   AT   OGDENSBURGH. 


279 


t  en  sous.'  Provisions  were  also  furnished  bim  for  liimself  and  worlcmen,  and  this  settlement  is  only 
commenced.  M.  de  la  Jonquiere  cannot  dispense  with  sending  an  officer  tliere  and  some  soldiers. 
Sieur  de  la  Morandi^re,  Engineer,  is  to  be  sent  tliere  this  winter  to  draw  out  a  plan  of  quarters  for 
tl'.ese  soldiers  and  a  store  for  provisions.  If  tliere  be  not  a  garrison  at  that^post,  a  considerable  foreign 
trade  will^be  carried  on  there. 

7th  giier  1749.  Since  all  these  letter  M.  de  la  Jonqui^re  bus  written  another  in  which  he  states 
that  M.  de  Longueuil  informed  hira  that  a  band  of  Savages  believed  to  be  Mohawks  had  attacked 
Sieur  Picquet's  Mission  on  the  twenty-sixth  of  October  last — that  Sieur  tie  Vassau,  commandant  of 
Fort  Frontenac,  had  sent  a  detachment  thitlier  which  could  not  prevent  the  burning  of  two  vessels 
loaded  with  hay  and  the  palisades  of  the  fort.    Abb6  Picquet's  house  alone  was  saved. 

Tl:e  loss  by  this  fire  is  considerable.  It  would  have  been  greater  were  it  not  lor  lour  Abeimkis 
who  furnished  on  this  occasion  a  proof  of  their  fidelity.  The  man  named  Pedreaux  had  half  tlie 
hand  carried  away.  His  arm  had  to  be  cut  oil".  One  of  the  Abenakis  received  the  discharge  of  a 
gun  the  ball  of  which  remained  in  his  blanket. 

M.  de  Longueuil  has  provided  everything  necessary.  M.  de  la  Jonquiere  gave  him  orders  to  have 
a  detachment  of  ten  soldiers  sent  there,  and  he  will  take  measures,  next  spring,  to  secure  that  post. 
M.  de  la  Jonquiere  adds  that  the  Savages  were  instigated  to  this  attack  by  the  English.  The  Iro- 
quois who  were  on  a  complimentary  visit  at  Montreal  were  surprized  at  it  and  assured  M.  de  Lon- 
gueuil that  it  could  only  be  Colonel  Amson  [Johnson's]  who  could  have  induced  them.  He  omitted 
nothing  to  persuade  those  same  Iroquois  to  undertake  tliis  expedition  and  to  prevent  them  going  to 
compliment  the  Governor,  having  offered  them  Belts  which  they  refused. 


COL.  JOHNSON  TO  GOV.  CLINTON,  18  AUG.  1760. 

[  Lond.  Doc.  XXIX.  ] 

The  next  thing  of  consequence  he  (an  Indian  Sachem)  told  me  was,  that  he  had  heard  from 
several  Indians  that  the  Governor  had  given  orders  to  the  Priest  who  is  now  settled  below  Cadaraqui 
to  use  all  means  possible  to  induce  the  five  Nations  to  settle  there,  for  which  end  they  have  a  large 
magazine  of  all  kinds  of  clothing  fitted  for  Indians  as  also  Arras,  Ammunition  Provision  &c  which 
they  distribute  very  liberally. 


f 


THE  SAME  TO  THE  BOARD  OF  TRADE,  28  AUG.  1756. 

[  Lond.  Doe.  XXXIIl.  ] 

The  Onnondagas  and  Oneidas  are  in  the  neighbourhood  of  Swegatchie  a  French  settlement  on  the 
River  St.  Lawrence,  whither  numbers  of  those  two  Nations  have  of  late  years  been  debauched  and 
gone  to  live.    Tho'  our  Indians  do  not  now  resort  to  those  places  as  frequently  and  familiarly  as 

1  Equal  to  $653.23. 


i 


88D 


BABLY   8KTTLXMENT  AT  OaDEMSBVROH. 


they  formerly  did,  yet  some  among  them  do  occasionally  visit  there,  when  the  French  and  the  Indians 
in  their  interest  poison  the  minds  of  ours  with  stories  not  only  to  the  disadvantage  of  our  good 
intentions  towards  them,  but  endeavour  to  frighten  f^em  with  pompous  accounts  of  the  superior 
prowess  and  martial  abilities  of  the  French.  >■■  .    < 


BIOGRAPHICAL  SKETCH  OF  THE  REV.  ABBE  PICQUET. 

[  Abrl(l|r*d  from  Leitrci  Ediflantei  et  Curieuwi,  XIV.  J 

Francois  Picquet,  doctor  of  the  Sorbonne,  King's  Missionary  and  Prefect  Apostolic  to  Canada 
was  born  at  Bourg  in  Breese  on  the  6  ">  December,  1708  .  .  .  As  early  as  tlie  seventeenth  year 
of  his  age,  he  successfully  commenced  the  functions  of  a  missionary  in  his  country  and  at  twenty 
years  the  Bishop  of  Sinope,  Suffragan  of  the  Diocese  of  Lyon,  gave  him,  by  a  flattering  exception, 
permission  to  preach  in  all  the  parishes  of  Breese  and  Franche-Comtt5  which  depended  on  his  diocese. 
The  enthusiasm  of  his  new  state  rendered  him  desirous  to  go  to  Home,  but  the  Archbishop  of  Lyons 
advised  him  to  study  theology  at  Paris.  He  followed  this  advice  and  entered  the  Congregation  of 
Saint  Sulpice,  The  direction  of  the  new  converts  was  soon  proposed  to  him  ;  but  the  activity  of  his 
zeal  induced  him  to  seek  a  wider  field,  and  led  him  beyond  the  seas  in  1733,  to  the  Missions  of 
North  America  where  he  remained  thirty  years,  and  where  his  constitution  debilitated  by  labor, 
acquired  a  force  and  vigor  which  secured  for  him  a  robust  health  to  the  end  of  his  life. 

M.  Picfjuet  was  among  the  first  to  foresee  tlie  war  wliich  sprung  up  about  172  between  the  English 
and  the  French.  He  prepared  himself  for  it  a  long  time  beforehand.  He  began  by  drawing  to  his 
Mission  (at  the  Lake  of  the  Two  Mountains)  all  the  French  scattered  in  the  vicinity,  to  strengthen 
themselves  and  afford  more  liberty  to  the  savages.  These  furnished  all  the  necessary  detachments  ; 
they  were  continually  on  the  frontiers  to  spy  the  enemy's  movements.  M.  Picquet  learned,  by  one 
of  these  detachments  that  the  English  were  making  warlike  preparations  at  Sarasto  [Saratoga?]  and 
were  pusliing  their  settlements  up  to  Lake  St.  Sacremeut.'  He  informed  the  General  of  the  circum- 
stance and  propos'Yi  to  him  to  send  a  body  of  troops  there  at  least  to  intimidate  the  enemy,  if  we 
could  do  no  more.  The  expedition  was  formed.  M.  Picquet  accompanied  M.  Marin  who  com- 
manded this  detachment.  They  burnt  the  fort,  the  Lydius  establishments,'  several  saw  mills,  the 
planks,  boards  and  other  building  timber,  the  stock  of  supplies,  provisions,  the  herds  of  cattle  along 
nearly  fifteen  leagues  of  settlement  and  made  one  hundred  and  forty  five  prisoners  without  having 
lost  a  single  Frenchman  or  without  having  any  even  wounded.*  This  expedition  alone  prevented 
the  English  undertaking  anything  at  that  side  dining  the  war. 

Peace  having  been  re-established  in  1748,  our  Missionary  occupied  himself  with  the  means  of 
remedying,  for  the  future,  the  inconveniences  which  he  had  witnessed.  The  road  he  saw  taken  by 
the  Savages  and  other  parties  of  the  enemy  sent  by  the  English  against  us,  caused  him  to  select  a 

1  «I  am  building  a  Fort  at  thii  Lake  whicli  the  French  caU  Lake  St.  Sacrement,  but  I  have  given  it  the  name  of  Lake  Gtorge, 
not  only  in  honour  to  his  Majesty  but  to  ascertain  his  undoubted  dominion  here."  Sir  William  Johnton  to  tht  Board  of  Trad*, 
Sept.  3d,  1759.    Land.  Doe.  zxxii.,  178. 

2  Now  Fort  Edward,  Washington  County. 

3  « I  received  an  account  on  the  19th  last.,  by  express  from  Albany,  that  a  party  of  French  and  their  Indians  had  cut  off 
a  settlement  in  this  Province  called  Saraghtoge,  about  flfiy  miles  from  Albany,  and  that  about  twenty  houses  with  a  Fort 
(which  the  publick  would  not  repair)  were  burned  to  ashes,  thirty  persons  killed  and  scalped  and  about  sixty  taken  prisoners . 
aoo.  Clinton  to  th*  Board,  30  JVott.  1745.    Lond.  Doe.  xxtU.,  187, 23S. 


'^•m.''   iJwi.F'**i'->.'"i'i^f  vl'0' 


EAKLY  •ETTLCMINT   AT  OODCKIBCKCn. 


281 


poflt  which  could,  hereafter,  intercept  the  passage  of  tlie  English.  Ho  proposed  to  M.  de  la  Oalisso- 
niire  to  make  a  settlement  of  the  Mission  of  La  Presentation,  near  Lal^e  Ontario,  an  establishment 
which  succeded  beyond  his  hopes,  and  has  been  the  most  usefiil  of  all  t'lose  of  Canoda. 

Mr.  Rouill^,  Minister  of  tlie  Marine  wrote  on  the  4'>>  May  1740;  "A  large  numlier  of  Iroquois 
having  declared  that  they  were  desirous  of  embracing  Clirlstinnity,  it  has  been  proposed  to  establish 
a  Missi""  towards  Fort  Frontenac  in  order  to  attract  the  greatest  number  possible  tliitiier.  It  is 
Ab'  w  jricquet,  a  zealous  Missionary  and  in  whom  ttiese  Nations  seem  to  have  confidence,  who  has 
been  entrusted  with  this  negotiation.  Ho  was  to  have  gone  last  year,  to  select  a  suitable  site  fur  tlio 
establishment  of  the  Mission,  and  verify  as  precisely  as  was  possible  what  can  be  depended  upon 
relative  to  the  dispositions  of  these  same  nations.  In  a  letter  of  the  &*>>  October  last,  M.  de  la  Gal- 
lisonni^re  stated  tliat  tliough  an  entire  confidence  cannot  be  placed  in  those  they  have  manifested,  it 
is  notwithstanding  of  so  much  Importance  to  succeed  in  dividing  them,that  nothing  must  be  neglected 
that  can  contribute  to  it.  It  is  for  this  reason  that  His  Majesty  desires  you  shall  prosecute  tlie  design 
of  the  proposed  settlement.  If  it  could  attain  a  certain  success,  it  would  not  be  difficult  tlien  to 
make  the  savages  understand  that  the  only  means  of  extricating  themselves  from  the  pretensions  of 
the  English  to  them  and  their  lands,  is  to  destroy  Choueguen,'  so  as  to  deprive  them  thereby  of  a 
Post  which  they  established  chiefly  with  a  view  to  control  tlieir  tribes.  This  destructi(»n  is  of  such 
great  importance,  both  as  regards  our  possessions  and  the  attachment  of  tlie  savages  and  their  Trude, 
that  it  is  proper  to  use  every  means  to  engage  the  Iroquois  to  undertake  it.  This  is  actually  the  only 
means  that  can  be  employed,  but  you  nust  feel  that  it  requires  much  prudence  and  circumspection." 

Mr.  Picquet  eminently  possessed  the  qualities  requisite  to  eflect  the  removal  of  the  English  from 
our  neighbourhood.  Therefore  the  General,  the  Intendant,  and  the  Bishop  deferred  absolutely  to 
him  in  the  selection  of  the  settlement  for  this  new  Mission,  and  despite  the  efforts  of  those  who  hud 
opposite  interests,  he  was  entrusted  with  the  undertaking. 

The  Fort  of  La  Presentation  is  situated  at  302  deg.  40  min.  Longitude,  and  at  44  deg.  50  min. 
Latitude  on  the  Presentation  River,  which  the  Indians  name  Soegasti,  thirty  leagues  above  Mont- 
Real  ;  fifteen  leagues  from  Lake  Ontario  or  Lake  Frontenac,  which  with  Lake  Clianiplain  gives  rise 
to  the  River  St.  Laurence ;  15  leagues  west  of  the  source  of  the  River  Hudson  which  fulls  into  the 
sea  at  New  York.  Fort  Frontenac  had  been  built  near  there  in  1671,  to  arrest  the  iucuisioiis  oi'  tlic 
English  and  the  Iroquois ;  the  bay  served  as  a  port  for  the  Mercantile  and  Military  Marine  which 
had  been  formed  there  on  that  sort  of  sea  where  the  tempests  are  as  frequent  and  as  dangerous  as  on 
the  ocean.  But  the  Post  of  La  Presentation  appeared  still  more  important,  because  tlie  luubour  is 
very  good,  the  river  freezes  there  rarely,  the  barks  can  leave  with  northern,  eastern  and  soutliern 
winds,  the  lands  are  excellent,  and  tliat  quarter  can  be  fortified  most  advantageously. 

Besides,  that  Mission  was  adapted  by  its  situation  to  reconcile  to  us  tlie  Iroquois  savages  of  the 
Five  Nations  who  inhabit  between  Virginia  and  Lake  Ontario.  The  Marquis  of  Bcauharuois  and 
afterwards  M.  de  la  Jonquidre,  Governor  General  of  New  France,  were  very  desirous  that  we  sliould 
occupy  it,  especially  at  a  time  when  English  jealousy  irritated  by  a  war  of  many  yeai-s,  sought  to 
alienate  from  us  the  Trik>es  of  Canada. 

This  establishment  was  as  if  tlie  key  of  the  Colony, because  the  English, French  and  Upper  Canada 
savages  could  not  pass  elsewhere  than  under  the  caimon  of  Fort  Presentation  when  coming  down 
from  the  South;  the  Iroquois  to  the  South  and  the  Micissagues  to  the  North  were  within  its  reach. 
Thus  it  eventually  succeeded  in  collecting  them  together  fi-om  over  a  distance  of  one  hundred 
leagues.  The  officers,  interpreters  and  traders,  notwithstanding,  then  regarded  that  establislimentas 
chimerical.    Envy  and  opposition  had  effected  its  failure  had  it  not  been  for  the  firmness  of  the  Abbo 


IVot.  I.] 


1  Otwego. 
89 


889 


KARLV   KTTLCMCNT   AT  OCOENtBUROM. 


?   ! 


Picquet  supported  hj  that  of  tho  Administration.  Tliii  establisliment  served  to  protect,  aid,  and 
comfort  the  Posts  already  erected  on  Lake  Ontario.  Tlie  Burks  and  Canoes  for  the  Transportation 
of  the  King's  clfects  could  be  constructed  tliereat  a  third  less«xi)ense  tlian  ehewhere  because  timber 
Is  in  greater  quantity  and  more  accessible,  especially  when  M.  Picqnet  had  hnd  a  s^'  n.'i'A  erected 
tliere  fur  preparing  and  manufacturing  the  timber.  In  fine  he  could  establisli  a  very  important  set- 
tlement for  tlie  French  Colonists  and  u  point  of  reunion  for  Europeans  and  savages,  where  t'M ;  .■  ould 
And  themselves  very  convenient  to  the  hunting  and  lisliing  in  tlie  upper  part  of  Canada. 

M.  Picquet  left  with  a  detaoliment  of  soldiers,  mechanics  and  some  savages.  He  placed  himself 
at  first  in  as  great  security  as  jK>ssible  against  tlie  insults  of  the  enemy,  which  availed  him  ever  since. 
On  the  20"'  October  1749,  he  had  built  a  Fort  of  palisades,  a  house,  a  barn,  a  stable,  a  redoubt  and 
an  oven.  He  liad  lands  cleared  for  the  savages.  His  improvements  were  estimated  as  tliirty  to  forty 
thousand  livres,  but  he  introduced  as  much  Judgment  as  economy.  He  animated  the  workmen  and 
they  laboured  from  three  o'clock  in  the  morning  until  nine  at  night.  As  for  himself  his  disinterest* 
eduess  was  extreme.  He  received  at  that  time  neither  allowance  nor  presents ;  he  supported  himself 
by  his  industry  and  credit.  From  the  King  he  hud  but  one  ration  of  two  pounds  of  bread  and  one 
half  pound  of  pork,  wliich  made  the  savages  say,  when  they  brouglit  him  a  Buck  and  some  Fart- 
ridges,  "We  doubt  not.  Father,  but  tliat  there  have  been  disagreeable  expostulations  in  your  stomach} 
because  you  liavo  had  notliing  but  pork  to  cat.  Here's  something  to  put  your  affairs  in  order."  The 
hunters  furnished  him  whcrewitlial  to  support  the  Frenchmen, and  to  treat  tlie  Generals  occasionally. 
Tlie  savages  brouglit  him  trout  weighing  as  many  as  eighty  pounds. 

When  the  Court  had  granted  liim  a  pension  he  employed  it  only  for  the  benefit  for  his  establish- 
ment. At  first,  he  had  six  heads  of  families  in  1749,  eighty-seven  the  year  following,  and  three 
hundred  and  ninety-six  in  1751.  All  these  were  of  tlie  most  antient  and  most  infiucntial  families, 
so  that  this  Mission  was,fiOm  that  time  sufficiently  powerful  to  attach  the  Five  Nations  torj,amount- 
ing  to  twenty-five  thousand  inhabitants,  and  he  reckoned  as  many  as  three  thousand  in  his  Colony. 
By  attacliing  tlie  Iroquois  Cantons  to  Franco  and  establishing  them  fully  in  our  interest,  we  were 
certain  of  having  nothing  to  fear  from  the  other  savage  tribes  and  thus  a  limit  could  be  put  to  the 
ambition  of  the  English.  Mr.  Picquet  took  considerable  advantage  of  the  peace  to  increase  that 
settlement,  and  he  carried  it  in  less  than  four  years  to  the  most  desirable  perfection,  despite  of  the 
contradictions  that  he  hud  to  combat  against ;  tlie  obstacles  he  had  to  surmount ;  the  Jibes  and  unbe- 
coming Jokes  which  he  was  obliged  to  bear ;  but  his  happiness  and  glory  suffered  nothing  therefrom. 
People  saw  with  astonishment  several  villages  start  up  almost  at  once ;  a  convenient,  habitable  and 
pleasantly  situated  fort ;  vast  clearances  covered  almost  at  the  same  time  with  the  finest  maize.  More 
than  five  liundred  families,  still  all  infidels,  who  congregated  there,  soon  rendered  this  settlement  the 
most  beautiful,  the  most  cliarming  and  the  most  abundant  of  the  Colony.  Depending  on  it  were  La 
Presentation,  La  Galette,  Suegatzf,  L'isle  au  Galop,  and  L'isle  Picquet  in  the  River  St.  Lawrence. 
There  were  in  the  Fort,  seven  small  stone  guns  and  eleven  four  to  six  pounders. 

The  most  distinguished  of  the  Iroquois  families  were  distributed  at  La  Presentation  in  three  vil- 
lages :  that  which  adjoined  the  French  fort  contained,  in  1754,  forty-nine  bark  cabins  some  of  which 
were  from  sixty  to  eighty  feet  long  and  accommodated  three  to  four  families.  The  place  pleased 
them  on  account  of  the  abundance  of  hunting  and  fishing.  This  Mission  could  no  doubt  be  increased, 
but  cleared  land  sufficient  to  allow  all  the  families  to  plant  and  to  aid  them  to  subsist  would  be 

necessary  and  each  Tribe  should  have  a  separate  location The  Bishop  of  Quebec 

wishing  to  witness  and  assure  himself  personally  of  the  wonders  related  to  liim  of  the  establishment 
at  La  Presentation  went  thither  in  1749,  accompanied  by  some  Officers,  royal  interpreters.  Priests 
from  other  Missions  and  several  other  clergymen,  and  spent  ten  days  examining  and  causing  the 


i 


EABLT  ■BTTLCMCNT   AT  OeDEMIBVKOU. 


M8 


I 


Ctteehumens  to  he  examined.  H«  himself  baptized  one  hundred  and  thirty-two,  and  did  not  ceai9 
during  liis  sojourn,  blessing  Heaven  for  the  progress  of  Keligion  among  these  Infidels. 

Scarcely  wero  they  baptized  when  M.  I'lcket  determined  to  give  them  a  form  of  Government.  Ho 
established  u  Council  of  Twelve  Ancieuts;  cliose  thu  most  iriliuentlal  nmorg  the  Five  Nations; 
brought  them  to  Mont-Reol  where  at  the  hands  of  the  Marquis  Du  Quesne  they  toolt  tlio  Oath  of 
Allegiance  to  tlie  King  to  tlic  great  astonishment  of  tlie  whole  Colony  where  no  person  dared  to  hopo 
for  such  an  event. 

In  the  mouth  of  June  1751,  M.  Picquet  made  a  voyage  arrmnd  Lnko  Ontario  witli  n  King's  Canoe 
and  one  of  Bark  in  wliich  lie  liad  five  trusty  Savages,  with  the  design  of  attracting  some  Indian 
families  to  tlio  new  settlement  of  La  Presentation.  Tlieru  is  a  memoir,  among  liis  papers  on  tho 
subject,  from  whicli  it  is  proposed  to  give  an  extract. 

He  visited  Fort  Frontenac  or  Cataracoui,  situate  twelve  leagues  west  of  La  Presentation.  Ho 
found  no  Indians  tliero  tliougli  it  was  formerly  the  rendezvous  of  the  Five  Nations.  Tiie  bread  ond 
milk,  there,  were  bod ;  they  had  not  even  brandy  there  to  stuuncli  a  wound.    Arrived  at  a  point  of 

Lake  Ontario  called  Kooi,  he  foimd  a  runaway  tliere  from  Virginia At  tlie  Bay  of 

Quint6  he  visited  tho  site  of  tlio  antient  Mission  which  M.  Dollieres  do  Klcus  and  Abb6  D'Urf(<, 
priests  of  the  Saint  Sulpice  Seminary  had  established  tliere.  Tiie  quarter  is  beautiful  but  tlie  laud 
is  not  good.  He  visited  Fort  Toronto, seventy  leagues  from  Fort  Frontenac,  at  the  West  end  of  Lake 
Ontario.  He  found  good  Bread  and  good  Wine  there,  and  every  thing  requisite  for  the  trade,  whilst 
they  were  in  want  of  these  at  all  the  otiier  posts.  He  found  Mississa,^ues  tliere  who  flocked  around 
bim ;  they  spoke  first  of  the  happiness  their  young  people,  the  woiaen  and  children  would  feel  if  the 
King  would  be  as  good  to  them  as  to  the  Iroquois  lor  wliom  he  procured  Missionaries.  Tliey  com- 
plained tliat  instead  of  building  a  church, they  had  constructed  only  a  canteen  for  tliem.  M.  Picquet 
did  not  allow  them  to  finish  and  answered  them  that  tliey  had  been  treated  accordin^^  to  their  fancy ; 
that  they  had  never  evinced  the  least  zeal  for  religion ;  that  their  conduct  was  much  opposed  to  it ; 
that  the  Iroquois  on  the  contrary  had  manifested  their  love  for  Christianity,  but  as  he  had  no  order 
to  attract  them  to  his  Mission,  he  avoided  a  more  lengtliy  explanation. 

He  passed  thence  to  Niagara.  He  examined  tho  situation  of  that  fort,  not  having  any  savages  to 
whom  he  could  speak.  It  is  well  located  for  defence  not  being  commanded  from  any  point.  The 
view  extends  to  a  great  distance ;  they  have  the  advantage  of  the  landing  of  all  the  canoes  and  barks 
which  land  and  are  in  safety  there.  But  the  rain  was  washing  the  soil  away  by  degrees,  notwith- 
standing the  vast  expence  wliich  tho  King  incurred  to  sustain  it.  M.  Pic<]uet  was  of  opinion  that 
the  space  between  the  land  and  the  wharf  might  be  filled  in  so  as  to  support  it  and  make  a  glacis 
there.  This  place  was  important  as  a  Trading  post  and  as  securing  possession  of  the  Carrying  place, 
Niagara  and  Lake  Ontario. 

From  Niagara,  Mr.  Picquet  went  to  the  Carrying  place  which  is  six  leagues  from  that  Post.  He 
visited  on  the  same  day  the  famous  Fall  of  Niagara  by  whicli  the  four  Great  Canada  lakes  discharge 
themselves  into  Lake  Ontario.  This  Cascade  is  as  prodigious  by  its  height  and  the  quantity  of  water 
which  falls  t;here,as  by  the  variety  of  its  falls  which  are  to  the  number  of  six  principal  ones  divided 
by  a  small  island,  leaving  three  to  the  North  and  three  to  the  South.  They  produce  of  themselves  a 
singular  symmetry  and  wonderful  effect.  He  measured  the  height  of  one  of  those  falls  from  the 
south  side,  and  he  found  it  about  one  hundred  and  forty  feet. '  Tlie  establishment  at  this  Carrying 
place,  the  most  important  in  a  commercial  point  of  view  was  the  worst  stocked.  The  Indians,  who 
came  there  in  great  numbers,  were  in  the  best  disposition  to  trade,but  not  finding  what  tliey  wanted, 
they  went  to  Choucguen  or  Clioeguen  [Oswego]  at  the  mouth  of  the  river  of  the  same  name.    M. 


1  Theia  are  French  feet.    The  faUs  on  the  American  lide  are  164  feet  high.— Burr's  Atlti,  Introd.  p.  31. 


'T 


2$4 


BAILY  tCTTLUIKKT   AT  OCDEWIBUftOH. 


!H 


Plcquet  coutKcd  there  Its  munj  as  fifty  CAti'ies.  Tl>crfl  was  notwUhitandtng  at  NUfara  a  Trading 
House  wlierc  the  Cuinmiimliuil  utul  Trader  ludgcU,  but  It  was  tuo  tinall,  and  tlie  King's  property  wai 
not  saA'  llicru. 

M.  I'icijuet  negotiated  with  tlie  Senccas  wlio  promisrtl  to  repair  to  liii  Miitlon  and  gave  lilra  twelve 
c'lildren  us  liostiiges,  saying  to  liliii  t!iat  their  parents  liad  nothing  deorcr  to  tlieni  and  followed  him 

immediately,  as  well  m  tlie  Cliief  of  tlie  Little  lUpId  with  ull  ills  funiily He  set  out 

with  all  thiisr  Suvngis  to  return  to  F«>rt  Niagara.  M.  Chiibert  de  Jnncalre  would  not  abandon  him. 
At  euc'i  pluce  where  they  encountered  ranips,rubins  and  cntrepol8,they  were  saluted  with  luustiuetry 
by  the  Indians  wiio  never  cevsed  testifying  their  consideration  for  the  Missionary.  M.  Plcquet  tcKik 
the  leu<l  witl)  tlie  Savagrr.  of  the  hills ;  Mess*^  Joncuire  and  Illgouille  following  witi)  the  recruits.  He 
cmbui'ked  with  tliirty-uinc  Savages  In  his  largo  canoe  and  was  received  on  arriving  at  the  fort  with 
the  i^reutest  ceremony,  even  witli  the  discliarge  of  cannon  wldoh  greatly  pleosed  the  Indians.  On 
the  morrow  he  assembled  the  Svnecas,  for  the  first  time,  iu  the  ohupel  of  tlie  Fort  for  rcUgloui  ser- 
vices. 

M.  Ficqtiet  returned  along  the  south  coast  of  Lake  Ontario.  Alongside  of  Cho^gucn,  a  young 
Seneca  met  her  Uncle  who  was  coming  from  his  village  with  his  wife  and  children.  This  young  girl 
spoke  8-j  well  to  her  Uncle,  though  ti!ie  had  but  little  knowledge  of  Ueligion  tliat  he  promised  to  re- 
pair to  La  Presentation  early  the  following  spring,  and  that  he  hoped  to  gain  over  also  seven  other 
cabins  of  Sonecas  of  whicli  he  was  chief.  Twenty-five  leagues  from  Niagara  he  visited  tlie  River 
Oascouciiagou  ■  where  he  met  a  number  of  Rattlesnakes.  The  young  Indians  Jumped  into  the  midst 
of  tlicm  nnd  killed  forty-two  without  having  been  bitten  by  any. 

He  next  visited  the  Falls  of  this  River.  The  first  which  appear  in  sight  in  ascending  resemble 
muc'.i  t!ie  great  Cascade  at  Saint  Cloud,  except  that  they  have  not  been  ornamented  and  do  not  seem 
BO  higli,  but  they  possess  natural  beauties  which  render  them  very  curious.  The  second,  a  quarter 
of  a  mile  higher,  are  less  considerable,  yet  are  remarkable.  Tlie  third,  also  a  quarter  of  a  league 
higher,  has  beauties  truly  admirable  by  its  curtains  and  fulls  which  form  nIso,as  at  Nlflgara,a  charm- 
ing proportion  and  variety.  They  may  be  one  hundred  and  some  feet  high.*  In  the  Intervals  be- 
tween the  fulls,  there  ore  a  hundreil  little  cascades  which  present  likewise  a  curious  spectacle ;  and 
if  the  altitudes  of  each  chute  were  Joined  together,  and  they  made  but  one  as  at  Niagara,  the  height 
would,  perhaps,  be  four  hundred  feet ;  but  there  is  four  times  less  water  t!mn  at  the  Niagara  Fall 
which  will  cause  the  latter  to  pass,  for  pver,  as  a  Wonder  perhaps  unique  in  the  World. 

The  English  to  throw  disortler  into  this  new  levy  sent  a  gooti  deal  of  brondy.  Some  sovages  did, 
in  fact  get  drunk  whom  M.  Plcquet  could  not  bring  along.  He  therefore  desired  much  that  ChoOguen 
were  destroyed  and  the  English  prevented  rebuilding  It ;  and  in  order  thot  we  should  be  absolutely 
masters  of  the  south  side  of  Lake  Ontario,  he  proposed  erecting  a  Fort  near  there  at  the  bay  of  the 
Cayugus'  which  would  make  a  very  good  bai-bour  and  furnish  very  fine  anchorage.  No  place  is 
better  adopted  for  a  Fort. 

He  examined  attentively  the  Fort  of  Cho^guen,  a  post  the  most  pernicious  to  France  that  the 
English  could  erect.  It  was  commanded  almost  from  all  sides  and  could  be  very  easily  approached 
in  time  of  war.  It  was  a  two  story  very  low  building ;  decked  like  a  slilp  and  surmounted  on  the 
top  by  a  gallery;  the  whole  was  surrounded  by  a  stone  wall,  flanked  only  with  two  bastions  at  the 
side  towards  the  nearest  hill.  Two  batteries  each  of  three  twelve  pounders,  would  have  been  more 
than  sufficient  to  reduce  that  establis'.iment  to  ashes.    It  was  prejudicial  to  us  by  tlie  facility  it  af- 

1  The  Genciee  Rlter.    fn  Bolln'i  Map  of  ParlU  O'Cidentale  d$  la  MmrfU*  Frana,  1750  (No.  998  W.  0.  State  Lib.)  It  U  «!•• 
terlbcd  a*  a  <•  River  unknown  to  Oeographerii  flileil  with  Rapidt  anil  Waterfall!." 

2  The  higheit  faU  on  the  river  is  lOi  feet. 

3  SoUat  bajr. 


KAStT  KTTLUIIIIT  AT  0«OXtlSBOR«a. 


tSB 


forded  the  English  of  oommnnlcatlng  with  all  the  tribes  of  Canada  still  more  than  by  the  trade  car- 
ried on  there  <is  well  by  tlic  Fiennli  of  tlic  Colony  as  by  tUo  savages :  fur  Clioi'gucn  was  supplied  with 
merclmndizo  u(lapt<:d  uiily  to  tliv  French,  ut  Icust  as  ntiich  as  with  what  suited  tu  the  savages,  a  clr- 
cumstunce  thut  indicated  an  illicit  traile.  Mad  tiiu  Minister's  orders  been  executed,  the  Choi'guen 
trudo  At  least  witii  the  saviigcs  of  U[)t)er  Cunodu  woidd  bo  almost  ruined.  But  it  was  nccessnry  to 
supply  Niagnru,  espcciuliy  tliu  I'urtage,  rather  tlian  Toronto.  The  diflerence  between  the  two  flrst 
of  these  posts  and  tiio  lust  is,  tliat  three  ur  four  liundred  canoes  could  come  loaded  with  furs  to  the 
Portage,  and  tiiut  no  cunoes  could  go  to  Toronto  except  those  which  cannot  puss  before  Ningura  and 
to  Furt  Froatenac,  8ucli  as  t:io  Otaois  of  the  liead  of  the  Lake  {Fond  du  Lac)  and  tlie  Missisgagues ; 
10  that  Toronto  could  not  but  diininislk  the  trade  of  tliese  twu  antleut  [mats,  which  would  have  been 
lufllcient  to  stop  all  the  savugos  hud  the  stores  Ijeen  furuishcd  with  goods  to  their  liking.  There  was 
a  wish  tu  imitate  the  Knglish  in  tlie  tritlea  tiiey  sold  tlie  savages  such  a  silver  bracelets  etc.  The  In- 
dians compared  &  weiglied  tliem,  us  tlio  storekeeper  ut  Niagara  stated,  and  the  Clioiguen  bracelets 
which  were  found  as  iieavy,of  u  purer  silver  and  more  elegant,did  not  cost  tliem  two  beavers,  whilst 
those  at  the  King's  \x)»t  wuuU-d  to  sell  them  for  ten  beavers.  Thus  wc  were  discredited,  and  this  silver 
ware  remained  a  pure  loss  in  the  King's  stores.  French  brandy  was  jireferred  to  tlie  English,  but 
that  did  not  prevent  the  Indians  going  to  ChoOguen.  To  destroy  the  Trade  the  King's  posts  ought 
to  have  bv.u  supplied  with  tlic  same  goods  aa  Clioi'guen  and  at  the  same  price.  The  French  ought 
also  have  been  forbidden  to  send  the  domiciliated  Indians  thither :  but  that  would  have  been  very 
dfUcult. 

Mr.  Plcquet  next  returned  to  Frontenac.  Never  was  a  reception  more  imposing.  The  Niplssings 
and  Algoniiulns  who  were  going  to  war  with  M.  de  Bellestrc,  drew  up  In  a  line  of  their  own  accord 
above  Fort  Frontenac  where  three  standards  were  hoisted.  They  fired  several  volleys  of  musketry 
and  cheered  incessantly  Tiiey  were  answered  in  the  same  style  from  uU  the  little  craft  of  burk. 
M.  de  Verc!iero  and  M.  do  lu  Vultrie  caused  the  guns  of  the  Fort  to  be  discharged  at  the  same  time, 
and  the  Indians  transported  with  j<jy  at  the  honors  paid  them  also  kept  up  a  continual  fire  with 
shouts  and  occlamations  whlcli  made  every  one  rejoice.  Tlie  commandants  and  officers  received  our 
Missionary  at  the  landing.  No  sooner  liad  he  debarked  than  all  the  Algoqtiins  and  Niplssings  of  the 
Lake  came  to  embrace  him,  saying  tliut  tiiey  hud  been  told  that  the  English  had  arrested  him,  and 
had  that  news  been  confirmed  they  would  soon  have  themselves  relieved  him.  Finally  when  he 
returned  to  Lu  Presentation,  he  wus  received  with  tliat  afiection,  that  tenderness  which  children 
would  experience  In  recovering  a  father  wliom  they  hud  lost. 

War  was  no  sooner  declared  in  1754  than  tiie  new  children  of  God,  of  the  King  and  of  M.  Plcquet, 
thougiit  only  of  giving  fresli  proofs  of  their  fidelity  and  valor,  as  those  of  the  Lake  of  the  Two  Moun- 
tains had  done  In  tlie  war  preceding.  Tlie  generals  were  indebted  to  M.  Picquet  for  the  destruction 
of  all  tlie  Forts  as  well  on  tlie  river  Corlac  (Corlear)  as  on  that  of  Choeguen.  His  Indians  distin- 
guished themselves  especially  ut  Fort  George  on  Lake  Ontario  where  the  warriors  of  La  Presentation 
alone  with  tlieir  bark  canoes  destroyed  the  English  fleet  commanded  by  Capt.  Beccan  who  was  made 
prisoner  wit!i  a  number  of  otiiers  and  that  in  siglitof  the  French  army,  commanded  by  M.  de  Villlers 
who  was  at  the  Isle  Galop.  The  war  parties  which  departed  and  returned  continually,  filled  the 
Mission  witli  so  muiiy  prisoners  that  their  numbers  frequently  surpassed  that  of  the  warriors,  ren- 
dering it  necessary  to  empty  the  villages  and  send  them  to  Headquarters.  In  fine  a  number  of  other 
expeditions  of  wliicli  M.  Pic(juet  was  the  principal  author  have  procured  the  promotion  of  several 

officers He  frequently  found  himself  in  the  vanguard  when  the  King's 

troops  were  ordered  to  attack  the  enemy.  He  distinguished  himself  particularly  in  the  expeditions 
of  Sarusto  (Saratoga),  Lake  Champluin,  Pointe  a  la  Chevelure  (Crown  Point),  the  Cascades,  Carillon 
(Ticonderoga)  Caooguen  (Oswego),  River  Corlac  (Mohawk),  Isle  au  Galop  etc.    The  posts  he  estab- 


SAmLT  SITTLKMZirr  AT  OSDEirtBURSR. 

lished  for  the  King  protected  the  Colony  pending  the  entire  war.    M.  du  Quesne  said  that  the  Abb^ 
Flcquet  was  worth  more  than  ten  regiments. 

In  the  month  of  May  1756  M.  de  Vaudreuil  got  M.  Plcquet  to  depute  the  Chiefs  of  his  Missions  to 
the  Five  Nations  of  Senecas,  Cayugas,  Onontaguds,  Tuscaroras  and  Oneidas  to  attach  them  more  and 
more  to  the  French.  The  English  had  surprised  and  killed  their  nephews  in  the  three  villages  of 
the  Loups  (Moliegans  X)  M.  de  Vaudreuil  requested  him  to  form  parties  which  could  succeed  each 
other  in  disquieting  and  harassing  the  English.  In  1768  he  destroyed  the  English  forts  on  the  banks 
of  Corlae,  but  at  length  the  battle  of  the  13  Sept.  1759,  in  which  the  Marquis  of  Montcalm  was  killed, 
brought  ruin  on  Quebec  and  that  of  Canada  followed.  When  he  saw  all  thus  lost,  M.  Picquet  ter- 
minated his  long  and  laborious  career  by  his  retreat  on  the  8*>>  May  1760,  with  the  advice  and  con- 
sent of  the  General,  the  Bishop  and  Intendant,  in  order  not  to  &11  into  the  hands  of  the  English.  He 
had  determined  never  to  swear  allegiance  to  another  power. 

He  passed  to  Michilimachina  between  Lake  Huron  and  Lake  Michigan  ;  proceeded  thus  by  way 
of  Upper  Canada  to  the  Illinois  country  &  Louisiana,  and  sojourned  twenty  two  months  at  New  Or- 
leans. On  his  return  to  France,  he  passed  several  years  in  Paris.  A  hernia  which  afflicted  him  a 
long  time,  having  become  aggravated,  finally  caused  his  death  at  Verjon  on  the  15t>>  July  1781.  In 
his  life  time  he  was  complimented  with  the  title  of '<  Apostle  of  the  Iroquois." 


NoTc. — ^Fort  la  Presentation,  with  the  River,  under  the  names  of  Wtgatchi^  Swegatehi,  OswegatcM^ 
will  be  found  laid  down  in  the  following  Maps  and  Charts,  viz* 
A  Map  of  that  part  of  America  which  was  the  principal  seat  of  War  in  1766,  published  in  the 

Gentleman's  Magazine  fur  1757,  Vol.  xxvii. ; 
An  Exact  Chart  of  the  River  St.  Lawrence  from  Fort  Frontenac  to  the  Island  of  Anticosti  by  Tho* 

Jeffereys,  London  1775  ;  with  the  River  St.  Lawrence  from  Quebec  to  Lake  Ontario  9opiedfrom 

D'AnviliSMapofl755; 
Sauthiers  Map  of  the  Inhabited  parts  of  Canada  and  Frontiers  of  New  York,  &c.  London  1777 ; 
Sauthiers  Map  of  the  Province  of  New  York,  Lond.  1779  and  in  Carte  Generale  des  (14)  Etats 

Unis  de  I'Amerique  Septentrionale  renfemant  quelques  Provinces  Angloises  adjacentes,  being 

No.  30  in  Atlas  of  Maps  on  America  in  State  Lib. 
Reference  to  this  settlement  will  be  also  fotmd  in  Gent.  Mag.  xxiv,  693.    It  is  sometimes,  though 
corruptly,  called  Fort  Patterson. 


\'J 


XVII. 


PAPERS 


HELATIWO  TO    T8X 


Smt  ©ritUment  ani  Capture  of  Sott  CDatutga. 


1727— 173fi. 


/    « 


i 


S 

4 


n 


FIRST  SETTLEMENT  OF  THE  ENGLISH  IN  WESTERN  NEW-YORK. 

.  ,  [  Lond.  Doe.  XXII.  ] 

Gov.  Burnet  to  the  Board  of  Trade. 

''  New  York,  Oct.  18,  1721. 

That  I  might  improve  their  (the  Indians')  present  good  humor  to  the  best  advantage  I  hare 
employed  the  five  hundred  pounds  granted  this  year  by  the  Assembly  chiefly  to  the  erecting  and 
encouraging  a  settlement  a  Tirandaquet  a  Creek  on  the  I^ake  Ontario  about  sixty  miles  on  this  side 
Niagara'  whither  there  are  now  actually  gone  a  company  of  ten  persons  with  the  approbation  of  our 
Indians  and  with  the  assurance  of  a  suflftcient  number  of  themselves  to  live  with  them  and  be  a 
guard  to  them  against  any  surprize,  and  because  the  late  President  of  tlie  Council  Pete  Schuyler's 
son  »  first  offered  his  service  to  go  at  the  head  of  this  expedition  I  readily  accepted  him  and  have 
made  him  several  presents  to  Equip  him  and  given  him  a  handsome  allowance  for  his  own  salary 
and  a  Commission  of  Captain  over  the  rest  that  are  or  may  be  there  with  him  and  Agent  to  treat 
with  the  Indians  from  me  for  purchasing  Land  and  other  things  which  I  the  rather  did  that  I  might 
shew  that  I  had  no  personal  dislike  to  the  family. 

This  Company  have  undertaken  to  remain  on  this  Settlement  and  that  never  above  two  shall  be 
absent  at  once,  and  tho'  these  have  the  sole  encouragement  at  present  out  of  the  public  money  yet 
there  is  nothing  that  hinders  as  many  more  to  go  and  settle  there  or  any  where  else  on  their  own 
account  as  please. 

This  place  is  indisputably  in  the  Indians  possession  and  lies  very  convenient  for  all  the  far  Indians 
to  come  on  account  of  Trade  from  which  the  French  at  Niagara  will  not  easily  hinder  them  because 
first  it  must  be  soon  known  and  is  against  the  Treaty  and  besides  they  may  easily  slip  by  them  in 
canoes  and  get  to  this  place  before  the  French  can  catch  them  in  the  pursuit  if  they  should  attempt 

to  hinder  them. 

This,  my  Lords  is  the  beginning  of  a  great  Trade  that  may  be  maintained  with  all  the  Indians 
upon  the  Lakes  and  the  cheapness  of  all  our  goods  except  Powder  above  the  French  will  by  de- 
grees draw  all  that  Trade  to  us  which  can  not  better  appear  than  by  the  French  having  found  it 
worth  while  to  buy  our  Goods  at  Albany  to  sell  again  to  the  Indians.  Wherefore  to  break  that  Prac- 
tice more  eifectually  I  have  placed  a  sufficient  Guard  of  Soldiers  on  the  Carrying  Place  to  Canada 
and  built  a  small  Blockhouse  there*  with  the  remainder  of  the  five  hundred  pounds  before  men- 
tioned. 

As  to  Niagara  I  did  write  to  the  Governor  of  Canada  to  complain  of  all  the  unwarrantable  steps 
he  has  taken  and  among  others  of  his  erecting  a  Blockhouse  at  Niagara  before  the  Treaty  of  Limits 
had  settled  who  it  belong  to 

I  received  his  answer  at  Albany  in  which  he  flatly  denies  most  of  the  Facts  I  complain  of 

But  as  to  Niagara  he  pretends  possession  for  above  fifty  years  first  taken  by  Mf  de  la  Sale. 


LVoL.  l.J 


Irondequoit  bay,  Monroe  Co.  2.  Major  Abraham  Schuyler. 

3.  Now  Fort  Edward,  originally  Fort  Lydiui,  Wathincton  Co. 

87 


i'    i 

t 


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{ 


200  VAKM  mBLATIVC  TO  MWMO. 

EXTRACTS  FROM  FRENCH  LETTERS. 

I  Parlf  Do«.  VII.  ] 

Letter,  dated  22  May  1725.  M.  the  Marquis  of  Vaudreuil  trrites  that  he  received  adrice  the  8'>> 
December  that  the  English  and  the  Dutch  had  projected  an  establishment  at  the  mouth  of  the  River 
Chouaguen  on  the  borders  of  Lake  Ontario  and  very  near  the  post  we  have  at  Niagara. 

The  news  of  this  establishment  on  soil  always  considered  as  belonging  to  France  appeared  to  him 
the  more  important  as  he  felt  the  difficulty  of  preserving  the  post  of  Niagara  where  there  is  no  fort, 
should  the  English  once  fortify  Chouaguen ;  and  tliat  in  losing  Niagara  the  Colony  is  lost  and  at  the 
same  time  all  the  trade  with  tlie  upper  Country  Indians,  who  go  the  more  willingly  to  the  English 
since  they  obtain  goods  there  much  cheaper  and  get  as  much  i>randy  as  they  like,  which  we  cannot 
absolutely  dispense  furnishing  the  upper  country  Indians,  thougli  with  prudence,  if  it  be  desirable  to 
prevent  them  carrying  their  furs  and  surrendering  tliemselves  to  the  Englisli. 

M.  de  Longueuil  wrote  in  the  month  of  February  that  tlie  Iroquois  of  the  Sault  had  appointed  four 
of  their  chiefs  and  one  of  the  Lake  of  the  Two  Mountains  to  go  to  Orange  to  represent  to  the  Dutch 
that  they  would  not  suffer  their  settling  at  Cliouilgu(;n  and  that  they  would  declare  war  against  them 
if  they  established  themselves  tliere. 

He  repaired  on  the  ice  to  Montreal  on  the  12  March  where  he  received  the  confirmation  of  the 
news  of  the  English,  and  learned  that  they  and  the  Dutch  had  started  with  a  great  many  canoes  for 
Lake  Ontario  to  make  a  settlement  at  the  mouth  of  the  River  Choueguen  in  concert  with  the  Iroquois ; 
that  he  was  afraid  he  could  not  prevent  it  if  they  be  supported  by  those  Indians,  to  a  war  with  whom, 
he  knows,  the  King  does  not  intend  to  expose  himself. 

Tiie  Indians  of  the  Sault  returned  from  Orange  dissatisfied  with  their  reception.  He  immediately 
despatched  M.  de  Longueuil  to  tlie  Iroquois  and  tlicnce  to  Choul'guen.  He  commanded  him  to 
induce  tlie  savages  not  to  suffer  this  Establishment,  and  in  case  he  could  not  prevail  on  them  to 
oppose  it  openly,  to  persuade  tliem  to  remain  neuter  and  to  suggest  to  them  at  ttie  same  time,  that  it 
is  tlieir  interest  to  maintain  us  at  Niagara  or  to  consent  to  our  building  a  more  solid  and  secure  house 
than  the  one  tliat  is  here. 

In  regard  to  the  English  he  ordered  M.  de  Longueuil,  should  he  find  them  settled  at  Choueguen,  to 
summon  tliem  to  witlidraw  from  their  lands  until  tlie  Iraundaries  were  regulated,  failing  which  he 
should  adopt  proper  measures  to  constrain  them. 

Letter  dated  10  June  1725.  M.  de  Longueuil  writes  to  him  (M.  Begon)  from  Fort  Frontenac  the 
nintli  of  May  tliat  there  was  no  Trading  Post  as  yet  at  Ciioueguen. 

Letter  dated  31  October,  1725.  Mess"  de  Longueuil  &  Begon  send  particulars  of  said  Sieur  de 
Longueuil's  voyage.  He  found  100  English  at  the  portage  of  ilic  River,  four  leagues  from  Lake 
Ontario,  with  more  than  60  canoes  ;  that  they  made  him  exiiibit  his  passport  and  shewed  liim  an  order 
from  tlie  Governor  of  New  York  not  to  allow  any  Frenchmen  to  go  by  without  a  passport. 

M.  de  Longueuil  took  occasion  to  reproach  tlie  Iroquois  Chiefs  who  were  present  that  they  were  no 
longer  masters  of  their  lands.  This  succeeded ;  they  l)lew  out  against  the  English  ;  told  them  they 
would  bear  with  them  no  longer,  having  permitted  tliem  to  come  to  trade.  They  even  promised  him 
they  should  remain  neuter  in  case  of  war  against  the  English. 

He  next  repaired  to  Onontaguc,  an  Iroquois  Village  and  there  found  the  Deputies  of  the  other  four 
Iroquois  Villages  who  were  waiting  for  him  there.  He  made  them  consent  to  the  construction  of  2 
barks  and  the  erection  of  a  stone  house  at  Niagara,  of  which  he  took  the  plan  which  they  send  with 
an  estimate  amounting  to  29,295  livres  (=45,592.) 

NoTA.    The  two  barks  were  built  in  1726. 


''  "^ 


PAPERS    RELATING   TO   OSWEGO. 


m 


*the  House  (Niagara)  was  commenced  the  same  year  and  finished  in  172C. 

NoTA.  Sieur  Ghaussegross,  engineer,  writes  tliat  he  erected  this  House  on  the  same  spot  where  au 
antient  Fort  had  been  built  by  order  of  M.  d'EnonvlUo  former  Governor  and  Lieutenant  General  of 
New  France  in  1686. 

25  July,  1726.  (M.  de  Longueuil  writes  that)  he  has  given  orders  to  Clievalier  de  Longueuil  liis 
son  who  commanded  there  (at  Niagara)  not  to  return  until  the  English  and  Dutch  reti)e  fruiii  Ch)U- 
guen  where  they  have  been  all  summer  to  the  number  of  3U0  men,  and  should  lie  meet  their  couois 
on  the  lake,  to  plunder  them. 

18  Sept  1726.  M  the  Marquis  of  Beauhamois  sends  an  extract  of  a  letter  from  CI  evalier  de 
Longueuil  dated  Niagara  the  5th  of  7>>«<'  1726,  in  which  he  states  that  there  are  no  more  Eaglish  at 
Choueguen,  along  the  Lake  nor  in  the  River  and  if  he  meet  any  of  them  in  tV.e  Lake  he'll  plunder 
them. 


GOV.  BURNET  TO  THE  BOAE^  OF  TRADE. 

[  Lond.  Doc.  XXIII.  ] 

[New  York  May  9th  1727. 

I  have  this  Spring  sent  up  workmen  to  build  a  stone  house  of  strength  at  a  place  called  Oswego, 
at  the  mouth  of  the  Onondage  River  where  our  principal  trade  with  the  far  Nations  is  carried  on.  I 
have  obtained  the  consent  of  the  Six  Nations  to  build  it,  and  having  intelligence  tliat  a  party  of  French 
of  ninety  men  were  going  up  towards  Niagara  I  suspected  that  they  might  have  orders  to  interrupt 
this  work,  and  therefore  I  have  sent  up  a  detachment  of  Sixty  Souldiers  with  a  Captain  and  two 
Lieutenants,  to  protect  the  building  from  any  disturbance  that  any  French  or  Indians  may  oflFer  to  it. 
There  are 'besides  about  two  humlred  traders  now  at  the  same  place,  who  are  all  armed  as  Militia, 
and  ready  to  join  in  defence  of  the  Building  and  their  Trade,  in  case  they  are  attacked  :  The  French 
can  have  no  just  pretence  for  doing  it,  but  their  lately  building  a  Fort  at  Niagara,  contrary  to  the  last 
Treaty  makes  me  think  it  necessary  for  us  to  be  on  our  guard  against  any  attempts  they  may  make. 

When  the  house  is  finished  it  will  be  suflSciently  strong  against  an  attack  with  small  arms,  which 
is  all  that  can  be  brought  thither,  and  I  intend  to  keep  an  Officer  and  twenty  men  always  inGarristn 
there,  which  will  be  of  the  greatest  use  to  keep  our  Indians  true  to  us,  it  being  near  the  centre  of  all 
the  Six  Nations,  &  lying  most  conveniently  to  receive  all  tlie  far  Indians  who  come  to  trade  with  us. 

My  Lord  Bellomont  formerly  intended  to  build  a  Fort  by  King  William's  order  near  this  place,  and 
it  went  so  far  that  even  plate  and  furniture  for  a  chappie  there,  were  sent  over  from  England,  but  the 
Design  was  laid  by  upon  his  Death,  and  has  never  been  resumed  since  'till  now.' 

The  Assembly  provided  three  hundred  pounds  last  fall  for  this  service,  of  which  I  then  acquainted 
Your  Lordships,  but  I  have  been  obliged  to  lay  out  more  than  double  that  value  upon  my  own  credit, 
to  furnish  necessaries  and  provisions,  and  hire  workmen,  &  make  Battoes  to  carry  up  the  men,  for  it 
is  all  Water  carriage  from  our  outmost  Town  called  Schenectady  to  this  place,  which  is  about  two 
hundred  miles,  except  five  miles,  where  they  must  draw  their  Battoes  over  Land,  which  is  easily 
enough  done,  and  tliis  makes  the  communication  much  more  convenient  than  by  Land. 

1  Smith  IlUt.  N.  Y.  Ed.  1838,  i.  2S3,  represents  the  erection  of  the  above  Fort  as  haviner  been  begun  in  1722;  an  error 
which  has  been  copied  by  McAuley,  Onnlap  and  others  who  have  followed  him  without  enquiry.  Gov.  Burnet's  despatch 
and  tlie  preceding  Doc*.,  correct  the  miatalce  and  furnish  the  precise  date. 


fl 


■■$  ' 


---fc;^»W><=^-'«  <»<»*'  »*i  Vi  ■»>>..,  ^  . 


292 


PATEM   RttATINa   TO  MWKOO. 


I  hope  the  Assembly  will  supply  this  Deficiency  when  they  meet,  but  I  was  so  convinced  of  the 
benefit  of  the  undertaking  that  I  was  resolved  not  to  let  it  ftil  for  want  of  a  present  supply  of  money. 

I  am  with  great  Respect,  ,.  , 

My  Lords,  Your  Lordships  most  dutifhll  and  -  ^      1  #.'vi 

■■•'■»•'■•"''  most  obliged  humble  Mrvant  ^^' 

W.  BunTKT. 


.■'■:A  .in>  w, 


■n,:\ 


..  i.i. 


„.,,.',- 


,>u        J    ,■ 


}.     -Vi, 


..Ji;.  1   i^y.  k: 


ij^Jrir\   J. 


GOV.  BURNET  TO  THE  BOABD  OF  TRADE.  • 

[Lond.  Dm.  XZni.] 

__ — -.^ Maw  York  SWhJnaim. 

Extract. — The  province  is  much  obliged  to  your  Lordships  for  representing  tlie  French  building 
a  Fort  at  Niagara,  and  in  order  to  obtain  Redress  the  same  fort  which  I  have  been  building  at  the 
mouth  of  the  Onnondage's  River  called  Oswego  this  Spring,  goes  on  successfully  hitherto,  and  without 
any  interruption  from  the  French  or  their  Indians,  and  with  the  full  consent  and  approbation  of  our 
own  Indians. 

The  Detachment  of  Souldiers  which  I  sent  to  up  arrived  safely  there  the  beginning  of  this  month, 
80  that  it  is  not  lilcely  that  any  attempt  will  now  he  made  to  hinder  jt,  and  I  depend  upon  its 
being  of  the  best  use  of  anything  that  has  ever  been  undertaken  on  that  side  either  to  preserve  our 
own  Indians  in  our  Interest,  or  to  promote  and  fix  a  constant  Trade  with  the  remote  Indians. 


;•  GOVERNOR  OF  CANADA  TO  THE  GOV.  OF  NEW- YORK. 

[  Pw.  Doe.  VII.;  Lond.  Dee.  XXIU. 
r:  I         Jniy  20th,  1727. 

Sir — ^I  am  very  well  persuaded  that  you  have  been  informed  that  the  King  my  master  has  done 
me  the  honor  to  name  me  Governour  and  his  Lieutenant  General  in  all  New  France,  and  that  you 
have  likewise  been  so  of  my  arrival  to  tliis  country. 

I  find  myself.  Sir,  in  a  juncture  when  the  close  union  that  subsists  between  our  Sovereigns  ought 
to  flatter  me  with  the  liopes  of  tlie  like  between  you  and  me.  But  I  cannot  avoid  observing  to  you 
my  surprise  at  tlie  permission  which  you  have  given  to  the  English  Merchants  to  carry  on  a  trade  at 
the  River  of  Oswego,  and  that  you  have  ordered  a  Redoubt  with  Galleries  (Machicoulies)  and  full  of 
Loop  holes  and  otiier  works  belonging  to  fortification,  to  he  built  at  the  Mouth  of  that  River,  in 
which  you  have  placed  a  Garrison  of  Regular  Troops. 

I  liave  been.  Sir,  the  more  astonished  at  it,  since  you  should  have  considered  your  Undertaking  as 
a  thing  capable  of  disturbing  tlie  Union  of  the  two  Crowns ;  You  cannot  be  ignorant  of  the  pos- 
session during  a  very  considerable  time,  which  the  King  my  Master  has  of  all  the  Lands  of  Canada, 
of  which  tliose  of  the  lake  Ontario  and  the  adjacent  Lands  make  a  part,  and  in  wliich  he  has  built 
Vorts  and  made  other  Settlements  in  different  places  ai  are  those  of  DenonviUe  at  the  Entrance  of 


'  lu'  ^<«to.V!<W9iW 


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■r:.i-k.v  .fc*feiriw3^,  t'feifeai^. 


■»v»,m.r«.-»» 


(/    (Ksncf/o     17:^7 


tn  in  t'mis  hi<,    nil 


7'rftit.\/f(/ff//  f /  //tt 


XUUxnxt 


4* 


■  •/      I'liiit  o/Hii   IffJt'lU   Hith  (titUtrirs   hhnh 
Nil  Khtjlinh  f'in/t  hith  ii'iit/ft  ntiixtnri  inii/ 
r/tii  )it  i/n   m<iit/i  f/  t/u  Jfhtf  ("hfinitfurn 

('     7Wffi/y  /itiUt  iti4.t    f't/tiH/Ktif  ft>  ftn  Kn*;tish 

£     7f   ^'itf'ins  f'l /itufiitf/ h'(/if  J^mf/isfi  nm/ 

I>nt/ft    7 HI (f try 
F     T* nts ,/  t7it  7hi fit  «////v  />/' Si /i/ii IS  ('tiiiifi 
C      Sir  III!  fun  />/' tfi,   7i'n/i'/if 
\M     3t'(^  f'ii7(ii- fill /tifs    7*  Jit  /  /rrif/  inf/m/ift 
hs    sii/>fir.\;  i/  /i r  ffii  in  r/tcri  fj  iijhrf 
^     /     -tnr/urtn/i  /'/' t/n   I'l.sxi f.s 


/'fttfh      (fit    L(ir    I'l  r  n  fr  ti  /tr     tun  i t  in  ihih  f 


m?j^ 


*,^ 


'/■■ 


lplf(      lf(  (  ^  /f    f  /f  /     f  (> 


>..\ 


/<  .•«'        )(         ii  V 


M  !■  /'rl.Si 


2(H2 

I  hopf 
beaeiit  o 


Extra 
a  Fort  at 
mouth  of 
any  inter 
own  Indl ' 

Tlie  D« 
80  that  I 
being  of 
own  Indii 


rl 


Sir— Ii 
me  the  he 
have  like' 

I  find 
to  flatter : 
my  surpr) 
the  River 
Loop  liol( 
which  yoi 

I  liave  1 
a  thing  c 
Bsssion  du 
of  which 
Forts  and 


j  ,^«.;^w 


PAPUIS   StLATIiro    TO  OIWZOO. 


898 


the  River  of  Nlai^^ara,  that  of  Fronteoao,  another  called  La  Famine,  tliut  which  is  called  the  Fort 
des  Sables,  another  at  the  Bay  of  the  Cayougus  at  Oswego,  &c.,  without  any  opposition,  they  liaving 
been  one  and  ull  of  tiicm  possessed  by  tlie  French,  who  alone  have  had  a  riglit,  and  have  had  the 
possesion  of  carrying  on  tlie  Trude  there. 

I  look.  Sir,  upon  the  Settlements  that  you  are  b6<i(inning  and  pretending  to  make  at  the  Entrance 
of  the  Lake  Ontario  into  tlie  River  of  Oswego,  tlie  fortifications  that  you  have  made  there,  and  the 
Garrison  that  you  have  posted  there,  as  a  manltiest  Infraction  of  the  Treaty  of  Utrecht,  it  being 
expressly  settled  by  that  Treaty,  that  the  subjects  of  each  Crown  shall  not  molest  nor  encroach  upon 
one  another.  Mill  tlie  Limits  have  been  fixed  by  Com:uissaries,  to  be  named  tor  that  puipose. 

This  it  is.  Sir,  which  determines  me  nt  present  to  send  away  M.  De  la  Cliassaigne  Govemour  of 
the  Town  of  trois  Rivieres,  with  an  Officer,  to  deliver  this  letter  to  you,  and  to  Inform  you  of  my 
Intentions. 

I  send  away  at  the  same  time  a  Major  to  summon  the  Oflicer  who  commands  at  Oswego,  to  retire 
with  his  Garrison  nnd  other  persons  who  are  there,  to  demolish  the  fortifications  and  other  works, 
and  to  evacuate  entirely  that  post  and  to  retire  home. 

The  Court  of  France  which  I  have  the  honour  to  inform  of  it  thii*  moment,  will  have  Room  to 
look  upon  this  undertaking  as  an  act  of  hostility  on  your  part,  and  I  dont  doubt  but  you  will  give 
attention  to  the  Justice  of  my  Demand. 

I  desire  you  to  honour  me  with  a  positive  answer  which  I  expect  without  delay  by  the  return  of 
these  Gentlemen,  I  am  persuaded  that  on  your  side  you  will  do  nothing  that  may  trouble  the  har- 
mony tliat  prevails  among  our  two*  Crowns,  and  that  you  will  not  act  against  their  true  Interests. 

I  should  be  extremely  pleased.  Sir,  if  you  would  give  me  sc^ne  occasion  to  show  you  particularly 
the  sentiments  of  Respect  with  which  I  have  the  honour  to  be.  Sir, 

Your  most  humMe  and 

most  obedot  .^rvant 

At  Montreal,  EsAVHAanoia. 

this  20«»>  July  1727. 

P.  S.  M.  De  la  Chassaigne  who  did  not  at  first  intend  to  carry  with  him  any  but  the  Officer  of 
whom  I  had  the  honour  to  inform  you  in  my  Letter,  has  since  desired  me  to  let  him  have  the  four 
Gentlemen  named  in  the  Passport  which  I  have  ordered  to  be  made  out  for  him.  I  dont  doubt. 
Sir,  but  you  will  have  the  same  Regard  for  them  as  for  the  King's  Officer  who  goes  along  with  them. 


( 


COPY  OF  THE  SUMMONS 


TO  THE  COMMANDANT  Ol'  THE  FOBT  BUILT  BY  THE  ENGLISH  ON  THE  8H(!RE  OF  LAKE  ONTARIO  AT  THE  MOUTH 
OF  THE  RIVER  CHOUEGUKN  TO  WITHDRAW  WITH  THE  GABRISON  OF  SAID  FORT,  SERVED  BY  M*^  BEGON  MAJOR 
OF  THE  TOWN  AND  CASTLE  OF  QUEBEC  ON  BEHALf  OF  THE  MARQUIS  OF  BEAUHARNOIS,  GOVERNOR 
GENERAL  IN   CANADA. 

[Pari!  Doc.  VII.] 

His  Lordship  the  Marquis  of  Beauharnois  appointed  by  His  Most  Christian  Majesty  Govemour 
General  in  and  over  Canada  and  the  whole  Dependencies  of  New  France,  being  informed  of  your 
Governour's  enterprise  at  the  Mouth  of  Clioueguen  River,  where  he  ordered  a  Stone  Redoubt  to  be 
built  on  the  shore  of  Lake  Ontario  where  the  French  only  have  traded,  and  of  which  they  have  been 


|l   I      ! 


Wm  9AntM»  aiLATiwo  to  ocwcao. 

poflMMon  for  a  rery  grett  while,  and  considering  that  Enterpriie  ai  n  plain  Contrarfntlon  to  the 
Treaty  of  Utrecht,  which  mentions  titat  the  subjects  of  the  two  Crowns  sliall  not  inlrencli  upon  one 
toothers  Land,  'till  the  Decision  of  the  Limits  by  the  Judges  delegated  to  that  L'iid,lms  sent  me  with 
orders  to  summon  you  to  draw  out  at  Airtliest  within  a  fortnight  the  Garrison  of  tills  place  with  arms, 
munitions  and  other  effects  belonging  to  the  people  of  Albany  or  other  places,  to  cast  down  the  block 
house  and  all  pieces  of  woric  you  raised  up  contrary  to  all  law,  leaving  you  If  you  tliinlc  fit  to  ei- 
tablish  yourselves  at  Lake  Thechiroguen,  or  the  Oneida  Kiver  where  you  formerly  traded  and  to 
leave  the  mouth  of  this  river  fVee,  as  it  has  always  been,  to  the  French,  iklllng  which  his  Loidship 
the  Marquis  of  Beauhamois  will  take  measures  against  you  and  against  your  ui^ust  usurpation  as 
he  will  think  fit. 

1,1  (Signed)  ,,  Btaov. 

Montml  the  14>k  of  July  1727. 


lit     i  bua  mk.  fh  -A. 


"  ^  COPY  OP  THE  PROCES  VERBAL  OP  THE  SERVICE  OF  SAID  SUMMONS. 

(Pari!  Doo.  VII.] 

This  day  the  first  of  August  1727,  we  the  undersigned,  Knight  of  the  Military  Order  of  St.  Louis, 
Mi^or  of  the  Town,  Castle  and  Government  of  Quebec,  having  in  execution  of  the  orders  to  us  given 
by  the  Marquis  of  Beauhamois  Governor  and  Lieutenant  General  for  the  King  in  all  New  France, 
arrived  before  t!ie  Fort  built  by  the  English  on  the  borders  of  Luko  Ontario,  at  the  mouth  of  the 
River  Chouegueu,  sent  to  advise  Mr.  Bancker  Commanding  the  Gariison  of  our  arrival  and  had  him 
informed,  at  the  same  time,  that  we  came  on  the  part  of  the  Governor  General  Commanding  in  Chief 
over  all  New  France,  to  summon  him  to  withdraw  at  latest  within  fifteen  days  the  garrison  of  said 
fort,  with  the  arms,  ammunition  and  other  effects  belonging  to  individuals  at  Orange  and  other  places, 
and  to  demolish  said  fort  and  other  work  he  had  there  constructed. 

He  sent  to  invite  us  on  shore  and  came  to  meet  us  on  the  bank  of  said  river  Choueguen,  accom- 
panied by  two  officers  of  the  garrison,  he  conducted  us  into  tlie  fort  with  much  courtesy  and  after 
service  on  the  said  Commandant  in  the  usual  manner  of  the  said  summons  whlcli  wo  left  him  in 
writing  in  French  and  in  English,  he  answered  us  that  he  was  on  his  land  and  in  liis  house  ;  that  he 
hod  been  sent  thither  by  his  General  Government  to  build  the  said  fort  there  wltli  l\w  consent  of  the 
Six  Nations  and  even  under  valid  contracts  with  them ;  that  if  we  wislicd,  lie  would  cause  the  Chiefs 
of  the  Onondaga  Indians  then  on  the  spot,  to  come  who  would  inform  us  of  it ;  wlioni  we  refused  to 
hear  being  unwilling  to  have  any  discussion  with  them.  After  which  he  added,  tiiut  he  was  but  a 
subordinate  officer  like  ourselves,  and  consequently  equally  obliged  to  follow  the  orders  of  his  Gen* 
eral ;  that  we  had  an  order  in  writing  from  the  Marquis  of  Beauhurnois ;  it  would  be  necessary  for 
him  to  have  one  also  from  Mr.  Burnet,  his  General,  so  as  to  be  able  to  furnisli  his  reply ;  whereupon 
we  asked  to  have  his  refusal  in  writing,  but  having  communicated  to  us  that  a  little  time  would  be 
necessary  to  consider  of  it,  and  if  we  wished  he  would  leave  us  at  liberty  to  walk  wherever  we 
pleased ;  and  having  kept  us  waiting  about  three  quarters  of  an  hour  and  consulted  with  his  officers, 
he  persisted  in  his  original  sentiments  and  said  that  he  had  as  much  right  to  summon  the  Command- 
ant of  Niagara ;  finally  he  should  send  the  summons  to  his  Governor  General,  promising  to  give  an 
anawer  so  soon  as  he  should  receive  orders.    Done  at  Choueguen  the  1*'  August  1727. 

(Signed)  Beoon.' 

1.  In  Load.  Doc.  XXtll.  ar*  iwp«n  pttrp«rUB(  to  b«  TrmaiUUona  of  Ui«  two  prMtdlnv  Do«'i»  but  thtjr  »•  MMutltlljr 
laparfMt  and  iaeorrMt. 


.' 


• 

rAnm  bilativ*  w  mwi 

IM. 

8M 

r. 

-••  r  '■ 

'    • 

'  .    •  t    .  A     m  .       • 

--    ■ 

il   ■'^' 

•'>?'»   »«««fMRT' 

GOT.  BURNET  TO  THE  GOVEBNOR  OF  CANADA. 


[Lond.  Dm.  XXIII.]  ' 

Raw  Torkt  Ith  AafvMi  1117.   - 

fiir — I  have  received  the  letter  which  you  have  done  me  the  honour  to  write  to  me,  and  which 
wan  delivered  to  me  by  Mr.  Do  la  Chassaigne.  You  have  done  me  a  singular  pleasure  in  taking  thii 
occasion  to  make  me  acquainted  witli  a  person  of  so  distinguished  merit,  and  in  sending  along  with 
them  Oentlemeti  who  do  lionour  tu  their  country.  I  could  have  wished  that  these  marks  of  your 
good  will  had  not  lieen  attended  with  a  proceeding  so  little  suitable  to  them.  .  ''     , ,  rf  i 

You  perceive,  Sir,  that  I  would  complain  of  tlie  sudden  and  peremptory  summons  that  you  hare 
sent  to  my  Officer  posted  at  Oswego ;  and  which  was  brought  to  me  by  an  express,  before  the  arrival 
of  M'  De  la  Chassaigne. 

I  should  think,  Sir,  that  you  might  liave  waited  for  my  reasons  in  answer  to  what  you  were 
pleased  to  write  to  me,  betbro  you  took  so  Extraordinary  a  step,  and  that  in  giving  so  short  a  time, 
that  my  Officer  could  not  possibly  receive  my  orders  before  it  expired. 

I  agree  with  you,  s,' ',  that  the  close  un!  m  that  prevails  between  our  Sovereigns  ought  naturally  to 
produce  the  like  bctv^ecn  you  and  ip'^,  and  it  shall  never  be  through  my  fault  if  it  does  nut  subsist 
la  all  its  extent.  It  was,  Sir,  with  the  same  Intention  that  I  made  my  complaint  in  tlie  modestest 
manner  I  could  to  Mr.  De  Ljiigueu  ',  then  Commander  in  Chief  in  Canada,  of  a  Fort  that  had  been 
built  at  Niagara  and  tho'  I  receiv  *  no  ansv  ■  from  him  by  the  bearer  of  my  letter  and  at  last  re- 
ceived one  that  was  not  at  all  satisfactory,  '»ntented  myself  with  writing  to  our  Court  about  it, 
whence  I  am  informed  that  our  Ambas.  vie  vs  at  the  Court  of  France,  has  orders  to  represent  this 
undertaking  as  contrary  to  the  treaty  of  Utrecht. 

This,  Sir,  was  all  that  I  did  i  ;>o..-  Chat  occasion.  :  :lid  not  send  any  summons  to  Niagara,  I  did 
not  make  any  warlike  preparat  ons  io  interrupt  the  work,  and  I  did  not  stir  up  the  Five  Nations  to 
make  use  offeree  to  demolish  it,  which  I  might  have  done  er.sU°  enough,  since  at  the  very  time  I 
received  Mr.  de  Longueull's  letter,  tliey  were  all  come  to  complain  to  me  of  this  undertaking,  as  the 
Justest  cause  of  uneasiness  that  could  have  lieen  given  them.  I  won't  tire  you  witli  repeating  all 
that  I  writ  to  Mr.  de  Longueuil  upon  that  subject  which  he  has  no  doubt  shown  to  you. 

I  come  n<nv.  Sir,  to  the  subje  t  of  your  Letter,  there  are  two  things  which  you  complain  of,  first 
of  the  trade  at  Oswego,  secondly  of  tlie  Redoubt  as  you  call  it,  and  of  the  Garrison  that  is  in  it ;  as 
for  tlie  Trade  I  cannot  understand  how  you  could  be  surprised  at  it,  since  we  have  carried  on  a  trade 
there  regularly  for  more  than  five  years  running  without  opposition,  and  I  have  reason  to  wonder 
how  you  can  call  that  an  Infraction  of  the  Treaty  of  Utrecht,  since  it  is  expressly  stipulated  in  that 
very  15">  Article  whicli  you  cite.  That  on  both  sides  the  subjects  of  each  Crown  shall  enjoy  full 
liberty  of  going     H  coming  on  account  of  Trade. 

Going  and  oj.-  ■  -  must  imply  (as  appears  clearly  by  what  goes  before)  among  all  the  American 
subjects  or  allies  or  friends  of  Great  Britain  and  of  France.  It  is  upon  this.  Sir,  that  we  pretend  to 
have  an  equal  vight  witli  you  of  trading  thro'  all  the  Lakes  and  all  the  Continent,  and  that  incontes- 
tably,  by  v  h  tue  of  the  Terms  of  the  Treaty. 

It  fi)ro\vs  therein  that  also  the  Natives  of  those  Countries  shall  with  the  same  liberty  resort  as  they 
please  to  the  British  and  French  Colonies,  lor  promoting  a  Trade  on  one  side  or  the  other,  without 
any  Molestation  or  hindrance  cither  on  the  part  of  the  British  subjects  or  the  French. 

I  cited  to  you  before  the  Right  which  we  have  to  carry  on  a  Trade  every  where  among  the  Indians. 
In  these  last  words  is  contained  the  Right  which  all  the  Indians  have  to  come  and  trade  with  us, 
and  I  leave  it  to  you  to  reflect  sincerely  upon  the  conduct  of  the  People  of  Canada,  and  to  consider 


SM 


rATCBS    RELATIRO  TO  OBWXSO. 


4    ; 


whether  they  have  not  done  all  they  could  and  do  not  continue  still  to  hinder  the  Indians  from 
coming  to  trade  with  us.  But  as  for  our  Right  to  carry  n  Trade  every  where  among  the  Indians, 
one  cannot  find  expressions  more  contrary  to  the  terms  of  the  Treaty  than  those  in  your  letter, 
where  you  name  several  places  occupied  by  the  French,  who  alone,  say  you,  have  had  the  Right 
and  been  in  possession  of  trading  there. 

Tou  will  oblige  extremely  if  you  will  shew  me  how  to  reconcile  that  with  a  ftill  liberty  on  both 
sides  of  going  and  coming  on  account  of  trade  which  the  subjects  of  both  crowns  shall  eojoy.  But 
if  you  say  that  formerly  it  was  as  you  pretend,  that  will  signify  nothing,  since  at  present  the  Treaty 
alone  ought  to  regiilate  the  matters. 

I  hope.  Sir,  I  have  said  enough  upon  the  first  subject  of  Complaint  which  relates  to  the  Trade, 
for  to  shew  you  the  right  we  have  to  it,  and  to  make  you  sensible  that  the  future  Regulation  of 
Limits,  can  never  make  any  alteration  in  the  general  liberty  which  there  is  of  Trade. 

I  come  now  to  the  second  subject  of  Complaint  wliich  relates  to  the  Redoubt  and  Garrison  at 
Oswego.  It  is  true.  Sir,  that  I  have  ordered  a  Stone  house  to  be  built  there,  with  some  contrivances 
to  hinder  its  being  Surprized,  and  that  I  have  posted  some  Souldiers  in  it,  but  that  which  gave  me 
the  first  thought  of  it,  was  the  fortified  and  much  larger  house  which  tlie  French  have  built  at 
Niagara,  upon  the  lands  of  the  Five  Nations,  as  it  appears  even  by  the  Confession  of  M.  de  Longueuil, 
in  his  letter  to  me  of  the  16''>  of  August  1726,  for  he  pretends  that  the  Five  Nations  had  agreed  to 
it  by  an  unanimous  consent.  If  that  Post  was  not  upon  their  Land,  but  upon  Land  that  belongs 
incontestably  to  the  French,  I  believe.  Sir,  that  you  would  be  very  far  fi-om  asking  their  consent  to 
do  what  you  had  a  mind  to  do  tliere. 

It  has  been  always  the  same  case  with  all  the  posts  you  mention  and  which  besides  had  been 
abandoned  many  years  before  the  Treaty  of  Utrecht,  except  Fort  Frontenac  only,  which  is  on  the 
other  side  of  tlie  Lake.  It  is  certain  that  tlie  French  never  built  any  of  them  but  by  the  permission 
of  the  Five  Nations,  and  always  on  pretence  that  they  were  only  to  be  houses  for  the  conveniency  of 
Trade  with  them  and  witliout  ever  pretending  to  claim  the  Property  of  those  places :  Ajxd  you  seem. 
Sir,  to  allow  almost  as  much  yourself  Ibr  you  say,  Tliat  His  Most  Christian  Majesty  had  ordered 
Forts  and  other  Establishments  to  be  built  in  different  places,  &c.,  without  any  opposition.  What 
has  Iseen  built  without  opposition  can  never  be  looked  on  as  a  conquest,  as  M'.  De  la  Chassaigne 
would  maintain,  and  I  should  he  very  glad  to  learn  by  what  Treaty  or  Agreement  the  five  Nations 
ever  yielded  to  you  any  of  their  lands.  On  the  contrary  those  Nations  have  always  maintained  that 
the  Lands  on  botli  sides  of  the  Lake  Ontario  are  tlieirs  and  will  always  maintain  it. 

I  can't  compreliend  what  use  the  Article  of  the  Treaty  to  wliicli  you  allude,  can  be  to  you,  and  I 
can't  find  the  words  in  the  Treaty  as  you  have  cited  them,  nor  even  the  sense  entirely  agreeable  to 
them.  You  call  the  post  whicli  we  have  settled  at  Oswego  a  manifest  infraction  of  the  Treaty  of 
Utrecht,  it  Ijeing  mentioned  expressly  in  the  Treaty  that  the  Subjects  of  one  and  the  other  Crown 
shall  not  molest  nor  incroach  upon  one  another,  'till  the  Limits  sliull  be  regulated  by  Commis- 
saries to  be  named  by  them  for  tliat  purix)se.  I  dont  know,  Sir,  what  copy  of  the  Treaty  you 
make  use  of,  but  for  my  part,  I  liave  compared  the  French  translation  whicli  I  have  quoted, 
with  the  Original  Latin,  whicli  is  printed  at  London  by  Royal  Authority  and  have  found  it 
entirely  agreeable  to  it. 

The  words  we  are  now  upon  are  tiicse  as  follows,  Tlie  Subjects  of  France  inhabiting  Canada 
and  others,  shall  hereafter  give  no  liindraure  or  Molestation  to  the  live  Nations  or  Cantons  of 
Indians,  subject  to  the  Dominion  of  Great  Britain,  nor  to  tlie  other  Natives  of  America  who  are 
friends  to  the  same,  in  like  manner  the  subjects  of  Great  Britain  shall  bcliave  themselves  peace- 
&oly  towards  the  Americans,  who  are  subjects  or  friends  to  France. 


1 


PAPEBl   BXLATINO  TO  OIWKGO.  XVl 

This  is  the  first  part  at  full  length  of  what  you  refer  to ;  the  second  part  is  at  the  end  of  the  Article 
in  these  words,  But  it  [is]  to  be  exactly  and  distinctly  settled  by  Commissaries,  who  are  and  who 
ought  to  be  accounted  the  Subjects  and  friends  of  Britain  or  of  France. 

Upon  reading  all  this  together  it  is  impossible  to  imagine  that  the  last  clause  of  this  Article  can 
relate  to  the  Five  Nations,  as  if  Commissaries  were  yet  to  determine  whether  they  are  our  subjects 
or  yours,  as  Mr.  de  Longueuil  writ  to  me  that  they  were  neither. 

Tills  would  be  directly  oj^posite  to  the  first  part  of  the  same  Article  which  declares  them  expressly 
subject  to  the  Dominion  of  Great  Britain.  But  as  there  is  mention  made  of  other  Americans  Allies 
of  Great  Britain  and  of  American  Subjects  or  friends  to  France,  without  naming  them,  it  is  as  clear 
as  daylight  that  the  Commissaries  are  only  to  determine  about  these  last. 

Tou  have  now,  Sir,  my  reasons  for  acting  as  I  have  done,  and  of  which  I  have  given  an  account  to 
the  Court  at  the  same  time  that  I  represented  the  affiiir  of  Niagara,  I  expect  every  day  a  compleat 
answer  upon  both  these  points,  &  I  think  myself  obliged,  not  withstanding  all  the  reasons  which  M. 
De  la  Chassaigne  has  given  me  to  the  contrary,  to  maintain  the  post  of  Oswego,  till  I  receive  new 
orders  from  the  King  my  Master. 

Tou  may.  Sir,  make  such  complaints  hereupon  as  you  judge  proper,  as  you  have  informed  me  that 
you  have  already  made  some,  and  at  the  same  time  you  will  not  think  it  strange  that  on  my  part  I 
inform  the  Court,  in  what  manner  you  have  summoned  the  Kings  Officer  posted  at  Oswego,  without 
waiting  tor  any  Explanation  from  me  upon  it.  This  is  a  step  which  the  King  my  Master  may  perhaps 
be  ofieuded  at,  and  which  His  Most  Christian  Miyesty  may  perhaps  think  fit  to  disown. 

I  am  very  sorry.  Sir  to  find  .myself  under  a  necessity  to  have  sentiments  so  opposite  to  yours.  I 
should  be  glad  to  see  aU  these  difTerences  end  in  a  good  understanding,  &  that  you  would  honour  me 
with  your  firiendship,  and  it  is  with  a  great  deal  of  respect  that  I  have  the  honour  to  be,  Sir,  Your 
most  humble 

and  most  obedient  Servant. 


GOV.  BURNET  TO  THE  BOARD  OP  TRADE. 


[  Land.  Doe.  XXIII.  ] 

New  York  24th  Augruit  1727. 

I  had  News  that  the  Fort  which  I  have  been  building  this  Spring  at  Oswego,  at  the  mouth  of  the 
Onnondages  River,  was  upon  the  point  of  being  finished,  when  at  the  same  time  I  learnt  by  an 
Express  that  the  Governour  of  Canada  had  sent  a  summons  to  the  said  Fort  to  have  it  Demolished 
and  abandoned  in  15  days,  copies  whereof  in  French  &  English  both  as  they  were  delivered  to 
tlie  commanding  officer  there,  are  herewith  transmitted.  Soon  afler  my  receiving  this  Summons 
arrived  liere  the  Governour  of  trois  rivieres  in  Canada,  who  is  next  in  rank  to  the  Governour 
of  Montreal,  as  he  is  to  the  Governour  General  of  Canada.  This  Gentleman  with  his  attendants 
was  sent  by  the  Governour  of  Canada  to  deliver  a  letter  from  him  to  me,  and  to  persuade  me 
to  abandon  this  Fort  for  the  present  and  to  leave  it  to  be  afterwards  settled  between  the  two 
Crowns,  who  had  the  Right  to  that  place.  I  agreed  to  leave  it  to  be  decided  between  the  two 
Crowns  as  he  proposed  but  in  the  mean  time  thought  myself  obliged  to  hold  and  maintain  it. 

I  have  enclosed  copies  of  the  Governour  of  Canada's  letter  to  me  in  French  and  my  answer 
to  him  in  the  same  langui^e,  together  with  my  own  translation  of  both  letters,  wherein  Your 

[VoL.l.|  38 


jm 


M 


sw 


rAPIM   RELATING   TO  OtWEOO. 


:■    I 


i 


I 


!  ;i 


i    '! 

iii 


!  ' 


Lordships  will  find  the  whole  argument  stated  on  both  sides.  There  is  no  variation  between 
the  French  &  English  but  what  was  necessary  to  be  made  according  to  the  different  Transla- 
tions of  the  Treaty  from  the  Original  Latin,  but  I  think  my  argument  holds  equally  in  either 
translation  and  as  strongly  in  the  Latin  as  in  either. 

Your  Lordships  know  very  well  how  backward  the  French  have  been  to  name  Commissaries, 
and  in  the  mean  time  if  they  are  permitted  they  would  seize  upon  everytliing.  But  t'.is  new 
house  at  Oswego  will  make  a  stand  that  will  embolden  our  Five  nations,  &  will  not  easily  be 
taken  without  great  Cannon,  the  wall  being  four  foot  thick  of  good  large  stone,  and  it  is  repre- 
sented to  me  that  the  French  cannot  bring  large  cannon  against  it,  since  they  have  no  way  but 
to  come  up  from  Montreal  to  the  Lake  against  a  Violent  stream,  all  full  of  Rifts  &  Falls  &  Shal- 
lows, where  they  are  forced  to  set  up  with  poles  most  part  of  the  way  in  light  Canoes,  or 
Battoes,  &  if  they  had  cannon  to  carry,  it  is  thought  they  could  not  set  them  along,  &  by  land 
it  is  all  over  precipices  &  mountains,  and  Rivers  to  cross  on  both  sides  of  the  great  river,  so 
that  it  is  not  believed  practicable  lor  them  to  bring  battering  Cannon  any  way.  Tlie  French 
have  a  Fort  on  the  Lake  at  Cadaraqui,  where  the  biggest  Guns  they  have  are  patereros,  that 
one  man  can  carry  about  in  his  arras    So  that  probably  they  could  bring  no  bigger  thither. 

I  have  had  a  report  from  some  New  England  captives  lately  redeemed  from  Canada  that  tlie  Gov- 
ernour  of  Canada  was  preparing  400  French  &  800  Indians  to  attack  this  Fort.  But  there  is  reason 
to  bciievft  that  this  is  more  given  out  to  intimidate  us  than  really  intended,  and  when  I  charged  the 
Governour  of  trois  Rivieres  with  it  he  utterly  denyed  it,  but  I  thought  I  had  ground  enough  to  hint 
at  it  by  way  of  Reproach  in  my  letter  tlio'  without  asserting  it  positively.  However  if  they  should 
come  we  are  provided  with  a  double  Garrison  at  Oswego,  provisions  for  six  months  and  powder  and 
Ball  sufficient  for  their  Defence,  and  I  have  sent  proper  persons  among  our  five  nations  with  presents 
to  them  to  engage  them  to  stand  by  us,  and  not  to  sutler  any  Indians  to  molest  us  upon  their  Lands, 
as  we  sliall  be  ready  to  defend  ourselves  against  the  French,  so  that  I  am  in  good  hopes  to  be  able  to 
hold  tliis  place,  in  case  we  are  attacked,  and  I  hope  Your  Lordships  will  support  me  in  taking  these 
measures  for  securing  our  right  to  the  five  nations  against  tlie  Encroachments  and  Pretensions  of  the 
French,  and  represent  the  whole  affair  to  His  M^esty,  both  of  the  Frencli  building  at  Niagara,  con- 
trary to  tlie  treaty  of  Utrecht,  and  of  their  disturbing  our  undoubted  right  of  Trading  and  building 
upon  the  land  of  the  five  Nations  at  Oswego. 


EXTRACT  FROM  THE  PARTICULARS 

OF   THE   VOYAGE    OF    M.    DF,    LA   CHAUVIUNEI.IE,    OFFICER,    INTERPRETER  OF   THE    FIVE   IROQl'OIS    NATIONS, 
SENT   BY   ORDER  OF   Tin.    GENERAL   WITH   A    MESHAGE   TO   TUE   NONTAGUES   (oNUNDAGAs).      1728 

[Parit  Doc.  VIII.] 

Three  leagues  fk>m  Choueguen  I  sent  three  Wampum  belts  to  notify  the  Nontagut;  Chiefs  to  meet 
me  on  business  which  brought  me  among  them  ;  and  with  tiiree  other  belts  I  invited  tlie  four  other 
Iroquois  Nations  their  allies  to  repair  to  the  Nontagu(5S  to  hear  tlie  message  of  their  Fatlier  of  which 
I  was  the  bearer  to  them. 

On  the  arrival  of  the  Nontagu^s  at  uy  tent,  they  told  me  on  the  part  of  the  Commandant  of  Choue- 
guen, tliat  as  I  was  passing  his  place  on  public  business,  I  must  fire  the  first  salute  and  lower  my 


I 


I 


PAPERS   RELATING   TO   OSWEGO. 


209 


flag.  This  pi-oposition  surprised  me  ;  my  people  would  persuade  me  to  io  so.  I  therefore  suddenly 
stood  up  and  said  to  them — Ye  know  such  is  not  the  intention  of  your  F;  .Mier  Onontio  whose  mes- 
sage I  carry.  A  young  fool  in  the  canoe  of  those  of  the  Lake  said  to  me  aloud,  that  he  would  fire 
and  salute  the  fort.  I  replied  to  him,  Indian  fashion,  that  ho  lied  and  that  I  should  not  suffer  it, 
bemg  unwilling  either  to  witness  or  be  accomplice  to  such  a  folly  ;  that  I  was  surprized  he  had  so 
soon  forgotten  the  words  of  his  father  Onontio  wnose  intentions  I  had  communicated  to  him  during 
our  voyage  ;  that  I  had  no  manner  of  business  with  him  who  was  Commandant  of  the  house  at 
Choueguen. 

They  returned  to  said  fort  and  reported  to  me  that  the  Commandant  insisted  on  what  they  had 
first  communicated  to  me.  I  asked  them  whose  was  the  land  over  which  I  Avished  to  pass  1  This 
question  caused  them  to  droop  their  heads  and  they  remained  in  pensive  silence.  It  was  not  until 
I  told  them  that  I  wanted  a  decisive  and  substantial  answer,  that  they  replied — The  ground  over 
which  I  wished  to  walk  was  theirs.  I  then  said  to  them,  since  it  was  their  property  I,  as  a  child  of 
their  lather  Onontio  and  bearer  of  his  message  to  them,  wished  a  clear  road  and  that  all  the  branches 
overhanging  the  river,  be  cut  away  so  that  my  flag  might  pass  without  being  obliged  to  remove  it 
from  where  their  Father  Onontio  had  placed  it ;  and  that  I  should  not  fire  a  salute  until  others  had 
saluted  me.    "Willingly  or  unwillingly  they  approved  and  we  proceeded. 

When  I  arrived  opposite  the  house  of  Chouguen  we  found,  at  the  Mouth  of  the  river  a  canoe  with 
people  of  the  Sault  who  were  returning  from  war.  Tliis  obliged  us  to  land  to  give  our  folks  an  op- 
portimity  to  learn  the  news  and  to  cause  the  Prisoners  to  dance,  as  is  the  custom  among  the  tribes. 
During  this  interval  the  Commandant  of  Choueguen  sent  for  six  of  the  principal  Chiefs  including 
me.  My  Chiefs  invited  me  to  follow  them.  I  answered  that  I  had  no  business  at  that  house ;  they 
were  masters  to  go  since  they  wished  it ;  I  should  keep  my  tent  witli  the  young  men.  Tegarioguen 
wished  to  remain  with  me ;  I  persuaded  liim  to  accompany  the  others,  so  that  I  may  learn  from  him 
what  transpired.  He  is,  moreover,  a  man  on  whom  I  have  great  reliance.  They,  therefore,  set  out 
for  the  fort.  In  the  interval  of  their  visit  three  cannon  were  fired  the  meaning  •f  which  I  did  not 
understand.  On  tlieir  return  I  learned  that  it  was  to  honor  the  Toasts.  They  began  by — The  King 
of  England ;  The  Commandant  of  the  Fort,  and  The  General  of  the  French  of  Canada.  These  are 
the  terms  they  made  use  of.    Here  is  what  was  said  to  them  by  the  Commandant  of  the  Fort. 

Brothers,  I  never  failed  to  assist  the  people  of  your  Nation  and  you  in  particular  when  you  pass 
by  my  house  and  come  to  see  me.  I  will  always  act  so  towards  you.  I  invite  you  to  peace- and 
tranquillity  between  you  and  us. 

He  gave  them  three  pots  of  Rum,  a  large  piece  of  Pork  and  a  bushel  of  peas  which  they  brought 
to  the  Camp.  I  found  them  in  a  state  of  great  Drunkenness,  except  Tegarioguen.  He  assured  that 
the  Choueguen  Sachem  had  been  charmed  to  sec  them  and  that  he  gave  them  milk  to  drink  to  their 
Brother's  healtli.  But  the  excitement  they  were  in  led  them,  notwithstanding  all  the  entreaties  I 
could  make,  to  finish  what  liquor  they  brought.  This  delayed  me  three  days  before  the  Fort,  they 
being  drunk  so  that  I  was  unable  to  do  any  thing.  I  was  not  free  from  uneasiness  having  only  Te- 
garioguen for  support,  if  I  were  insulted. 

When  the  Chiefs  of  the  Lake  of  the  Two  Mountains  and  of  Sault  St.  Louis  retiu-ned  to  my  tent, 
the  Nonlague  Chiefs  came  to  summon  me,  on  tlie  part  of  the  Commandant  of  the  Fort,  to  strike  my 
flag  whicli  I  had  loisted  over  my  Tent,  inasmuch  as  I  was  under  the  guns  of  the  Fort.  I  always 
answered  Indian  fnshion ;  I  knew  no  flag  but  that  of  their  Father  Onontio  which  I  carried,  and  it 
should  not  be  lowered  until  I  was  tied.  Contrary  to  the  custom  of  lowering  it  at  sundown,  it  re- 
mained flying  night  and  day  the  wliole  of  the  time  I  was  constrained  to  remain  at  that  post. 

On  tlie  day  of  oiu*  departure  it  was  again  the  same  tune.  I  must  absolutely  fire  first  and  strike 
my  flag.    This  I  would  not  do ;  therefore  no  salute  on  the  one  side  nor  the  other,  and  we  set  out  to 


800 


PAPEM  BKLATIMO  TO  OtWEOO. 


i 


I  a  I 


proceed.  A  Nontagud  Chief  carrying  a  British  flag  in  his  hand,  called  out  to  me  to  embark.  I 
forbid  my  people  to  do  so,  telling  them  I  would  not  march  under  an  English  flag,  and  they  heard  me. 
I  told  them  we  should  start  when  the  English  flag  was  no  longer  to  be  seen,  which  we  did.  I  re- 
proached the  Nontagufis  with  their  weakness  and  tlio  little  respect  they  paid  their  Father  and  his 
Flag  since  they  dared  not  pass  Choueguen  without  a  British  flag.  They  answered — You're  right. 
Father ;  but  you  know  we  have  every  thing  to  manage  here.  I  replied — Under  their  Father's  flag, 
there  was  nothing  to  be  feared.  And  forthwith  they  furled  the  British  flag  which  has  not  made  its 
appearance  since. 


GOV.  CLAKKE  TO  THE  COMMANDER  AT  OSWEGO. 

[Lon4.  Do«.  XXV.] 

New  York  Nov'r  1st  1736. 

Sir — ^I  am  truly  sorry  to  hear  so  many  complaints  of  your  conduct  at  Oswego.  I  hope  for  better 
things, but  am  now  in  fear,  if  some  better  care  be  not  taken,  that  the  Garrison  will  all  desert  or  perish 
for  want  of  provision  of  which  I  am  told  there  is  no  manner  of  Oconemy ;  it  behooves  you.  Sir,  to 
be  very  circumspect,  and  I  earnestly  recommend  to  you,  to  keep  good  dissipline,  and  to  take  care  of 
the  provissions  and  of  the  security  of  the  house  and  garrison. 

M'  Beauhamois  complained  to  me  of  yoiur  Commanding  a  French  Canoe  a  shore,  which  was  pass- 
ing by,  I  assuxed  him  I  wo'd  enquire  into  it,  and  I  hope  you  will  be  able  to  acquit  yourself  of  what 
he  lays  to  your  charge. 

I  desire  you  will  be  very  vigilant  and  guard  careAilIy  against  all  surprizes  of  the  Indians  or  others, 
Capt:  Dick  will  convey  this  to  you  to  whom  you  ought  to  give  an  account  of  your  Garrison  by  all 
opportunity's  as  he  is  the  Commanding  Officer  on  the  Frontiers.  S'  &o 

Capt.  Congreve.  G.  C. 


[Journ.  of  OMcril  Att.] 


Die  Sabatii  May  23.  1741. 

Resolved,  That  there  be  allowed  a  sum  not  exceeding  the  sum  of  Six  Hundred  Pounds,  to  and  for 
erecting  a  sufficient  stone  Wall,  at  a  proper  Distance,  round  the  Trading  House  at  Oswego,  either  in 
a  Triangular  or  Quadrangular  Form,  as  the  Ground  will  l)est  admit  of,  witli  a  Bastion  or  Block  House 
in  each  Corner,  to  flank  the  Curtains,  which  are  to  bo  single  for  the  Accommodation  of  Men,  if 
need  be. 


j/^jtlig^- 


rAPSaS   RKLATIM*  TO  OSWBSO. 


301 


MR.  CLARKE  TO  THE  BOARD. 

[Lonil.  Doe.  XXVI.] 

N«w  York  Aug :  tha  20tb  1742. 

My  Lords — If  the  loss  of  Oswego  (which  I  much  fear  will  fall  into  the  hands  of  the  French  on  the 
first  rupture)  does  not  stagger  the  best  resolutions  of  the  Six  Nations,  who  at  present  fear  more  than 
they  love  the  French ;  that  Fortress,  or  rather  Trading  house,  for  it  is  no  better,  is  in  a  very  defence- 
less condition,  the  Garrison  consists  but  of  a  Lieutenant,  Sergeant,  Corporal  and  20  men  it  is  end  has 
been  without  Ammunition,  the  Assembly  refusing  to  be  at  the  expense,  as  well  as  to  make  provision 
for  victualling  a  larger  Garrison ;  it  is  true  they  have  given  money  to  build  a  wall  round  the  house, 
but  the  Director  of  the  works,  instead  of  laying  the  stones  in  lime  and  sand,  as  by  the  Act  he  was 
to  do,  is  laying  them  in  clay ;  ■  it  is,  as  it  is  managed  a  jobb  calculated  rather  to  put  money  in  the 
Pockets  of  tliose  who  have  the  management  of  the  business, than  for  any  real  service  to  the  publick ; 
tho'  it  is  a  thing  of  the  utmost  importance,  as  the  loss  of  it  will  certainly  be  followed  by  the  loss  of 
the  furr  trade,  and  very  probably  may  by  a  defection  of  the  Six  Nations,  the  consequence  whereof 
your  Lordpp"  know  perfectly  well. 


GOV.  CLARK'S  REPORT 


ON   THE    STATE  OF  THK   BRITISH   PROVINCES  WITH   RESPECT   TO  THC  FRENCH  WHO  SURR0T7NI}  THZSI.      1743. 

[Lend.  Doc.  XXVII.] 

Tho'  it  has  been  my  duty  to  consult  in  a  more  particular  manner  the  welfare  of  the  Province  i 
wliich  I  liave  had  the  honour  to  Govern  some  years,  yet  I  never  took  myself  to  be  thereby  discharged 
from  carrying  my  thoughts  to  things  of  a  more  extensive  nature,  especially  to  such  whereon  the 
peace  &  happiness  of  the  Plantations,  and  the  Trade  of  England,  if  not  the  very  being  of  His  Ma- 
jt;siy-s  Bominion  on  this  Continent  depend,  I  have  often  reflected  on  the  progress  that  our  natural 
Enemies  the  French  have  made  in  tlieir  settlements  on  the  back  of  us,  Chiefly  since  the  peace  of 
Utrecht,  the  vast  increase  of  their  Indian  Trade,  the  interruption  of  ours  by  the  power  which  their 
communication  between  Canada  and  Messassippi,  (by  means  of  the  Lake  Cadaraque  or  Ontario)  gives 
them  over  all  the  Indian  Nations,  living  on  that,  and  all  the  other  Lakes,  which  disembogue  into  Ca- 
daraqui,  &  from  thence  into  the  River  St.  Lawrence,  &  by  what  means  that  communication  may  be 
cut  ott',  &  those  Indian  Nations  brought  to  an  absolute  dependence  on  His  Majesties  Provinces,  who 
will  thereby  be  possesst  of  a  very  great  additional  Trade,  and  (which  is  principally  to  be  considered) 
be  for  ever  secured  from  the  annoyance  of  tlie  French,  and  may  without  danger  or  interruptions, 
extend  their  settlements  as  far  back  as  they  please. 

The  French  had  lately  tliree,  and  have  now  two  sailing  vessells,  each  of  about  50  or  60  Tons,  on 
the  Lake  Cadaraqui :  On  the  North  East  end  whereof,  near  the  entrance  into  the  River  of  St.  Law- 
rence, tliey  have  a  small  stone  Fort  called  Frontenac,  with  a  Garrison  of  about  thirty  or  thirty  five 

1  "He  pretendeil  that  there  wai  not  Limestone  to  be  gotten  anil  without  giving  himself  much  trouble  to  search  went  on 
hir  own  way."— Lond.  Doc.  xxvii.  3.  The  waU  above  alluded  to,  cost  when  finished  i;63U.Il.lli  Cory.— Journal  of  N.  Y. 
Assemb.  1744. 


ii 

M 


302 


PAPEUS    BCLATINO   TO   OSWEUO. 


men,  and  on  the  Southwest  End,  near  the  fall  of  Ningra,  another  with  tlie  like  garrison,  a  trading 
house  under  the  cover  of  it,  and  are  now  buildhjg  there  one  or  two  more  trading  houses.    In  tliose 
vessells  they  carry  the  Soldiers,  Artillery,  Ammunition  and  Provision  to  the  Forts,  and  trausjwrt  to 
&  fro  the  goods  they  sell  to  &  buy  from  tlie  Indians  :    It  is  tlu-ough  this  Lake  tlicy  pass  Irom  Canada 
to  Messasippi,  &  from  thence  back  again  to  Canada  :    By  means  oidy  of  their  Mastery  on  tliat  Lake 
it  is  that,  they  have  ac<iuired,  and  still  hold  their  power  over  all  the  Indian  Nations,  from  Canada  to 
Messasippi,  except  only  the  Indians  who  are  next  adjoining  to  our  Provinces,  and  have  all  along  been 
dependent  on  them,  (of  which  the  Five  Nations  or  Cantons  are  the  most  considerable)  and  in  all 
those  they  have  of  late  gotten  too  great  an  influence,  especially  among  the  five  Nations  whose  youth 
being  of  a  martial  spirit,  they  intice  (contrary  to  the  Public  Engagements  of  those  Nations)  to  join 
them  in  their  Expeditions  against  the  Indian  Nations,  subject  to  His  Majesty,  and  depending  on  the 
(Sovemments  of  Virginia,  the  two  Carolina's  &  Georgia,  who  have  it  in  their  power  (by  their  situa- 
tion, if  their  strength  were  equal,  as  it  would  be,  were  they  united  and  resolved)  to  interrupt  the 
march  of  the  French  from  Niagra  to  Messasippi :  this  the  French  know  full  well,  and  fearing  that 
they  may  sometime  or  other  confederate  against  them  for  that  purpose,  they  seldom  fail  once  a  year, 
to  attack  one  of  those  Nations  while  they  are  disjoin*^  J,  thereby  to  exterpate,  or  bring  them  over  to 
their  Interest,  and  they  have  gone  but  too  grer.l  a  length  towards  it,  none  of  those  Nations  daring 
now  to  give  them  any  interruption  &  thinking  themselves  happy  when  they  are  not  annoyed  by  the 
French.    We  have  a  trading  House  and  a  Garrison  of  20  men  in  it  at  Oswego,  almost  opposite  to 
Fort  Frontenac,  which  in  our  present  situation  will  inevitably  fall  into  the  he-  h  of  the  French,  on 
the  first  opening  of  a  War,  &  with  it  the  Five  Nations,  the  only  Barrier  against  the  French  to  all  the 
Provinces  from  this  to  Georgia,  for  tho'  they  now  intice  some  of  their  youth  to  join  them  in  their 
hostile  marches,  yet  the  Body  of  those  Nations  oppose  it  all  they  can,  &  live  in  a  good  intelligence 
with  us,  professing  to  observe  inviolably  their  original  Allyance,  (or  Covenant  Chain  as  they  phrase 
it)  which  has  subsisted  ever  since  we  first  settled  this  Country,  yet  if  Oswego  be  taken,  (as  nothing 
can  hinder  it  while  the  French  are  masters  of  the  Lake)  the  Five  Nations  will,  and  must  of  course, 
submit  to  our  Enemy,  who  will  oblige  them  to  assist  in  all  their  expeditions  :  In  which  Event  every 
one  of  our  Provinces  may  be  so  attacked,  that  the  Planters  will  be  obliged  for  the  security  of  their 
Persons  to  quit  their  settlements,  retire  into  the  Towns,  wherever  they  are,  or  under  the  cover  of 
Forts,  of  which  we  have  very  tew  on  the  whole  Cortinent,  or,  what  is  worse,  leave  the  Country  to 
seek  a  living  elsewhere,  the  consequences  whereof  tc  England  are  but  too  obvious,  &  this  the  Enemy 
will  more  easily  do,  as  they  have  a  line  of  Forts  froTii  Canada  to  Messasippi. 

As  a  remedy  for  these  Evils,  which  are  almost  as  great  as  can  befall  the  Nation,  I  propose  that  a 
Regiment  of  eight  hundred  men  be  sent  from  England  (or  if  half  the  number  of  private  men  be 
sent,  the  other  half  I  believe  may  be  raised  here)  with  an  Engineer,  Artillery,  and  Ammunition,  & 
posted  in  the  Sineca's  Country  on  tlie  Lake  Cadaraqui,  at  a  proper  Harbour  lor  building  of  Vessells 
there  being  more  than  one  of  sufficient  depth  of  Water,  That  the  Harbour  be  fortifyed  and  Barracks 
erected  for  the  men.  That  there  be  then  built  two  or  three  Vessels  of  superior  force  to  those  of 
the  French,  on  board  whereof  a  few  sailors,  &  a  sufficient  number  of  soldiers  being  put  with  proper 
Officers,  we  may  take,  sink  or  otherwise  destroy  the  Fiench  Vessells,  and  then  easily  take  their  Forts 
on  the  Lako,  &  for  ever  hinder  them  from  building  more  on  those  shores,  or  any  Vessells  on  the  Lake, 
nor  (if  they  shoiUd  build  any  in  the  River  St.  Lawrence)  can  they  carry  them  against  that  rapid 
stream  into  the  Lake.  The  consequences  whereof  will  be  of  the  greatest  moment.  All  our  Colonies 
from  this  to  Georgia,  will  be  secure  from  the  incursions  of  the  French  in  time  of  War.  The  Indians 
depending  on  the  Grovernments  of  Virginia,  Carolina  and  Georgia,  who  arc  now  almost  every  year 
attacked  by  the  French,  and  their  Indians  will  live  unmolested ;  All  the  Indian  Nations  living  on 
or  near  the  Lakes,  and  all  those  over  whom  the  French  at  present  have  a  very  great  power,  will  no 


uiM«> 


PAPERS    RELATING    TO   OSWEGO. 


803 


sooner  hear  of  our  conquests,  than  they  will  submit  to,  &  trade  alltogether  with  us,  The  Five  Nations 
will  no  longer  be  divided  by  French  Intrigues,  but  will  be  absolutely  at  our  Devotion,  and  the  Trade 
&  Influence  of  our  Enemy  will  be  conlined  to  the  Cold  Country  of  Canada,  which  will  scarce  be 
worth  keeping,  and  to  the  Banks  of  the  River  Messasippi,  Nay,  no  sooner  will  the  Five  Nations  see 
us  masters  on  the  Lake,  than  they  will  assist  us  to  take  the  two  Forts  of  Frontenac,  &  Niagra,  for 
tliey  are  now  complaisant  to  tlie  French  only  through  Fear,  knowing  them  to  be  a  treacherous  &  en- 
terprising people.  It  was  I  presume  to  think,  a  very  great  Oversight,  to  sufler  the  French  to  build 
those  two  Forts,  &  I  aL'  persuaded  if  it  had  been  strongly  &  rightly  represented  by  the  Governors 
of  this  &  the  otlier  Provinces  a  stop  would  have  been  put  to  it.  Those  Forts  being  built  on  the 
Lands  of  the  Five  Nations  (whose  native  and  conquered  countries  encompass  the  Lake  on  the  shore 
wliereon  they  are  built)  who  by  the  \b^  Aiticle  of  tlie  Treaty  of  Utrecht  are  explicitly  acknowledged 
to  bo  subject  to  tlie  dominion  of  Great  Britain,  I  am  sensible  that  by  the  same  article  it  is  stipulated 
that  botliTthe  English  &  French,  shall  have  a  free  Intercourse  for  Trade  with  all  the  Indians  &  the 
Indians  with  them,  let  them  enjoy  it,  (when  we  are  Masters  of  the  Lake)  in  the  like  manner  that 
ours  is  now  carried  on,  viz*  By  Canoes  and  small  rowing  Boats,  but  I  am  pretty  sure  that  when  the 
Frencli  yoke  is  taken  off  their  necks,  tlie  Indians  will  no  longer  trade  with  them,  for  the  English 
Manufactures  are  mucli  better,  and  they  prefer  them  to  French  goods,  but  supposing  that  they  should 
still  trade  with  tliem,  it  will  be  in  a  much  smaller  proportion  than  they  now  do,  &  besides  they  can- 
not then  march  in  any  numbers  to  disturb  our  Provinces,  or  the  Indians,  now  &  of  old  depending 
on  them.  An  Event  of  the  highest  importance,  nor  can  Canada  supply  Messasippi,  or  Messasippi 
Canada,  witli  forces  or  merchandize  in  time  of  need :  Before  tlie  French  begun  to  build  the  Fort  at 
Niagra,  wliich  is  about  20  years  ago,  they  cajoled  some  few  of  the  young  fellows  of  the  Five  Nations, 
to  give  them  permission  to  build  a  trading  House  there,  but  so  soon  as  it  reached  the  ears  of  the 
Sachims  or  Rulers  of  those  Nations,  they  resented  it,  acquainted  the  Governor  of  this  Province,  that 
the  French  had  begun  to  build,  &  ofliered  to  join  any  force  he  should  send  to  demolish  the  works, 
and  to  drive  the  French  from  thence,  but  this  was  unhappily  neglected :  incouraged  by  their  success 
there,  they  did,  about  twelve  years  ago,  erect  another  Fort,  and  much  stronger  (on  the  Lands  like- 
wise of  the  Five  Nations)  at  a  place  called  the  Crown  Point,  about  160  miles  from  Albany  between 
that  &  Canada.  In  that  part  of  the  Country,  where  the  Senecas  chiefly  dwell,  &  where  I  propose 
our  Vessells  should  be  built,  &  the  Regiment  quartered,  the  Chmate  is  temperate,  &  the  lands  ex- 
ceeding Fertile,  so  that  in  tlu-ee  years  time  from  their  going  thither,  provisions  of  all  kinds  (sufficient 
for  the  Regiment  &  Vessells)  may  be  raised.  Except  only  Beef,  which  will  require  a  year  or  two  more, 
in  the  mean  time  cattle  may  be  drove  tliither  from  tlie  County  of  Albany,  with  as  much  ease  as  they 
are  now  to  the  Garrison  at  Oswego,  &  no  sooner  will  the  Regiment  march  towards  it,  than  farmers 
will  go  thitlier  under  their  cover  to  settle  in  that  Country,  being  sure  both  of  protection,  &  of  a 
market  for  wliat  they  raise.  The  Five  Nations  being  acknowledged  by  the  Treaty  of  Utrecht  to  be 
subject  to  the  Dominion  of  Great  Britain,  &  the  Lake  lying  in  their  Country,  it  being  surrounded  by 
their  Lands,  I  humbly  submit  it,  whether  we  have  not  a  Right,  even  before  a  Rupture  to  assume  the 
Dominion  thereof,  and  to  destroy  the  Forts  the  French  have  built  in  the  Country  of  those  Cantons, 
especially  if  we  have  their  concurrence,  of  which  &  of  their  assistance  too,  T  make  no  doubt,  when 
they  see  the  Regiment  among  them. 

When  we  have  tlms  vindicated  our  Ri;^ht  &  established  our  Dominion  on  the  Lake,  the  Regiment 
may  then  be  employed  in  the  reduction  of  the  Fort  at  the  Crown  Point,  wherein,  if  there  be  need, 
we  may  I  believe  have  assistance  from  the  Provinces  of  Massachusetts  Bay  and  New  Hampshire,  who 
have  settlements  not  far  from  thence,  and  who  claim  the  lands  adjoining  to  it,  &  one  of  them  even 
that  whereon  the  Fort  is  built. 


I 


^!l     ;  I 


)f 


If 


S04 


PAnM  EKLATUro   TO  OIWESO. 


If  this  or  something  else  (of  which  I  own  I  can  think  of  nothing  so  effectual)  be  not  soon  done  to 
put  a  stop  to  the  French  Encroachments  farewell  to  the  English  Colonies  and  to  that  most  valuable 
Trade  of  the  Nation. 

If  it  ever  be  thought  advisable  to  attempt  again  to  take  Canada,  the  dispossessing  the  French  of  their 
mastery  on  the  Lake  &  of  the  Fort  at  tlie  Cro,vn  point,  will  greatly  facilitate  the  Euterprize,  but 
before  we  begin  that  work  I  presume  to  think  we  ought  to  take  Cape  Breton,  a  Place  well  fortii^ed, 
&  from  whence  the  French  can  annoy  our  Fishery  at  Newfoundland,  &  guard  their  own  navigation 
to  &  from  Canada.  That  place  is  such  a  Thorn  in  the  sides  of  the  New  England  people,  that  it  is 
very  probable  a  large  body  of  men  may  be  raised  there  to  assist  in  any  such  design,  and  if  proper 
officers  are  sent  Irom  England  in  the  summer  to  exercise  them,  they  may  by  the  ensuing  spring  be 
well  disciplined,  as  all  their  youth  are  expert  in  the  use  of  lire  arms,  from  the  unrestrained  lit)erty 
of  Fowling,  which  obtains  in  all  the  Provinces,  &  I  conceive  the  spring  is  the  most  proper  season  to 
attack  the  place,  before  the  Men  of  War  &  Fishing  Vessells  come  from  I 'ranee,  for  in  the  Winter 
they  have  few  me;3  except  the  Garrisons,  &  Boston  being  a  proper  Fort  for  our  Fleet  to  harbour  in 
the  Winter,  we  may  block  up  the  Harbour  of  Breton  t)etbre  the  jh'ps  from  France  can  como  upon 
the  coast. 

New  York  1743. 


GOV.  CLINTON  TO  THE  N.  T.  ASSEMBLY. 

[^Journal!  of  G«n.  Atiembly.  ] 

Di«  LunM  Aug.  i20,  1744. 

Gentlemen,  From  the  Examination  herewith  laid  before  Tou,  it  must  be  inferred,  that  the  Province 
has  suffered  Considerable  damage  this  summer,  by  the  precipitate  Retreat  of  our  Jndtan  Traders  from 
Oswego,  upon  Notice  of  the  French  War ;  most  of  them  you  will  find,  left  the  Place  immediately 
upon  the  Alarm,  sold  what  they  could  of  their  Goods,  to  those  few  of  their  Brethren,  tliat  had  Sense, 
Courage  and  Resolution,  to  stay  beliind,  and  brought  the  Remainder  ttack  with  them.  You  will 
judge  what  a  Baulk  and  Discouragement,  this  InstoQce  of  Pusilanimity  has  occasioned  to  those 
Number  of  Indfiuu,  of  the  far  Nations,  who  have  ra».,  j  come  to  Trade  with  us  ;  but  perhaps  finding 
the  French,  had  no  Goods  to  supply  them  at  Magaru,  resolved  to  proceed  to  Oswego,  where  some  of 
them  found  the  place  was  basely  deserted  by  most  of  tlie  People,  and  no  Goods  to  excliange  for  their 
Furs  ;  upon  Information  whereof,  many  other  Indian  Canoes  were  tm*ned  back  before  they  reached 
that  Place. 

How  mean  an  Opinion,  must  the  Savages  entertain  of  us,  when  they  find  our  People  so  easily 
frightened,  as  it  were  with  a  Shadow,  and  that  the  great  Gains,  which  are  constantly  reaped  by  this 
Advantageous  Traffick,  are  not  sufficient  to  excite  a  Resolution  in  our  Traders,  to  stand  to  tlie  Defence 
of  this  Fortress,  the  Loss  of  which,  would  determine  that  Trade,  and  it  is  to  be  feared  the  Indians  too, 
in  favour  of  ovu:  natural  Enemies  the  French  ;  how  fatal  such  an  Event  would  prove  to  this  Colony 
in  particular,  and  the  British  Interest  upon  the  Continent  in  general,  may  be  easily  foreseen. 

The  pernicious  Consequences  wliich  must  inevitably  flow  fi-om  this  sort  of  Demeanour,  I  persuade 
myself,  you  will  think  deserving  of  your  serious  Attention,  and  that  you  will  put  this  most  profitable 
Branch  of  our  Trade,  into  such  a  Method  for  the  Future,  as  may  encourage  and  invite  the  most 
distant  Nations  to  come  yearly  to  trade  at  that  Mart ;  when  by  the  Wisdom  and  Justice  of  the 


,!  IM  ^  I 


PAPERS   RXLATINO   TO  08WK«0. 


305 


Legislature,  Matters  are  so  regulated  for  tho  future,  tliat  the  Indians  may  be  assured,  that  not  only 
their  Occasions,  will  always  be  plentifully  supplied  there  with  Goods,  the  best  of  their  kind,  but  also 
at  tho  most  reasonable  Rates  ;  touching  which  last  Article  the  Six  Nations  have  made  frequent  com- 
plaints ;  by  these  Measures,  we  shall  establish  such  a  Credit  amongst  our  own,  and  the  remotest 
Indians,  that  it  will  not  be  In  the  power  of  the  French  to  rival  us  in  tliat  Point. 


[  Parit  Doc.  X.  ]  « 

^pril  4, 1748.  Nanangousy,  Chief  of  the  Iroquois  at  the  Sault  lias  returned  from  Choueguen 
where  he  has  been  to  spy.  He  reports  that  outside  Fort  Choueguen  there  is  but  one  Trader's  house ; 
that  there  was  a  great  number  of  Dutch  and  Palatine  traders  at  the  place  called  Theyaoguin  wiio 
were  preparing  to  come  and  make  a  considerable  trade  at  Ciioueguen,  and  that  there  was  notliing  at 
that  fort  to  betoken  any  expedition  on  the  part  of  the  English  among  the  5  Nations. 


11 


[  Oounoll  MlnutM  XXV.  ] 

Fort  George,  New  York,  23.  April  1769. 

The  Governor  acquainted  the  Board  that  among  the  other  measures  concerted  at  Alexandria,  the 
Fort  at  Oswego,  as  a  Post  of  great  Importance,  is  to  be  strengthened  by  a  detachment  of  all  the 
effective  Men  belonging  to  the  two  independent  Companies  at  Albany,  and  two  Companies  from  S'' 
William  Pepperel's  Reglm*  who  are  to  throw  up  Intrenchments  and  make  Such  additional  Works  as 
may  be  thought  wanting  for  its  Seciwity.  That  lie  signified  to  the  General  [Braddock]  that  the  Pro- 
vince would  not  he  apprehended,  supply  Provisions  for  so  many  Men,  unless  the  Expense  might  be 
taken  out  of  the  Fund  of  JESOOO  granted  for  Transportation  and  Refreshment  of  the  King's  Troops, 
and  for  other  extraordinary  Services  Necessary  for  the  Use  and  Security  of  the  Colony,  in  the  present 
Juncture ;  and  that  if  he  was  willing  it  Should  be  taken  out  of  that  Fund,  he  would  advise  with  the 
Council  upon  it,  on  his  Return.  To  which  General  Braddock  hod  agreed.  And  thereupon  the 
Governor  desired  tlie  opinion  of  'he  Board. 

The  Board  were  of  Opinion  His  Honour  might  draw  out  of  that  Fund  for  Six  Months  Provisions 
for  those  Iroops  and  for  One  hundred  Battoes  and  a  sufficient  Number  of  Steersmen,  to  be  employed 
in  transporting  them  and  their  Provisions  &  Stores.  And  also  for  Pickaxes,  Spades,  Shovells  and 
other  necessaries  for  i:?aking  Intrenchmeats,  if  such  proper  Implements  could  not  be  supplied  out  of 
the  King's  Stores  here. 


M.  DE  VAUDREUIL  TO  THE  MINISTER. 

[  Paris  Doe.  11.  ] 

Quebec,  10  July,  17&6. 

My  lord,— I  had  the  honour  to  inform  you  by  my  letter  of  the  '2d  inst.  that  the  English  were 
deploying  a  large  force  towards  Chouaguen  ;  that  they  had  built  some  10  gun  brigs  there  and  two 
descriptions  of  galleys  ;*  that  a  body  of  3000  men  were  also  assembUng  at  Fort  Necessity  about  40 
let^ues  from  Fort  Duquesne  and  that  its  vanguard  of  700  men  had  already  arrived  there. 

»  The  first  Engliih  vessel  on  Lake  Ontario  was  a  liMle  schooner  40  feet  keel  with  14  sweeps  or  oars  and  12  swivels.  She 
was  launched  on  28th  June,  1705. 

[Vol.  I.]  39 


306 


PAPERS   RELATING   TO  OSWEGO. 


We  had  conflrmntion  of  this  news  from  reliable  Indians  of  different  villages  and  they  gave  us 
assurances  sulGciently  convincing  not  to  allow  its  to  doubt  it.  They  even  added,  as  a  matter  of 
certainty  tliat  4000  men  were  going  to  Giiouogucn  ;  tliat  tlie  tlve  nations  v/cve  spread  on  tlie  wings 
of  this  army  ;  tliat  the  English  would  seize  Niagara  and  Fort  Fronteuac,  and  moreover  thit  they  had 
ccnstructnl  COO  battenux  at  Orange  ;  that  they  were  still  busy  ut  a  great  many  others ;  that  there 
were,  liltewisc,  ouOO  men  encampetl  outside  Orange  covering  two  leagues  of  Ccmntry  ;  that  this  army 
was  to  march  against  Fort  St.  Frederic  [Crown  Point]  and  finally  advance  on  our  settlements  on  this 
Continent.  I  am,  my  lord,  about  to  send  some  reinforcements  to  tliis  last  fort,  but  this  diversion  will 
not  cause  mc  to  cliange  my  design  on  Lalce  ( Mitario  wliich  I  liad  the  honour  to  communicate  to  you. 
The  preservation  of  Niag'ira  is  what  interests  us  the  most ;  if  uur  enemies  became  masters  of  it  and 
keep  Cliouaguen,  the  Upper  Countries  would  be  lost  to  us,  and  besides,  we  sliould  have  no  more 
communication  with  the  river  Oyo. 


f  1 


;the  same  to  the  same. 

Montreal  24  Juljr  17S& 

However  great  the  evil  [the  backward  state  of  Canada  and  the  low  state  of  its  finances]  I  must 
remedy  it  and  in  carrying  out  my  views  and  ray  zeal  in  this  regard,  I  must  not  lose  siglit  of  my 
design  against  Chouaguen,  since  on  the  success  of  tliis  depends  tlie  tranquility  of  the  Colony. 

Tlie  expedition  against  Chouaguen  which  had  at  all  times  been  easy,  is  to-day  unfortunately  very 
difficult  and  that,  I  cannot  help  repeating,  bewiuse  the  Knglish  experienced  no  opposition  in  their 
undertaking  and  preparations.  The  quiet  state  of  the  Colon}'  had,  even,  rendered  them  so  haughty 
that  having  arrived  at  the  degree  of  perfection  they  aspired  to,  they  boldly  raised  the  mask,  and  were 
daring  enough,  in  tlie  beginning  of  June,  to  send  three  balls  tlirough  the  King's  Flag  flying  from  a 
batteau  of  an  Officer  who  was  conducting  a  detachment  to  the  Belle  Riviire. 

They  have  actually  two  and  perhaps  three  flat  bottomed  gun  brigs  with  sweeps,  which  cruise  from 
day  to  day,  on  Lake  Ontario.  They  are  about  to  launch  ot'iers  lor  similar  purposes.  I  have  advices 
of  the  20U>  of  this  month  stating  that  those  two  barks  have  be^'n  with  several  Batteaux  as  far  as  be- 
yond Quintd  where  the  English  lauded  and  that  it  is  certain  they  will  go  to  Niagara. 

Chouaguen  is  no  longer  a  Trading  Ikjusc  ;  it  is  regularly  fortified  and  suitably  furnished  with 
pieces  of  artillery.  There  is  a  second  Fort  equally  provided  with  cannon.  The  Woods  that  sui-- 
rounded  Cliouaguen  and  militated  against  its  defence,  no  longer  exist.  Tlicy  have  rendered  its  ap- 
proaches difficult. ' 

They  are  in  strength  there  and  become  stronger  every  moment  by  the  troops  that  arrive  from 
Orange.     Yet,  My  Jsitd,  I  act  with  confidence,  and  dare  flatter  myself  to  have  Cliouaguen  razed. 

The  army  will  be  composed  of  about  4300  men,  2000  of  whom  will  be  regular  troops,  1800  Cana- 
dians and  500  domiciliated  Indians.    I  perceive  with  joy  that  the  one  and  the  other  greatly  exert 

1  «  When  it  warn  determined  that  the  Army  at  Oiictgo  ihouM  go  into  winter  quarters,  thejr  be^an  a  new  fort  upon  a^hill 
on  the  east  aide  of  the  river  about  47U  yards  from  the  old  one  ;  it  ii  SOU  feet  in  circumference,  and  will  command  the  har- 
bour; it  is  built  of  logs  from 20  to  3U  Inches  thick;  the  wall  is  II  feet  high  and  is  encompassed  by  a  ditch  14  feet  broad  and 
ten  deep;  it  is  to  contain  barracks  for  SOU  men,  and  to  mount  16  guns.  On  the  other  side  of  the  river,  west  from  the  old 
fort,  another  new  fort  is  erecting;  this  is  I7U  feet  square,  the  rampart  is  of  Earth  and  Slonr.  X>  feet  thick  and  12  feet  high, 
besides  the  parapet;  this  is  also  encompassed  with  a  ditch  34  feet  broad  and  ten  feet  deep,  and  is  to  contain  barracks  for 
2U0  men.  An  hospital  of  framed  work,  laO  feet  by  30,  is  already  built,  which  may  serve  a*  a  barrack  for  20U  men;  and  ano- 
ther barrack  ii  preparing  of  ISU  feet  by  'H."—AeeowU  ofAmtrican  t^ffair*  in  1755,  in  Otntttman't  Magazin*,  xxvi.  6. 


PAPEIS    RELATING   TO  OSWCOO. 


307 


themselves  to  accomplish  my  wishes.  This  army  will  be  Airnislied  with  iiortable  cannon  and  muni- 
tions of  war  and  iiupleraents  genernily  requisite  for  a  siege.  Siuco  the  l-2'i'  Instant  tlie  troops  file  off 
by  brigades  for  Fort  Froutenac,  I  expect  tiie  remainder  of  the  army  will  have  left  Montreal  by  the 
10">  of  next  month  ;  and  tliat  all  my  forces  will  bo  collected  at  Fort  Frontenuc  by  the  25">  of  the 
same  montli,  unless  tite  weather  be  unfavorable. 

I  should  have  been  highly  gratlflfd,  My  Lord,  to  maroh  at  the  head  of  the  army,  persuaded  of  the 
effect  my  zeal  for  tlio  Kings  service  and  my  country  would  have  prwliioed  on  tiic  Canadian  soldleri 
and  more  particularly  tlie  Savages.  But  Fort  St.  Frederick  (Crown  I'olntj  being  equally  menaced, 
ray  presence  Is  necessary  at  Montreal. 

Baron  Dleskaw  will  command  this  army.  I  confer  dally  with  him  and  sec  with  pleasure  that  he 
ardently  desires  to  accomplisli  my  views. 

As  for  the  five  Nations  I  reckon  not  on  their  aid,  but  I  do  not  despair  of  their  neutrality.  From 
the  hour  of  its  foundation,  Cliouaguen  is  tlie  rendezvous  of  tlio  different  Indian  tribes.  It  Is  from 
Chouaguan  pr  -ed  all  the  Belts  and  messages  that  the  English  scatter  among  the  Far  Nations.  It 
was  alway  ai  Chuuaguen  that  the  English  held  Councils  with  the  Indians  and  by  means  of  presents, 
principally  of  intoxicating  liquors,  persuaded  tliem  to  assassinate  the  French.  In  fine,  Cliouaguen 
is,  consequently,  the  direct  cause  of  all  the  troubles  that  have  supervened  in  the  Colony,  and  of  the 
infinitude  of  expences  these  have  entailed  on  tiie  King.  From  the  destruction  of  Chouaguen  will 
follow : 

On  tiie  one  hand  the  complete  attachment  of  all  tlie  upper  country  Indians ;  on  the  other,  a  con- 
siderable diminution  in  the  expenditure  incurred  at  present  by  the  King  for  the  Colony.  Should 
the  Five  Nations  take  sides  with  the  English,  they  would  abandon  them  the  moment  Chouaguen  was 
no  more.  The  Indian  tribes  having  no  longer  a  resource  with  the  English  to  obtain  intoxicating 
liquors,  I  shall  insensibly  destroy  the  trade  in  Brandy  at  certain  posts,  so  destructive  to  the  prosperity 
of  the  service  and  of  commerce.  These  same  tribes  acknowledging  and  from  that  moment  unable  to 
have  any  other  communication  except  with  the  French,  the  prodigious  quantity  of  Beaver  and  Peltry 
which  went  to  the  English  will  return  to  the  trade  of  France. 

I  request  you.  My  Lord,  to  be  assured  of  my  punctuality  in  obeying  all  that  is  prescribed  by  my 
instructions  and  that  I  shall  do  everything  in  my  power  to  signalize  my  zeal  for  the  King's  service. 
With  the  most  profound  respect,  I  am.  My  Lord, 

Your  very  humble  and  very  Obedient  Servant 

Vaudreuil. 


THE  SAME  TO  TIIE  SAME. 

[Par.  Doc.  XII.] 

Montreal  2  Feb.  1756. 

Chouaguen  is  now  in  a  state  of  defence ;  it  would  be  impossible  to  undertake  besieging  it  unless 
with  a  strong  army  and  considerable  artillery.  Tlie  English  have  three  forts  there,  each  of  which 
has  cannon  and  bombs.  The  garrison  consists  of  600  men  who  are  constantly  on  the  alert.  I  know 
less  of  the  situation  of  Cliougueu  through  the  reports  of  prisoners  and  deserters,  than  through  a  re- 
connoissance  I  caused  to  be  made  of  it  this  winter  by  two  small  parties  I  sent  thither. 


I. 


I' 


PAPKXt    IIIXATIMO   TO   OIWKUO, 


I    i 


15    . 


The  tlrst  of  tliese  purtiei  brought  me  two  prlionert,  the  lecond  couttuaitded  by  M  MudeI,ouvlgny, 
Enaign  lias  completely  ftilfllleil  Its  miMlon.  That  ofRccr  rcmalniHl  •cveriil  ynin  the  T^dghborhood 
of  Chouaguen  und  did,  himself,  vxamiue  everything.    He  could  nut  ',.i.,  tlit.  oarks  l)eca' tie  they 


were  under  tlie  cannon  of  the  Fort  and  well  guarded, 
rendered  00  di  Hi)  batteaux  uuflt  for  service. 


He  made  two  y      .Mrs, 


.'lis  return 


[From  CouMil  MlnalM  XXV.] 


At  a  Council  held  at  Fort  George  in  the  City  of  New- 
York  on  Wednesday  tlie  21  day  of  April  1750. 

His  Excellency  (Gov.  Hurdy)  communicated  a  Letter  from  Sir  William  Johnson  of  tlie  W*»  Inst, 
advising  that  he  had  Just  reel  a  letter  from  Colonel  Bradstreet  in  which  he  writes  "This  moment  ar- 
rived two  Indians  of  the  Onondaga's  to  give  Notice  tliat  Oswego  was  surrounded  four  days  since  by 
a  considerable  Number  of  French  und  Indians  IVom  Codaraqui  and  Niagara ,  That  they  had  heard 
the  Cannon  of  Oswego  for  half  a  day  alter  they  left  their  Castle,  and  that  the  General  Hendezvous  of 
the  Enemy  wos  about  twelve  Miles  from  Oswego. 

That  upon  the  receipt  of  Col.  Brailstreet's  Letter  he  had  determined  to  set  off  with  what  Militia 
he  could  get  together  immediately,  and  to  onier  the  rest  to  follow  him  to  the  German  Flats,  and  in 
bis  way  to  take  the  two  M<  hawk  Castles  witii  him.  That  he  hath  been  informed  of  the  Weak  state 
uf  the  Forts  Edward  nnd  William  Henry  und  that  the  Garrisons  apprehended  an  attack,  und  had 
therefore  ordered  the  Militia  to  March  to  the  Relief  of  these  Forts  on  Notice  of  the  approach  of  an 
Enemy. 

His  Excellency  informed  the  Council  that  he  had  upon  former  Intelligence  which  lie  had  received 
of  the  danger  the  Garrison  of  Oswego  was  exposed  to,  wrote  to  the  Commanding  Ofllcers  of  the 
King's  Troops  at  Albany  and  Schenectady,  representing  the  great  importance  of  that  Post,  and  the 
bod  consequences  the  loss  of  it  must  be  attended  with, and  therefore  that  ho  hop'd  they  would  march 
the  Troops  or  such  part  of  them  as  they  should  find  necessary  for  the  relief  of  that  place. 

The  Council  declared  Hia  Excellency  bad  taken  all  the  measures  in  his  power  on  this  Occasion. 


[N.  T.  Mercury  May  31.  1706.] 

Oiwcgo  May  17.  17S6. 

I  arrived  here  three  days  ago,  after  a  Tedious  Time  occasioned  by  the  large  Train  I  was  with, 
consisting  of  200  Wliale  Boats,  and  200  Battocs,  excepting  two  Whale  Boats,  and  two  Battoes  that 
were  lost  at  the  Falls,  twelve  Miles  from  lience,  &  four  Men  drowned  in  them.  On  my  arrival  I 
heard,  that  a  few  days  before,  a  Party  of  Indians  came  on  some  sliip  CarjMinters  cutting  Timber  not 
300  yards  from  the  Town ;  &  before  a  Party  could  be  turned  out,  Killed  and  carried  oiT  Twelve : 
1  h  y  were  pursued  by  the  Party,  but  they  could  not  get  sight  of  them  :  Our  People  found  one  Killed, 
which  they  Scalped,  &  threw  his  Body  in'  the  River,  besides  several  Blankets  shot  thro',  Knives, 
Muskets  &c.  by  which  'tis  thought  some  more  of  the  Enemy  have  been  Killed.    About  eight  o'clock 


PAPER!   RELATING   TO  OSWEGO. 


309 


this  Day  we  lieard  a  firing  up  the  River  whlcli  we  took  to  be  an  attack  on  one  Lieut  Blair,  who  went 
up  this  Morning  to  tho  Ueeiii,  witW  ?  (  Men,  two  miles  oH',  for  a  Guard  to  the  Battoes  at  tliat  Place ; 
upon  which  Numbers  of  I'eople,  with  a  few  Moliuwks  run  Trom  tliu  Town  tliat  Way.  Tlie  Firing 
still  continued ;  and  soon  after  a  man  came  in  witli  an  Indian  Scalp,  and  brought  Word,  that  Blalr'a 
Party  was  attacked  by  a  Party  of  French  is,  Indians,  lilmstlf  and  one  Soldier  Killed :  Uiwn  which 
upwards  of  500  Battoe  Men  were  sent  difl'crent  Ways  into  tlic  Woods.  We  soon  further  heard,  that 
a  brave  Mohawk,  who  went  out  on  the  Alarm,  witli  some  Battoe  Men,  was  Killed  by  a  French  In- 
dian, after  he  (tiie  French  Indian)  had  received  a  Wound  in  the  Thigli,  the  Mohawk  attempting  to 
take  him  alive,  and  by  that  Means  he  lost  his  Life ;  but  ii  Battoe  man  that  stood  next  to  him  soon 
despatched  tlie  Frencli  Indian,  and  Scal]>ed  him ;  anotiier  they  found  dead,  which  they  Scalped  also ; 
two  more  tliey  are  certain  are  Killed,  as  tlicy  saw  tliem  drawn  off.  Lieut  Blair,  though  a  Young 
Gentleman  not  more  than  18  or  10,  behaved  like  u  brave  Soldier ;  for  being  wounded  tlie  first  Fire, 
he  begged  ids  Men  to  Thice  all,  and  fight  on,  for  lie  was  a  dead  Man,  and  that  they  might  soon  ex- 
pect assistance ;  Soon  alter  he  received  another  liiiW  in  his  Throat,  when  he  immediately  fell.  The 
Sergeant,  with  the  Men,  bravely  maintained  their  Groiuid,  till  tiiey  were  relieved  by  Numbers,  on 
whose  Approach,  the  Enemy  8<x)n  made  otf,  and  the  Woods  being  now  green,  our  People  stood 
no  chance  in  following  them.  Another  Soldier  is  mortally  wounded,  one  slightly,  and  a  Ship  Car- 
penter, who  went  out  without  any  Fire  Arms  some  Time  after  the  Attack,  was  shot  in  the  Leg,  the 
Bone  not  hurt.  Our  Peo[)le  have  brought  in  several  Blonkets,  Knives,  Small  Arms  &c.  by  which  we 
hope  they  have  had  a  warm  Reception.  They  had  not  Time  to  Scalp  our  Dead.  Lieut  Blair,  the 
Mohawk  &  Soldier  were  interred  this  afternoon,  with  all  the  Honors  of  War. 

We  are  busy  getting  the  Vessels  here  ready  for  the  Lake,  and  hope  to  be  out  In  Eight  Days.  As 
yet,  little  is  done  to  the  new  Ones,  and  will  not,  till  wo  are  reinforced,  that  we  may  have  a  Strong 
Guard  to  cover  our  Men  in  the  Woods.  At  the  Fulls,  (12  Miles  from  hence)  a  good  Stockaded  Fort 
is  building,  to  defend  that  Pass.  Plenty  of  fresh  Beef  and  Fish,  the  latter  of  which,  in  three  Hawls 
of  a  Seine,  filled  a  Battoe,  so  hope  soon  to  have  a  very  healthy  Garrison. 


[  From  the  lam*,  14  Juna  17fi6.  ] 

The  Names  of  the  Carpenters  &  Sawyers  that  were  Killed  &  Missing  ut  Oswego  obout  a  Month 
since,  ore,  Edmond  Banton,  John  Mitchell,  Henry  Jackson  &  Philip  Philips  of  New  York ;  the  three 
former  Killed  &  Scalped,  &  the  latter  Missing ;  Jolin  Jordan,  Samuel  Mash  &  Lewis  Dunham  of 
Brunswick,  the  two  former  Killed,  the  latter  Missing ;  Michael  Murray,  Killed ;  James  Grant,  John 
English  &  Charles  Carter,  of  Philadelphia,  the  two  former  Killed,  &  the  latter  Missing ;  James  Flana- 
gan missing,  one  Soldier  Killed  and  another  Shot  in  the  Knee. 


[  From  the  same,  June  28,  17S6.  ] 

By  Several  Letters  received  from  Albany  we  have  the  following  Intelligence  from  Oswego  vlzt 
That  on  the  16ti>  Instant,  about  4  o'clock  in  the  Morning,  a  Party  of  3  or  400  French  &  Indians, 
attacked  the  Forts  Oswego  and  Ontario  and  Killed  &  Scalped  five  of  the  Battoe  Guard,  sent  from  Fort 
Ontario  on  that  side  of  the  River :  That  they  took  one  Prisoner,  mortally  wounded  another,  and 
slightly  wounded  a  third,  but  were  repulsed,  and  not  without  considerable  Loss,  as  the  Cannon  play'd 
upon  them  for  an  Hour  and  a  Half;  that  they  went  quite  off  about  Eleven  o'clock  :  That  two  Whale 
Boats  were  sent  to  make  Discoveries  on  the  French  Shore,  the  same  Day,  and  after  rowing  about  1 1 
miles,  they  saw  a  Smoak,  and  about  100  Yards  farther,  a  man  ninning  from  the  Shore  into  the 


810 


PAPERS   RELATING   TO  OSWEGO. 


I 

i   i 


If. 


Woods ;  that  they  immediately  fired  a  Volley  from  the  Boats,  when  the  Smoak  was  put  out,  &  about 
ten  Minutes  after,  upwards  of  1000  French  and  Indians  appeared  upon  the  Beech,  and  drew  up  in  a 
Line  three  deep,  reaching  almost  a  Mile,  and  gave  the  Boats  a  Volley,  some  of  their  Shot  droping 
witliin  5  yards  of  them :  That  they  fired  about  five  Minutes,  when  the  Boat  gave  them  another  Fire, 
three  Huzza's  &  row'd  oil",  and  returned  to  Oswego  .u-'^t  5  o'clock:  That  the  three  Vessels  were 
returned  from  a  Cruize  of  about  two  weeks,  but  have  made  no  Discoveries :  And  that  another,  and 
more  formidable  Attack  was  hourly  Expected.  "  ' 

Albuy  June  27. 17S6. 

Friday  last  Harkamers  Son  came  down  from  Oswego,  with  Letters  from  Col.  Merser,  for  General 
Shirley :  He  says,  there  had  been  a  smart  Skirmish  at  Fort  Ontario ;  that  a  Body  of  about  a  thousand 
French  and  Indians  had  attacked  the  Fort,  but  were  beat  off  by  Colonel  Schuyler,  and  those  that 
were  in  Garrison  there,  after  an  engagement  of  two  Hours ;  that  Col.  Schuyler  lost  26.  Men  and  the 
Regulars,  6. 


H 


If 

n 
I 


iiii 


'•I  i 


EARLY  NAVAL  OPERATIONS  ON  LAKE  ONTARIO. 


[  From  Ihe  tame.  ] 


Hit  Majesty's  Sloop  Oswego; 
Oswogo,  July  2U,  17S6. 


i 


I  have  been  out  with  Commodore  Bradley  on  two  cruises.  On  the  first  we  were  out  twelve  days, 
endeavoring  to  get  to  Niagara,  but  the  wind  blowing  constantly  from  the  westward,  were  forced  to 
return,  having  made  no  discovery  but  what  related  to  u  further  knowledge  of  the  Lake.  Last  W^ed- 
nesday,  seven  nights,  we  sailed  on  a  second  cruise,  and  the  Sunday  following,  at  day  dawn,  as  we 
were  steering  a  course  for  Oswego,  (having  promised  Col.  Mercer  to  return  off  the  haibor  in  four 
days,)  we  saw  lour  sail  of  Frencli  vessels,  from  wliom  we  were  glad  to  make  all  the  sail  we  could. 
As  I  make  no  doubt  this  affair  will  be  variously  represented  at  New  York,  I  shall  give  an  impartial 
account  of  the  same,  which  is  as  follows :  At  half  past  two,  A.  M.,  we  saw  two  sail  standing  towards 
us  from  the  N.  W.,  on  which  we  immediately  made  the  signal  for  the  Ontario  to  chase,  and  got  all 
ready  for  action,  wore  slilp,  and  stood  for  them.  At  three  quarters  past  three,  we  saw  two  more  sail 
from  the  same  quarter.  At  this  time,  one  of  the  two  vessels,  which  proved  to  be  the  Commodore, 
fired  two  guns  to  leeward  and  ho'  ted  a  Frcnclj  flag  at  his  foretop  mast  head,  which  we  took  for  a 
signal  for  the  two  stemmost  vessels  to  make  sail  and  join,  as  lie  and  the  next  to  him  directly  hauled 
on  the  wind,  and  clewed  up  tlieir  main  top  sails.  At  5  o'clock,  being  then  about  one  and  a  half 
miles  from  them,  we  found  they  were  all  four  scliooners,  and  the  two  wliose  distance  I  have  just 
mentioned,  very  large  vessels  with  several  guns  of  a  side.  The  other  two  appeared  as  large,  but  of 
what  force  we  could  not  see,  they  being  further  off  On  whicli,  Capt.  I^albry  came  on  board  and  a 
council  being  called,  it  was  thought  most  prudent  to  avoid  an  engagement,  the  enemy  being  far 
superior  to  us,  and  tlie  utmost  consequence  our  wellure  was  to  Oswego.  Our  force  consisted :  first, 
the  Oswego,  Cora.  Bradley,  with  only  t  pounders,  1  three  pounder,  and  45  seamen  and  soldiers ; 
the  Ontario,  Capt.  Lafory,  with  4  four  pounders,  1  three  pounder,  and  45  seamen  and  soldiers ;  a 
small  scliooner  not  bigger  than  a  four  cord  V»oat,  under  the  command  of  Mr.  Farmer,  with  6  swivels, 
and  13  seamen  and  soldiers.    At  half  past  fivi*,  wore  and  made  the  best  of  our  way  to  Oswego.    On 


n 


PAPERS    BELATING    TO   08WESO. 


311 


which  the  enemy  gave  chase,  and  had  the  French  Commodore  behaved  at  the  time  as  he  ought,  he 
must  have  brought  us  to  action  very  soon  and  talcen  us :  but  he  was  unwilling  to  attack  without  his 
little  fleet  close  together,  and  in  chasing  fired  smgle  shot  at  us ;  to  do  which,  he  was  obliged  to  luff 
up  in  the  wind,  having  no  bow  chase,  by  wliich  means  he  lost  every  time,  twice  his  length.  At  7 
o'clock,  he  being  little  better  than  half  a  mile  off,  first  luffed  up  in  the  wind,  then  clapt  his  helm  hard 
a-weather,  wore  round,  and  fired  his  jroadside  at  Capt.  Lafory,  astern  of  us,  and  left  off  chase — none 
of  which,  or  those  before,  did  any  execution.  At  our  first  making  off,  we  found  Mr.  Farmer  to  drop 
astern  very  fast,  on  which  the  Commodore  hailed  the  Ontario  to  tell  liini  to  bear  up  more  large.  The 
two  sternraost  schooners  gave  chase  to  him,  and  soon  after  saw  him  haul  up  to  the  nortliward,  for 
what  reason  we  know  not,  and  the  two  vessels  in  ch?se  of  him  firing  at  him,  which  guns  by  tlie  re- 
port they  made  were  heavy.  We  soon  after  lost  sight  cf  liim  and  the  chase  and  at  11  o'clock  heard 
firing  again.    At  three  P.  M.  we  got  into  Oswego. 

The  new  brigantine  and  sloop  are  to  be  launched  to  morrow ;  the  Snow  in  ten  or  twelve  days. 
But  we  are  greatly  disappointed  in  guns  for  tliem,  for  Col.  Bradstreet  arrived  here  yesterday  with 
600  battoes,  and  with  him  came  only  sixteen  carriage  guns  and  sixteen  swivels,  whereas  the  Brigan- 
tine only  should  mount  sixteen  carriage  guns.  However,  we  shall  get  some  small  guns  from  the 
Fort  the  sloop,  and  directly  go  and  look  for  Monsieur,  who  I  am  afraid  will  not  give  us  the  oppor- 
tunity of  speaking  with  him,  as  they  have  been  to  Niagara  and  I  suppose  have  carried  provisions 
sufficient  for  the  garrison. 

We  are  yet  much  troubled  by  scalping  parties — large  bodies  lying  within  six  or  seven  miles  of 
us,  and  as  our  garrison  is  not  sufficient  to  dislodge  them,  they  do  us  much  damage.  We  are  obliged 
to  have  large  parties  to  cover  the  carpenters  ;  otliers  to  clear  the  woods  ai'ound  the  garrison — that  it 
would  be  imprudent  to  attempt  it  till  we  are  stronger.  For  these  ten  days  past  we  have  quitted  the 
Fort  on  the  hill,  on  the  Oswego  side,  it  not  being  tenable  ;  but  as  some  troops  (about  200)  are  come 
up  with  Col.  Bradstreet,  we  expect  it  to  be  immediately  put  in  a  posture  of  defence.  Provisions  we 
abound  in,  but  now  the  cry  is  Mm!  So  believe  we  shall  rest  on  tlie  defensive  this  summer  and 
winter.  What  is  the  occasion,  time  may  discover  ;  and  may  the  enemies  of  our  coimtry  meet  their 
just  deserts  is  my  sincere  wish. 


5      I" 


M.  DE  VAUDREUIL  TO  THE  MINISTER. 


L  Pari!  Doo.  Xlt.  ] 

Montreal,  6  July,  1756. 

My  lord, — EngUsh  vessels  have  appeared  several  times  on  Lake  Ontario  ;  our's  occupied  with  the 
freiglit  to  Niagara,  could  not  chase  them  Nevertheless,  our  two  barks  returning  from  Niagara  on 
the  26tli  of  June  perceived  across  the  Bay  of  Quintee  some  coming  tov.ards  them.  We  gave  them 
chase,  all  our  sails  set,  but  the  enemy  immediately  slieered  off.  He  was  pursued  so  close  that  he 
was  obliged  to  abandon  his  sloop,  wliich  was  liis  thiid  vessel.  We  left  this  to  our  two  barks  ;  our 
two  Corsairs  continued  in  pursuit  of  the  enemy  who  seeing  himself  gained  on  cut  his  boat  loose  and 
threw  a  number  of  other  things  overboard.  Iii  vain  we  lired  our  chasers  after  him  he  made  no  re- 
sponse, taken  up  altogether  in  i)ushing  iiimsclf  aliead,  and  the  wind  having  fallen  he  gained  on  our 
Corsairs  by  means  of  the  quantity  of  sail  he  carried.    Having  chased  him  into  Cliouaguen  we  tacked 


!i! 


'M 


I  1M 


i    f  f  'i 


312 


PAPERS   HELATINO   TO  OSWEGO. 


to  overhaul  the  sloop  our  barks  had  mJssed.    She  struck  at  once.    This  prize  is  about  20  tons, 
armed  with  6  patereros,  12  muskets,  6  sailors  and  8  soldiers. 

On  the  26th  June,  as  our  two  Corsairs  were  cruising  between  the  Islands  of  Couis  and  the  Galops, 
one  of  them  being  near  the  Bay  of  Niagara,'  got  intelligence  of  a  schooner  returning  to  Chouaguen. 
He  gave  chase  and  found  himself  in  doubling  a  point  quite  close  on  Chouaguen.  Tiie  Scliooner  hatl 
time  to  enter  the  River,  were  it  not  for -which  she  would  not  have  escaped  this  Corsair. 
I"-  This,  My  lord,  is  what  the  movements  and  exploits  of  our  little  Navy  of  Lake  Ontario  is  at  present 
reduced  to. 

I  am  with  most  profound  respect.  My  Lord, 

Your  very  humble  and  very  ob*  Servant, 

Vaudreuil. 


..,     ACTION  BETWEEN  THE  FRENCH  AND  ENGLISH. 

[N.  T.  Mercury,  July  IS.] 

Albany,  13  July,  1756. 

On  Monday  Colonel  Bradstreet  arrived  here  from  Oswego.  On  the  3d,  about  3  o'clock  in  the  Af- 
ternoon, nine  Miles  on  this  side  that  place,  having  about  300  Battoemen  with  him,  in  their  Battoes, 
he  was  attacked  from  the  Nortli  side  of  tlie  lliver  by  about  700  of  the  Enemy,  of  which  200  were 
Regulars,  the  Rest  Canadians  and  Indians.  Col.  Bradstreet,  who  at  that  time  was  near  the  Front  of 
his  Party,  proceeded  with  six  Men  to  a  small  Island  near  tlie  Enemy,  and  ordered  a  few  more  to 
follow  him  there,  to  keep  buck  tlic  Enemy  from  fording  the  River,  till  tlie  rest  of  his  Men  could  land 
on  the  South  side  of  it.  He  had  no  sooner  landed  with  the  Six  Men,  but  he  was  attacked  by  Twenty 
of  the  Enemy,  whom  his  Party  beat  back,  kept  Possession  of  tlie  Island  and  were  joined  by  sis  more 
Battoemen.  They  were  then  attacked  by  about  40  of  the  Enemy,  who  stood  their  Ground  very  well, 
and  wounded  eight  out  of  the  Twelve  ;  yet  as  our  People  never  fired,  without  each  killing  his  Man, 
the  Enemy  gave  Way.  The  Party  on  tlie  Island  were  then  increased  to  about  Twenty,  besides  the 
Wounded,  and  were  again  attacked  by  70  of  the  Enemy,  whom  our  Folks  also  beat  back  a  third 
time.  This  Affair  on  the  Island  lasted  near  an  Hour,  and  had  given  the  Restof  our  Battoemen  Time 
to  land  on  the  South  side  of  the  River  and  those  on  the  Island  perceiving  the  Enemy  were  coming 
to  surround  them  with  their  whole  strength,  retired  to  the  South  side  of  the  River,  and  were  followed 
by  tlie  Enemy.  Our  People  made  a  feint  Flight  until  the  chief  of  the  Enemy  had  forded  the  River, 
then  faced  about,  and  pusli'd  thft  Enemy  buck  into  the  River,  where  they  killed  great  numbers  of 
them  ;  the  Pest  took  to  their  Heels .;  and  were  so  closely  piirsucd,  that  they  left  all  their  Packs, 
Blankets  &  Provisions  behind,  and  many  cf  tliem  their  Guns.  About  forty  of  our  People  are  killed 
k  missing  &  24  slightly  wounded.  The  number  of  the  Enemy  k.ilcd  is  not  Exactly  known,  as  most 
of  them  fell  in  the  River,  but  it  must  be  at  least  triple  the  Number  of  Ours.  Col.  Bradstreet  lias 
brought  two  prisoners  with  him. 

1  Incorrectly  written  for  Ntaoart  or  Hungry  Uay,  .Tc(T«r«on  Co.,  at  the  entrance  of  which  are  the  Galop  Islandi.    On  the 
oppoiltaornorth  tide  are  the  Iiianda  of  Couii,  near  the  hay  ofKenti.    They  aretobeieen  inSauthicr's  Map  1777,1779. 


J 


J      aff/   Y\i\ht%\xXKXW  1750 


A.AV       .0,,f//r 


ftl  /I  //  .J 


RCrERENCE      TO     THE      PLAN 


A       l,,i/t>    I'lilitrif  ¥>      /•'fil  Cfitiilii . 

C    .    I  Miiiill  /itirhrni  j'l  I    mIkiIi    lint.', 

I J       /III  rh  I'  n  rjii  r  ,  •ill  ip  ,■.•  _ 

K      Slti/i  rnrftfji fe r<s    ln'iix^.',-. 

V      /■'I'l-I  I'sHiin-  ('■     /.siiii/i'l'ii/i 

If    ,  I  mir  f/u/iiil  niiii 

X       ('\iiif/f   ri/t.  K       lltiri/i    liill 

I .    .  I II  /.\l/i/iil 
I    M     .  I  .iiiiiil/ f\/,itul        //,n  I'll  //ri'iu/strrrf  Iritl ,// 

■h'  t'ri  nrli  Hi/li  ■ti.ii/itii ,  III) 
'  Til  is  nils  lAt    lirs/  -Inriii  isli 

.lii/vl"'//.ifi 

N  ,il<iriji  suiim//  htri  l/i,t  Imil  tin  si  i^  lulslti  iim-^li 
irhi  II  /liiiiil\/iii/J/is/  iil/li 
■III  nil  H  liiiil  iff'\.'l'liiiiiliif/i  I 
II  nil    h'C  ri'ii/i  il  fifili 

O     .  Ill  Isliinil  V     .  I  iiirriiiii///liiii 

Q       Till    ifli  III  I'siti  i/i'  l-'iil/s 

S      I'mniliiifi'  11 1  III: 


IMa.CN 

I'li/iirio  /■'rit        

I'suiiff  Jlift  3 

Whiili   hriit  hiii-hiiiv      Ji 
Uill  K  4i 

Jsliiiiil  L  S 

1st II ml  VI (} 

■S'Hiiiti/i  S  Ifii 

Is/rml  ()         Jl 

/'sill  III'  Falls  13 

f'inrvinff  film;:  J:>  i 


T)ist,iii<-'>  from  Oswi'no 
,?  I'.niili^h    Mi/is 
3  it  I  till 

iliUi 

ihlli 

ililti' 

ilittr 

iliflii 

ilillr 

ilif/i 

i/illn 


^iii 


'i    ! 


!(   I 


I 


PAPBBS  BELATINO   TO  OSWBCO. 


313 


[From  the  same,  July  26|  1756.] 

Since  our  last,  many  letters  are  come  to  Town  from  Albany,  all  confirming  the  Account  we  liad  of 
the  Defeat  of  the  French  and  Indians  by  the  Battoeraen  under  the  Command  of  Col.  Bradstreet  and 
all  doing  Honour  to  the  active,  brave  and  circumspect  Behaviour  of  that  Gentleman,  during  tlie 
whole  affair.  They  also  all  agree  in  this,  That  after  the  Repulse  of  the  Enemy  in  their  three  several 
Attacks  on  the  Island,  it  was  discovered  that  the  Enemy  in  great  Numbers  were  passing  from  the 
North  to  tlie  South  side  of  the  River,  at  a  Ford  about  a  mile  above,  on  which  Col.  Bradstreet  imme- 
diately marched  with  250  men,  to  meet  them.  He  found  that  the  Enemy  to  the  number  of  about 
400  had  possessed  themselves  of  a  thick  Pine  Swamp,  on  wliich  he  attacked  them  in  tlieir  own  way, 
beliind  Trees,  but  finding  that  to  little  purpose,  wliile  the  Enemy  remained  covered,  he  prevailed  or. 
his  Men  to  rush  in  upon  them,  whicli  had  so  good  an  effect  that  the  Enemy  were  soon  dispossessed 
of  the  swamp,  but  still  made  a  running  Fight  from  Tree  to  Tree.  In  this  manner  they  were  pushed 
backwards  for  near  two  Miles,  when  having  the  River  in  their  Rear,  they  were  obliged  to  cross, 
which  they  did  in  a  Manner  most  terrible  to  themselves.  It  was  either  to  drown  or  be  shot :  De- 
struction stared  them  in  the  Face  on  all  sides, and  it  soon  laid  hold  of  tiiem, for  the  Battoemen  having 
now  a  fair  View  of  them,  took  them  down  fast ;  and  here  it  was  that  the  Enemy  sustained  tlieir 
greatest  Loss.  One  of  the  Prisoners  taken  in  this  pursuit,  informed  Colonel  Bradstreet,  that  one  of 
our  Indians  had,  during  the  Engagement,  deserted  to  the  Enemy,  and  informed  them  of  our  Dispo- 
sition, on  which  a  Party  of  the  Enemy  was  ordered  to  cross  the  River,  a  little  higher  up,  and  to  come 
down  upon  our  Flanks  or  Rear.  Col.  Bradstreet  marched  up  to  the  Place  described  by  the  Prisoner, 
and  fell  in  with  a  few  of  them  straggling  before  the  Rest ;  but  tlie  whole  party  soon  toolc  to  tlieir 
Heels,  and  with  the  utmost  Precipitation  and  Confusion,  repassed  the  River,  some  leaving  behind 
them  their  Arms,  others  their  Blankets,  and  many  Indian  Implements  of  War.  The  first  attack  of 
the  Enemy  was  made  about  3  O'clock,  the  Action  ended  about  6  in  the  Evening.  A  Scouting  Party 
was  then  sent  out  on  the  Nortli  side  of  the  River,  to  see  if  any  of  tlie  Enemy  were  remaining,  but 
found  that  they  were  gone  off,  and  that  in  the  utmost  Haste  and  Confusion,  for  tliey  had  left  behind 
them  their  Packs,  Blankets,  and  Provisions.  About  half  an  hour  after  the  Action  ended,  Capt. 
Patten,  with  one  Hundred  Grenadiers  of  the  50t*>  Reg'  joined  the  Battoemen.  Tlie  former  })eing  on 
their  March  from  Onondago  to  Oswego,  about  4  Miles  from  the  place  of  Action,  heard  the  Fire,  and 
made  all  the  Haste  they  could  to  come  up,  but  they  came  a  little  too  late.  However  with  tliis  Rein- 
forcement it  was  determined  to  pursue  the  Enemy  to  their  Camp  about  12  Miles  off,  if  they  could, by 
the  next  Morning,  have  200  Men  more  from  the  Garrison  of  Oswego,  and  accordingly  an  Express 
was  dispatched  to  Col.  Mercer  for  that  Purpose,  who  sent  the  200  Men  requested ;  but  unluckily  a 
Storm  of  Rain  came  on  so  hard  as  to  render  it  impossible  to  keep  the  Men's  Ammunition  dry.  It 
continued  raining  till  next  day,  and  then  it  was  judged  too  late  to  attempt  the  pursuit. 


H 


A  furtker  Account  of  the  Action  m,  the  3d  of  July  last. 
[  From  the  tiame,  Aug.  2,  1756.  ] 

You  have  doubtless  before  this  Time,  liad  the  agreeable  News  of  the  Defeat  of  tlio  French  by  the 
Battoemen  on  the  Onondaga  River. — Capt.  Bradstreet's  Conduct  ^vas  much  to  liis  lionour,  and  will  be 
very  advantageous  to  the  English  operations  in  the  present  Campaign. — His  success  against  the  Enemy 
shews  us  the  Wisdom,  of  taking  large  numbers  of  Battoemen  into  the  service — But  for  this  Expe- 

IVw.  I.]  40 


•M 


PAPEB8  RELATINO  TO  OSWEGO. 


t 

■?!■ 


) 


Jill; 


'1 


m 


dlent,  we  should  have  been  unable  to  keep  the  Passage  open  to  Oswego ;  und  unless  our  Provi- 
sions, stores,  &o.  liad  been  sent  to  that  Garrison,  in  large  Squadrons  of  Battoes,  all  other  attempts  to 
support  it,  would  have  been  inellectual ;  for  notwitiistanding  our  Interest  in  the  Six  Nations,  we 
have  undoubted  Accounts,  that  1200  of  the  Enemy  have  lain  undiscovered  in  their  Ctouniry,  not  far 
from  Oswego  ever  since  May  last. 

When  Capt.  Bradstreet  left  Oswego,  he  gave  strict  Orders,  that  the  several  Divisions  of  the  Bat- 
t.wmen,  should  keep  close  together.  But  such  an  irregular  Body,  could  not  be  easily  kept  to  good 
order,  and  therefore  they  were  at  some  Distance  from  eacli  other,  when  the  Enemy  attacked  tliem. — 
Our  Success  was  owing  to  Capt.  Bradstreet's  taking  Possession  of  the  Island,  for  by  this  means  he 
prevented  the  ii^ut^siy  from  fording  the  River,  and  gave  tlie  Battoemen  who  were  fired  upon  time  to 
rally  and  collect  themselves  on  the  opposite  shore. — When  Capt.  Bradsireet  gained  the  Island,  1  a 
had  not  above  Eight  Men  with  him,  and  these  repulsed  about  30  of  the  Enemy.  Upon  this  he 
was  joined  by  six  more  Battoemen,  and  was  attacked  a  second  Time  by  a  Party  of  40  French, 
wlion  he  also  compelled  to  give  Way. — Capt.  Bradstreet  was  after  that,  reinforced  by  six  others,  and 
a  Party  of  above  70  of  the  Enemy  then  fell  upon  liim,  and  by  pouring  in  cross  Fires,  wounded  12  of 
Viiij  Men  ;  but  after  some  Time,  tlio  French  were  forced  to  retire  a  third  Time. 

•  large  Body  of  about  4-0,  being  tlien  observed  to  advance  upon  the  North  Side  of  the  River, 
abc  .  '  a  Mile  liigher,  Capt,  Bradstreet  imagined,  that  they  intended  to  ford  the  River,  and  surround 
him  On  this  he  quitted  the  Island,  and  with  250  Men,  Mai-ched  up  the  South  side  of  the  River,  to 
prevent  it,  but  the  Enemy  had  not  only  forded  it,  but  taken  Possession  of  a  Pine  Swamp  on  that  Side, 
b**  :"  he  came  up.  Doctor  Kirkland,  who  was  returning  from  Oswego,  in  Company  with  Capt, 
Brad'sUeets  command,  had  now  gathered  togef  er  200  Battoemen,  witli  Design  to  reinforce  him ;  but 
Capi.  Bradstreet  sent  him  Orders  t^  keep  Iiis  Post,  to  c<.ivtr  the  Battoes  which  were  behind  ;  and 
directed  that  Capt.  Butler  should  Command  the  farthest  Division  of  Battoes  down  the  River,  and 
post  them  in  the  most  proper  place  upon  the  same  Duty. 

When  Capt.  bradstreet  came  to  tlie  Swamp,  an  Engagement  began  in  the  Indian  Manner,  which 
lasted  above  an  hour ;  Capt.  Bradstreet  then  animating  Ills  Men,  entered  the  swamp,  and  forced  the 
Enemy  out  of  it  into  the  River,  where  many  of  them  were  slain.  .  Another  Party  was  at 

that  Time,  attempting  to  ford  the  River  when  Capt.  Bradstreet  came  up  with  them,  and  after  he  fell 
in  with  them,  the  whole  Body  was  routed. 

Not  long  after  this  last  Action,  a  Company  of  Grenadiers  belonging  to  General  Shirley's  Regiment, 
wJiicu  was  upon  the  March  fi'ora  Onondaga  to  Oswego,  joined  our  Battoemen  ;  and  the  next  Morning 
200  Men  came  to  them  from  the  Garrison.  Capt.  Bradstreet  now  proposed,  to  have  gone  in  quest  of 
the  main  .3ody  of  the  French,  but  was  prevented  by  excessive  Rains. 

We  lost  in  t'.R'se  Actions  about  20  Men,  and  24  were  wounded.  What  the  loss  of  the  Enemy  was 
is  uncertain. — All  conjecture  that  above  100  were  killed. — This  we  know,  that  above  80  Firelocks 
were  brought  to  Schenectady  :  Seventy-four  Men  more  were  found  by  a  Party,  that  afterwards  went 
out  from  Oswego  to  patrole  th»  Wood  and  many  doubtless  were  lost  in  the  River.  The  Ennmy 
fled  in  the  utmost  Disorder ;  ht  ^ome  Traders  were  passing  by  the  Place  of  Action  a  few  Days  after 
were  hailed  from  the  Shore  by  'n  Frenchmen,  wlio  Ang  without  Provisions  and  unable  to  find  their 
Camp,  were  stroling  about  the  Woods,  upon  the  Banks  of  the  River  in  great  Distress,  end  begged  to 
be  taken  up  and  carried  to  Oswego. — Tlie  Traders  being  in  Number  but  aiw)Ut  Half  a  Dozen,  were 
fearful  of  taking  more  than  one  of  them  in,  and  him  tliey  delivered  to  tlie  Garrison. 

This  Repulse  will  doubtless  check  the  incursions  of  the  French,  shake  their  Indian  Interest, 
strengthen  our  own,  and  secure  our  future  Convoys  in  their  Passage  to  Oswego. — Capt.  Bradstreet's 
Gallantry  and  Conduct  are  justly  Commended.— Tlie  former,  in  his  Def.nc  e  of  the  Island,  and  the 
attack  at  the  Swamp ;  and  the  latter  in  his  prudent  Disposition  of  the  Remainder  of  the  BattoemeS} 


K 


iWJ 


I 


* 


'1=11 


"JSi*  ■•■•      ■_t_r    '-»a»  ^«^       ^  -      - 


-*.. 


.ii.^       ..^_*-«-  -*.«£jk_. -'<  '    ■  ■        -^  ^-      •-    111! 


.it 


>Vfucl)  plan  oi 

^(j.vr.  tin  ox-  rum: hi:  1,1. 

OR 
('llOll(l(>ll(>ll 

1  7  5  Ci 

iiVIUVli*  OM     MtM     sun    LI    CANADA 
1^     "^^f  U  BLISHCO    BY    QUtBCC 
^  TOg.  H  I  »  T:      »0C; 

1^  1836. 


ft  -A  'w  ]6>' .  •  ^  jm-i^-^ 


FORT 
PEPPERtLL  r' 


rAPERf   HELATIMO  TO  OflWKOO. 


815 


for  securing  his  Rear,  and  preventing  tlie  Enemy  from  Surrounding  his  whole  Party. — Nor  did  he 
receive  any  Help  from  our  Indians. — Tlie  whole  Number  he  had  with  him,  was  only  Twelve.— Nine 
of  these  (such  is  the  State  of  our  Interest  with  them !)  could  not  be  brought  to  engage. — One  went 
immediately  over  to  the  French,  and  informed  them  of  our  Numbers  &  Disposition.  An  Oneida 
Indian  fought  bravely  thro'  the  whole  Dispute  but  another  Indian  escaped  to  tlie  Onondaga  Castle, 
and  spread  a  Report  that  Capt.  Bradstreet  was  killed,  &  all  bis  Battoemen  defeated. — I  hope  we  shall 
in  the  ensuing  Campaign,  ildly  avenge  the  Loss  we  sustained  on  the  Banks  of  Monaungahela. 


DESCRIPTION  OF  OSWEGO— 1756. 

[  Parii  Doc.  XII.  ] 

Fort  Ontario  is  situate  at  the  right'  of  the  River  in  the  middle  of  a  very  high  plateau.  It  consists 
of  a  square  of  30  toises  1 180  feetj  a  side,  the  faces  of  which,  broken  in  the  centre,  are  flanked  by  a 
redan  placed  at  the  point  of  the  break.  It  is  constructed  of  pickets  18  inches  in  diameter,  smooth 
on  both  sides,  very  well  joined  the  one  to  the  other  and  rising  8  @  9  feet  from  the  ground.  The 
ditcli  that  encircles  the  fort,  is  18  feet  wide  by  8  deep.  The  excavated  earth  had  been  thrown  up 
tn  glacis  on  the  counterscap  with  a  very  steep  slope  over  the  berm  [covered  way].  Loop  lioles  and 
embrasures  are  formed  in  the  pickets  on  a  level  with  the  earth  thrown  up  on  the  berm  and  a  scaffold- 
ing of  carpenter's  work  extends  all  around  so  as  to  fire  from  above.  It  has  eight  guns  and  4  mortars 
with  double  grenades. 

The  old  Fort  Chouaguen,  situate  on  tlie  left  [or  west]  bank  of  the  River,  consists  of  a  house  with 
galleries  {machecoulis)  with  loop  holes  on  the  ground  floor  and  principal  story,  the  walls  of  whicli  are 
three  feet  thick  and  encompassed  at  a  distance  of  three  toises  [18  feet,]  by  another  wall  i  feet  thick 
and  10  high,  loopholed  and  flanked  by  two  large  square  towers.  It  has  likewise  a  trench  encircling, 
on  the  land  side,  the  Fort  where  tlie  enemy  had  placed  18  pieces  of  cannon  and  15  mortars  and 
howitzers. 

Fort  George  is  situate  300  toises  beyond  that  of  Choauguen  on  a  hill  that  commanded  it.  It  is  of 
pickets  and  badly  enough  entrenched  with  earth  on  two  sides. 


JOURNAL  OF  THE  SIEGE  OF  CHOUAGUEN, 

COMMENCED  THE  11*  AUGUST  1756,  AND  CONCLUDED  THE  14'1>  AT  NIGHT;  BY  THE  MARQUIS  OF  MONTCALM. 

[  Paris.  Doc.  XII.  ] 

On  the  arrival  of  the  French  Troops  in  Canada  in  the  month  of  May,  every  disposition  having  been 
made  for  the  Campaign,  tlie  Marquis  of  Vaudreuil  Governor  General  of  New  France  detached  a  body 
of  Colonial  Troops  and  Militia  towards  the  St.  John  River  to  harrass  the  English  and  receive  tlic 


1  That  i*,  the  East  Bank. 


314 


PAPERS   MBI.ATIIfO   TO  OtWCOO. 


■f 


r«naain!i  of  the  Acndians  driven  iVoni  their  Settlements,  ot  wlion  those  who  had  not  been  trans- 
planted to  the  more  ilistant  English  Colonies  were  wandering  in  tiie  wootls.  Anotlier  detnchnient  of 
observation  of  about  &<)0  men  was  in  tlie  direction  of  Fort  Lydiua.  Tiie  Queen's  liatnllion  and  tiiat 
of  Languedoc  were  encamped  in  IVont  of  Fort  Carillon.  Barn  was  destined  for  Niui^i.ui ;  Guyenne 
lor  Frontennc,  and  Sieur  do  V^illiers  Captain  of  a  Colonial  Troop,  hung  on  the  enemy  and  watched 
his  movements  towards  the  rivor  Chouaguen,  with  a  corps  of  700  men,  Canadians  and  Indi.n.s.  The 
ilefence  of  Fort  du  Quesne  and  the  Belle  Kiviere  (Ohio)  was  confided  to  k  '  omewhat  consideral)le 
party  of  Canadians  and  Savages,  and  Sieur  Dumas,  Commandant  in  that  Quarlc  ■,  had  orders  to  retain 
witli  him  all  the  Indians  of  the  Upper  Country  whose  rendezvous  was  at  Presque  isle,  in  case  his 
posts  were  tlireatetietl ;  if  not  to  send  a  part  of  them  to  Montreal. 

Keinforcenieuts  having  arrived  from  France,  Royal  Rousillon  was  sent  to  Liilte  St  Sacrement  and 
La  Sarre  to  Frontenac  with  tlie  two  French  Engineers,  also  arrived  this  year,  to  tlie  order  of  Sieur 
Colonel  Bourlamaijue,  to  erect  new  fortifications  at  tliat  place,  or  rather  un  entrenched  Camp  which 
would  have  placed  their  beyond  insult.  Chevalier  de  Levis,  Brigadier,  was  destined  to  command  on 
Lake  St  Sacrement,  and  the  Marquis  de  Mt)ntcalm,  Field  Marshal,  to  proceed  to  the  quarter  which 
may  apparently  bo  most  threatened  l)y  tiie  enemy. 

Thus  every  thing  seemed  arranged  Ibr  defence  in  diflerent  parts ;  on  Lake  Ontario,  Lake  St  Sacre- 
ment, and  the  Bell  Riviere.  Some  parties  only  of  Canadians  and  Indians  succeeded  each  other  with- 
out intermission  on  tlie  Englisli  frontiers  exposed  to  their  ravages,  and  tliey  laid  waste  more  especially 
Pensilvania,  Virginia  and  Maryland. 

Towai'd  mid-June  it  clearly  appeared  from  the  reoort  of  tlie  Indians  sent  out  as  scouts;  from  the 
depositions  of  several  prisoners;  from  the  vast  preparations  made  at  Albany  and  Fort  Lydius,  that 
tlie  English  had  oftensivc  intentions  in  the  direction  ol  tl.t  Point  of  Lake  St  Sacrement.  Uiwn  this 
iutelligence,  the  Marquis  de  Montcalm  proposed  a  diversion  towards  Lake  Ontario  for  the  purpose  of 
attracting  a  portion  of  tlie  enemy's  forces  thither,  and  consequently  relieving  La  Puiiite.  This  diver- 
sion was  to  be  made,  hov/ever,  in  such  a  way  that  the  defensive  coukl  be  changed  into  oflensive, 
acconliig  to  circumstances. 

Tlie  JTarcjuis  de  Vaudio'.iii  hud  never  lost  sight  of  the  siege  of  Chouaguen  a  post  important  by  its 
situation  at  tiit  Month,  of  t'.ie  Kiver  of  that  name  on  Lake  Ontario,  the  key  of  the  Upper  Country  by 
its  communication  viih  thu  Fhe  Nations  Albany  and  the  River  Hudson ;  defended  by  three  forts — 
Fort  Ontario  on  the  right  bank  of  the  Itiver,  Forts  George  and  Ciiouaguen  on  the  left  bank,  as  well 
as  a  species  of  Crown  work,  in  earth,  serving  as  an  intrenched  Camp,  having  also  a  good  port  and  a 
well  sheltered  harbour.  But  this  siege  so  important  to  the  Colony  did  not  seem  feasible  tliis  Cam- 
paign, tlic  season  being  already  far  advanced,  the  prejia  -ation  which  this  expedition  required  l)eing 
very  great,  the  distance  considerable  and  transportation  not  being  accomplished  except  witli  diffi- 
culties and  endless  delays  across  a  country  having  no  other  roads  but  rivers,  filled  with  tails  and 
rapids,  and  lakes  rendered  frequently  impassable  to  batteaux  in  consequence  of  tlie  violence  of  the 
waves. 

Sieur  Bigot,  lutendant  of  Canada,  arrived  at  tliis  conjuncture  at  Montreal ;  took  upon  liimself  the 
collection  of  nmnitions  of  war  of  all  sorts,  and  of  provisions — tlie  despatch  of  convoys  and  their 
uninterrupted  supply.  Tlie  diversion  towards  Chouaguen  was  then  determined  on  witli  the  design 
to  besiege  it,  if  tlie  condition  of  that  place,  or  the  carelessness  of  the  enemy  permitted. 

Sieur  de  Rigaud  de  Vaudreuil,  Governor  of  Three  Rivers  was,  accordingly  sent  with  a  li-esh  body 
of  Colonial  troops  and  Indians  to  assume  command  of  Sieur  de  Vllliers'  Camp,  establislied  at  Niaoure 
bay  about  15  leagues  from  Chouaguen ;  Sieur  de  Bourlamaque  received  orders  to  commence  at  Fort 
Frontenac  whatever  preparations  he  may  deem  necessary ;  Sieur  Decombles,  Engineer,  to  proceed 
with  a  detaclunent  of  Canadians  and  Savages  to  reconnoitre  Chouaguen ;  and  to  conceal  the  project 


PAPEM   RiXATINO  TO  OIWEQO. 


317 


t 


from  the  enemy,  tlie  Marquis  de  Montcalm  dei>artrd  2V*>  June  with  Clievalier  de  Levis  for  Fort 
Carillon.  Tho  defeii!*ive  positions  to  be  adopted  in  this  quarter  ;  tlie  fortifications  erecting  at  Caril- 
lon; the  movements  of  tlieent>my  at  Fort  I.ydius  and  Albany ;  ull  tiiese  reasons  Justified  the  Marquis 
of  Montcalm's  presence  at  Lake  St  Sacrement.  This  General  remained  there  only  long  enoui '  .  > 
make  tlie  necessary  arrangements  and  put  the  Fuglish  on  tlie  wn>ng  scent.  Ho  placed  the  'Ic.Huce 
of  that  frontier  in  the  hands  of  Clievalier  de  I^vis  witli  a  co'-ps  of  31)00  ntun ;  returned  ( '  liie  li*^ 
July  to  Montreal  where  he  arrived  on  the  19'>> ;  received  tliere  his  last  Instructions  and  set  out  again 
on  the  21't  and  arrived  at  Frontenac  on  the  29">.  Beam's  battalion'  had  already  received  orders  to 
repair  thither  from  Niagara,  and  Sieur  Mercior  Commander  of  Artillery  hail  arrived  there  two  days 
before. 

Having  made  those  preparations  Inseparable  ttom  a  new  expedition  in  this  country,  which  conse- 
quently presents  difficulties  unknown  in  Europe,  and  provided  every  thing  necessary  to  secure  a 
retreat  in  case  superior  forces  rendered  this  Inevitable,  orders  were  given  to  two  barks — one  of  12, 
and  the  •  ther  of  16  guns — to  cruize  in  the  latitude  of  Cho\)-;>;  ;  A  corps  of  Scouts, Canadians  and 
indiu  re  sent  on  the  road  between  the  latter  place  and  Irjuv. ,   to  intercept  Runners. 

TJ"  vlarqfilsde  Montcalm  left  Frontenac  on  the  4^^  .^uj^ust  with  the  first  division  of  the  army 
oonsi  of  >t>  la  Snrre's  and  De  Guyenne's  batallion;;  i  nd  hxr  pluces  of  cannon.*  He  arrived  on 
the  <i  Bay  of  Niaouro,  which  the  Marquis  de  Voudreuil  Imd  designated  as  tlie  rendezvous  of 

all  tilt  .oojis,  and  where  the  second  division  composci'  ol'  Beam's  batallion,  of  the  Militia,  of  80 
batteaux  of  Artillery  and  provisions  arrived  on  tlie  8">.  The  number  of  troops  destined  for  the  ex- 
pedition was  nearly  3000  men — to  wit,  de  la  Sarre'a,  Guyenne's  and  Beam's  batallions  amounting  to 
only  1800  men ;  the  remainder,  soldiers  of  the  Colony,  Militiamen  and  Indians. 

Sieur  de  Illgaud'o  corps,  destined  as  the  vanguard,  set  out  on  tiie  same  day  to  advance  to  a  cove 
called,  Uanse  aux  Cabanes  (Wigwam  Cove)'  within  three  leagues  of  Ciiouagucn.  The  first  division 
having  arrived  there  on  the  ID"*  at  two  o'clock  in  the  morning,  the  vanguard  proceeded  four  hours 
afterwards  across  the  woods  to  another  Cove  situated  half  a  league  from  Chouaguen  to  cover  the 
debarcatlon  of  the  artillery  and  troops.  The  first  division  reached  the  some  Cove  at  midnight.  A 
battery  from  Lake  Ontario  was  forthwith  erected  there  and  tlie  troops  bivouacked  during  tlie  night 
at  the  head  of  the  batteaux. 

On  the  U"*,  at  break  of  day  the  Canadians  and  Indians  advanced  to  within  a  quarter  .>'.'  a  league 
of,  and  invested  Fort  Ontario,  situated,  as  we  have  stated,  on  the  riglit  bank  of  tlie  River  Chouaguen. 
Sieur  Decombies,  sent  at  3  o'clock  In  the  morning  to  make  arrangements  for  this  siege  and  tlie  attack, 
was  killed,  returning  from  his  reconnoissance,  by  one  of  our  Savages  [a  Nipissing]  who  escorted  him 
and  wh< '  took  him  In  the  dark,  for  an  Englishman — a  misliap  which  was  rendered  of  tlie  greatest 
consequence  to  us  from  the  circumstance  of  carrying  on  a  siege  in  America  with  one  Engineer  only 
that  remained.  Sieur  Desandronlus  the  surviving  Engineer,  ran  a  road  through  the  woods,  partly 
through  swamps  explored  the  evening  before,  for  the  purpose  of  conducting  the  artillery  across. 
This  rood,  commenced  at  11  o'clock  in  the  morning  was  finished  at  night  and  thoroughly  completed 
next  morning.  The  camp  was  established  at  tlie  same  time,  the  right  resting  on  Lake  Ontario  covered 
by  the  same  battery  that  protected  our  batteaux  from  attack ;  the  left,  on  an  Impassable  swamp. 

1  Supposed  to  be  a  part  of  the  celebrated  Irish  Brigade,  then  in  the  French  service,  and  mentioned  in  the  Deposition  of  a 
French  Deserter,  post  p.  324 ;   Beam's  battalion  was  between  4U0  and  SUO  men. 

2  Another  account  says— "  Orders  came  for  the  Regiment  of  La  Sarre  to  proceed  to  the  Bay  of  Niaour£.  .  .  We  { ro- 
ceeded  on  the  2i)th  to  encamp  at  I'lsie  aux  Aillo  and  arrived  at  the  rendezvous  on  the  3Uth.  .  .  .  We  had  orders  to  send 
bacic  our  batteaux  to  Frontenac  for  Guyenne's  and  Beam's  Regiment  and  the  Artillery." 

3  Now,  Sandy  Creek  Bay.  <<  We  marched  all  the  night  of  the  9th  and  10th,  (says  another  account)  when  we  Joined  Mr. 
Rigaud  at  Wigwam  Cove,    The  army  bivouacked  at  the  Riviere  aux  Sables,"  now,  Sandy  Creek,  Oswego  co. 


•i^^ 


^. 


IMAGE  EVALUATION 
TEST  TARGET  (MT-3) 


1.0 


1.25 


1^121    12.5 

gap    *^^"      IffiHB 

•^  liU    |2.2 


:!f  ua 


1.1     f.*^  H^ 


1.4 


.> 


9 


Photographic 

Sciences 

Corporation 


23  WIST  MAIN  STRiET 

WEBSTER,  N.Y.  145S0 

(716)  S73-4S03 


vv^ 

'^.4^ 


% 


818 


PAPEBf  RIXATIKO  TO  OtWtOO. 


.if 


The  precaution  of  marching  only  at  night  and  of  entering  rivers  when  halting  by  which  we  wera 
concealed,  had  till  then  hid  our  advance  from  the  enemy.  It  was  announced  to  them  only  that  same 
day  by  the  Indians  who  went  even  to  the  foot  of  the  fort  to  fire.  Three  armed  barlu.wMohMiled 
at  noon  from  the  River  Chouaguen  came  cruising  in  front  of  the  Camp,  discharged  some  pieces  of 
artillery,  but  the  fire  from  our  battery  forced  them  to  idieer  off.  Since  then,  they  cruised  only  at  a 
considerable  distance. 

On  the  12ti>  at  day  break  Beam's  B^iment  arrived  with  the  batteaux  of  artillery  and  provisions. 
These  batteaux  were  forthwith  unloaded  in  presence  otthe  English  barks  which  cruised  in  front  of 
the  Camp.  The  battery  on  the  beach  was  increased — ^the  park  of  artillery  and  the  depot  of  provis- 
ions established,  and  Sieur  Pouchot,  Captain  in  Beam's  Regiment,  who  had  successfiilly  begun  a 
fortification  at  Niagara,  received  orders  to  act  as  Engineer  during  the  siege.  Arrangements  were 
made  to  open  the  trenches  that  very  night ;  Sieur  de  Bourlamaque  superintOided  them.  Six  pickets 
of  workmen,  fifty  men  each,  were  under  orders  for  that  night ;  two  companies  of  grenadiers  and 
three  pickets  to  support  them. 

Notwithstanding  the  greatest  possible  diligence,  the  «rork  at  this  trench  could  not  be  begun  until 
midnight.  It  was  rather  a  parallel  of  about  100  toises  * ,  the  front  opened  at  90'  toiSes  from  the  ditch 
of  tlie  fort  through  ground  embarrassed  by  obstmctions  and  stumps  of  trees.  This  parallel  finished 
at  five  o'clock  in  the  morning  was  completed  by  th6  day  labourers  who  cut  the  lines  of  communica- 
tion and  commenced  erecting  batteries.  The  enemy's  Ate  which  had  been  very  brisk  since  the  break 
of  day  ceased  about  eleven  o'clock  at  night,  and  it  was  |>erceived  that  the  garrison  evacuated  Fort 
Ontario  and  passed  over  to  that  of  Chouaguen  at  the  opposite  side  of  the  xiver. .  They  abandoned  in 
retiring  8  pieces  of  cannon  and  four  mortars.  The  fort  having  been  Immediately  occupied  by  the 
grenadiers  of  the  trench,  the  workmen  were  commanded  to  continue  the  communication  of  the 
parallel  to  the  river  side  where  at  nightfall  was  commenced  a  lai^  battery  placed  so  as  to  batter 
Fort  Chouaguen,  the  road  from  that  fort  to  Fort  George,  and  take  the  entrenched,  camp  in  the  rear. 
Twenty  pieces  of  cannon  were  conveyed  during  the  night  in  men's  arms,  a  labour  which  occupied 
the  wliole  army,  with  the  exception  of  the  picquets  and  the  camp  guard. 

On  the  14<>>,  at  daylight,  the  Marquis  of  Montcalm  orderd  Sieur  de  BigaUd  to  ford  the  river  to  the 
other  side  with  the  Canadians  and  Indians,  to  occupy  the  woods  and  harraas- tile  communication  with 
Fort  George  where  the  enemy  appeared  making  considerable  preparations.*  At  six  o'clock  we  had 
nine  pieces  ready  to  bear,  and  though  the  fire  of  the  besieged,  up  to  that  time  was  more  brisk  than 
our's,  they  hoisted  the  White  Flag  at  ten  o'clock  and  sent  two  officers  to  demand  a  Capitulation. 
The  celerity  of  our  operations  in  a  soil  which  they  considered  impracticable,  the  erection  of  our  bat- 
teries completed  with  so  much  rapidity,  the  idea  these  ^orksgave  them  of  the  number  of  the  French 
troops,  tlie  movement  of  the  corps  detached  from  the  other  side  of  th6  river,  the  dread  of  the  sava- 
ges,  the  death  of  Colonel  Mercer,  commandant  of  Chouaguen  who  was  killed  at  eight,  o'clock  in  the 
Morning,^  doubtless  determined  the  beseiged  to  a  step  Which  we  had  not  daied  to^expeot  so  soon. 

The  Marquis  de  Montcalm  sent  Sieur  de  Bougainville,- one  of  his  aids  de  camp  as  a  hostage  and  to 
propose  articles  of  Capitulation  which  were  to  the  efiect  that  the  garrison  should  render  themselves 
prisoners  of  war  and  that  the  French  troops  should  forthwith  take  possession  of  tba  Forti.    The  ar- 


' 


! 


J 


1.  A  toiie  !i  a  French  meMur*  of  lix  fact. 


-r? 


2.  <<  8i«ur  Rigaad  executed  this  order  forthwith.  Thoof  h  there  WM  eontiderabU  water  In  that  Rirer  and  the  current 
wae  yerjr  rapid,  he  threw  himielf  in  and  erotted  over  with  the  Canadian  and  iMUaaa  f  tome  nrimniiaK,  othera  in  the  wa- 
ter up  to  the  waist  or  to  the  necic  and  arrived  at  their  destination  witlioattfea  flra  of  Ou  aBamy  lutTiaK  b««n  aUa  to  atop  a 

single  Canadian  or  Savage."— XiurtJUr  ateount,  -W-'^ '  "'-  '  -,%'^'icd  '  '  "''  ■^■'- " ■• »  *■  —  ■-"•-* -  '•—  •   '— 

3.  This  officer  was  gaxetted,  7th  Oct.  1764,  Lieut.  Col.  ot  Sir  Wm.  PapptroUi^  or  Um  Snd  AmwinB,  Ragt.    Ha  had  baan 

previously  on  lialf  pajr. 


.^f'i 


Y" 


,.•*■■■.• 
It     < 


ft'  M^  r>£aJke^. 


\     Explanation . 

<v.  'nieRuitr  Vncndofo, . 
)i.  Th*  Hake  OntHrio . 


319 

Regiment* 
ent  (acting 
ir  of  Forts 
the  Pickets 
^val  of  the 

glish  about 
|ids  of  the 
I  regiments, 
liiylers  regi- 
|neer8,  and 
P,  one  of  8, 
'mortars,  5 
lile  of  pro- 


{  removed, 
the  several 
is  of  Mont- 
I  expedition 
hem  in  His 

^d  the  com- 
?day  to  day 
kecution  of 
(nately,  had 

I 

txvi.  508.] 


IPS  AND  TBB 
;S,   GENERAL 


X\  that  the 


He  bad  been 


ed  /»  Aoc  «igno 
U  account. 


HI 


1 


;     !    T  The  South  View  of  Osw 

(it'licral  Shirlov  f/f  //./.j  f/Z/'f/ff/////////  A'/'z/Z/f/yrv/, ////,/  i'ort 
/f//f/  /■/•f/'Ay/  A/ff  of/tent,  rtw  ft'fjttrnrf/  /yf  . /f/iunr  /ri//t 

.n'/f-  .tn/i-  (>/'  Hif    /ift,if>tt,4'yf>  y/firr/'J    t/t.ttri hT /'h'ni  t/n  Old 
Fort'. '////»>  //'///•///.'/   *(i//(/ tAf    Ealt  Fox*t,/.>   /'m// r/    Jn/.ttim/ 


View 

^tt'.t  I'orf 
u   r/,r  Old 

Jff/'>  (Nil/ 


of  Oswego  on  Lake  Ontario    ,    ^ 

/«->'//   c^  t/n-    ('//<v/'.y,  /r/u//'*',/  Me  ( 'Aft/iftf/  nA t/tf-  f'/tfy-- 
ft/irr  f  /i/f'  tAf    Onondag'Ji  River   /yv;//   »    h/%'/'r/r.  ff^f// 
f'lf  r   '/'f/^jf/.i   (Wf   //f/H/'ft////    tra r/j'f/  /'ff't))  t/i4'    J a/e*' . 
i/i/f  //ti'     4ift.ir/i  . 


\     Explanation . 
Ji-  TheHwerl>n<intiafa, . 
)i.  Th*r,akr.  CnfUric , 


-  nor  „■  ..il  i'  Pi  ;--U'--li>v  '.jv.'.  k  .  v^iUTie  j"v.  S<t:iV 


ViiSr 


m 

The  pieoaatlon 
concealed,  had  til 
day  by  the  Indlanl 
at  noon  from  the  1 
artiUery,  but  the  ^ 
considerable  dbtaii 

On  the  12>i>  at  d 
These  batteaux  w4 
the  Camp.  The  U 
ions  established,  a] 
fortification  at  Nia| 
made  to  open  the  i 
of  workmen,  fifty  i 
three  pickets  to  su] 

Notwithstanding 
midnight.  It  was  \ 
of  the  fort  througfai 
at  five  o'clock  in  tl 
tion  and  commenc^ 
of  day  ceased  aboU 
Ontario  and  passed! 
retiring  8  pieces  of 
grenadiers  of  the  i 
parallel  to  the  rivei 
Fort  Ghouaguen,  th 
Twenty  pieces  of  <) 
the  whole  srmy,  wi 

Onthel4*»,at 
other  side  with  the! 
Fort  Geoi^e  where 
nine  pieces  ready  t(j 
our's,  they  hoisted  j 
Thecelerity  ofour  I 
teries  completed  wij 
troops,  the  movema 
ges,  the  death  of  Cq 
Morning,  =■  doubtle^ 

The  Marquis  de : 
propose  articles  of 
prisoners  of  war  an< 

.  I.  AtoUaiikFfMehl 

2i  "SieurRipiadexM 
WM  Tcrr  rapid,  ha  tbre* 
Ur  up  to  the  waiit  or  to 
•ingle  Caoadiaii  or  SaT«| 

.  8.  Thii  oOeer  ww  f  u 
preTiontly  od  itaU  pajr.  i 


a 


s^ 


rAmS.  BBbATIHO   TO  OtWUO. 


319 


,'  -' 


-  -f 


tioles  haying  been  aooepted  bj  the  Oommandant  Blear  Littleallei,  oommaoding  Shirley's  Begiment* 
and  sent  to  the  Marqais  of  Montcalm,  Sieur  de  la  Faur,  Aldemi^o'  ^  Oulenne's  Regiment  (acting 
M^jor  General)  was  sent  to  revise  them ;  and  Sleur  de  Bourlamaque  named  Commander  of  Forts 
George  and  Chouaguen  took  possession  of  these  with  two  companies  of  Grenadiers  and  the  Pickets 
from  the  trenches.  He  was  entrusted  with  the  destruction  of  said  Forts  and  the  removal  of  the 
artillery,  Munitions  of  war  and  the  provisions  found  there. 

There  were,  on  our  side  only  about  thirty  men  killed  or  wounded  j  on  that  of  the  English  about 
150,  including  several  soldiers  who  wishing  to  escape  across  the  woods  fell  into  the  hands  of  the 
Indians.  The  number  of  prisoners  was  nearly  1700  men ;  to  wit  Shirley's  and  Pepperel's  regiments, 
arrived  from  old  England  and  who  were  at  the  battle  of  Fontenoy,  a  detachment  of  Schuylers  regi- 
ment. Militia  of  the  Country,  about  80  officers,  among  whom  were  two  artillery,  two  engineers,  and 
12  navy  officers.  We  captured  also  7  vessels  of  war  i  one  of  18  guns,  one  of  14,  one  of  10,  one  of  8, 
three  mounted  with  patereros,  200  barges  or  batteauz,  7  pieces  of  bronze,  48  of  iron,  14  mortars,  6 
howitzers,  47  patereros,  a  quantity  of  bullets,  bombs,  balls,  powder  and  a  considerable  pile  of  pro- 
visions. 

On  the  21  •*  all  having  been  demolished,  the  prisoners,  artillery  and  supplies  being  removed, 
the  army  re-imbarked  and  repaired  in  three  divisions  to  the  Bay  of  Niaour^  whence  the  several 
corps  proceeded  to  their  respective  destinations.  The  savages  having,  with  the  Marquis  of  Mont- 
cahn's  permission,  departed  successively  after  the  siege,  This  general  had  previous  to  tiie  expedition 
bound  the  Nations  the  one  to  the  other  by  a  Wampum  belt  which  he  had  presented  them  in  His 
Mtyesty's  name  according  to  the  custom  of  the  Country. 

So  much  munition  of  war  and  provisions  found  at  Chouaguen — ^the  fleet  which  secured  the  com- 
mand on  Lake  Ontario^  to  the  English — ^the  additional  reinforcements  they  expected  from  day  to  day 
— all  announced  designs  on  their  part  against  our  posts,  Frontenac  and  Niagara,  the  execution  of 
which  was  calculated  on  this  Autumn,  and  the  danger  of  which  the  Colony,  very  fortunately,  had 
not  to  incur.* 

[For  another  FVeneh  account  of  the  taking  of  Oswego,  see  Gentleman's  Magazine,  Vol.  xxvl.  508.] 

,f»lfjftir«r(  ^  •'  ••:=•■■!:,■•:.  "t^t 
'-':■■. '^  ...      <"'•:]'(     .!:.'■  i'l^  .:•  •:'■'•  j.;</j!i'  ,(.; 

'«y.5>>j):'i5ii'»  tv,  w>;»  >  ','  ••:•'»., ivv    ,   ■.'.'l'> /'u.  ,    'i 

"^--'''''"-^'■-■'■^y^'--^'-:-       ABTICLES  OP  CAPITULATION.  '^       .   . 

eaAimiD  to  the  eholisb  Txoon  commamdxd  bt  john  littlxhalis,  oommaiidiiio  said  troops  and  the 

FORTS  CHOUAGVSN,  BY  M.   LE  MARQUIS  DE  MOMTCALM,  nELD  MARSHAL  OV  THE  KIMOS  ARMIES,  GENERAL 
OF  HIS  TROOPS   IN  MEW   FRANCE. 


:i 


Article  the  first. 

It  has  been  agreed  that  tiie  English  troops  shall  surrender  themselves  prisoners  of  War ;  that  the 
Officers  and  soldiers  shall  be  allowed  to  preserve  their  effects.  ■>■  ^  ^  *j  '^^ 

1.  John  LitUthalet  wu  appolatad  Mi^r  of  8hirle]r>i  (or  tha  lit  Amtrloan)  lUf  t  alio  on  7th  Oot.  17M.    He  had  been 
prariOMly  on  half  pay. 

2.  "  The  Abb<  Pieqnat      ....      earn*  to  Ohonasvm  to  plant  a  OroH  thara»  on  which  waa  afixad  A  Aoe  dgno 
Hacwitj  and  alons  aid*,  a  pole  with  the  Kinfi  arms  and  thit  Innriptlon-JfMiftMMa  bHa  pltnti."'-A<UHUonal  attount. 


|l 


f 


TAPXM  helatino  to  oiweoo. 

That  the  said  Forts  shall  be  given  up  at  two  o'CIock  In  the  afternoon  with  generally  all  the  eflieets, 
munitions  of  war,  provisions,  Barks,  iUgglng  and  other  property  in  general  whatsoever,  without  any 
injury  being  done  thereto  by  their  troops.  < 

ArticU  tht  steond. 

That  all  their  arms  shall  be  deposited  in  a  store  at  the  moment  one  half  the  troops  are  embarked 
to  cross  the  river ;  that  a  number  of  French  troops  are  passed  over  by  the  return  to  take  possession 
of  the  Fort  and  that  the  remainder  of  the  troops  shall  retire  at  the  same  time. 

The  Flags  and  Drums  shall  likewise  be  deposited  in  said  Stores  with  the  Officers'  arms. 

A  new  Inventory  shall  be  made  of  the  property  in  the  stores  and  of  the  artillery,  powder,  bullets, 
provisions,  baiks  and  rigghig  conformably  to  the  returns  made  to  me. 

The  Officers  shall  in  passing,  each  take  away  tlielr  effeots  with  them.  ^ 

The  14*>>  at  U  o'clock  in  the  morning. 

(Signed)  Jouit  Littleiulu  Lt  Colonel  and  Commandant. 

The  said  articles  are  granted  in  His  most  Christian  Mf\jesty's  name  according  to  the  power  which 
I  have  from  M.  the  Marquis  de  Yaudreuil,  his  Oovemour  and  Lieutenant  General  in  New  France. 

Signed,        Montcalm. 

Return  of  Effects  found  in  the  Fort  and  tent  to  FVontenaCf  the  pillage  not  included. 

7  cast  cannon  of  the  calibre  of  19. 14.  &  18 
48ofironof9.6.6.&3.  ^^l   '..^ '     ,.  • 

1  cast  mortar,  9  inches  4  lines.  ,  "     '  '  ,"   • ' 

13  others  of  Iron  of  6  inches  &  of  3  inches. 
44paterero8. 
23  thousand  of  powder. 

8  thousand  of  Lead  in  balls  and  shot. 
2950  bullets  of  divers  calibres. 

1 50  Bombs  of  9  inches  and  300  of  six. 
1476  grenadoes. 
730  grenadier's  muskets. 

340  Grape  shot  (/latnn*.)  '"       „h»..  . 

12pairsofiron  wheels  for  naval  carriages.  \ 

Vuieh  Captured  on  Lake  Ontario. 
I  Snow  of  18  g'ins ;  1  brigantine  of  sixteen ;  1  sloop  of  ten ;  one  battoe  of  10 ;  one  of  eight  & 
two  stone  guns;  1  skiff  mounted  with  8  patereros  &  one  skiff  in  the  stocks,  burnt;  200  barges  & 
batteaux. 

Provisions  found  in  this  Fort. 
704  barrels  filled  with  biscuit.  7  barrels  of  Salt 

1386  barrels  of  pork  &  beef  1  garret  ftill  of  Vegetables 

712  barrels  of  flour.  1  other  piled  with  floiur 

200  sacks  of  ditto.  32  live  oxen 

^"^      11  barrels  of  Rice  '  ' '  "    "'^  16  hogs  - -^^  ■" 

3  boxes  of  silver  &  the  military  chest  containing  1 8,000"'  - 

*       A  quantity  of  liquors  and  wines  ••       "  *< 


!i''V-F 


7 

.■<-<.l 


•)i'in--\''\'>  vn:..;.Bi  ■'  i''^-  :  'n  ->M'  '>m-h  t-j '!«',!. 


w 


VAVSBS  BXLATtMS  TO  MWMO. 


321 


w 


ADDITIONAL  PARTICULARS. 

Our  artillery  thundered  on  their  camp  and  at  the  moment  we  were  thinking  only  of  our  destruc- 
tion we  were  about  to  witness  the  glorious  termination  of  our  labours  I  liad  seven  men  of  my 
pioquet  killed  or  wounded  within  an  hour  and  a  half  and  I  had  still  the  whole  day  before  me  when 
we  heard  the  Rapptl  and  saw  the  White  Flag  hoisted  on  the  turret  of  their  embattled  house.  Cries 
of  Vive  U  Roi  informed  the  French  of  the  fact.  The  loss  of  their  commander;  that  of  the  officer  of 
artillery ;  the  tears  of  their  wives ;  the  terror  of  those  who  saw  their  husbands  exposed  to  the  same 
danger;  induced  them  to  surrender.  We  made  1640  prisoners,  120  of  whom  were  Women,  five 
Standards,'  120  fire  eaters  (cannon)  and  six  large  Barks.  Their  Stores  were  provided  with  every 
thing  to  maintain  our  army  during  the  next  Campaign.  The  loss  of  the  king  of  England  is  esti- 
mated at  20,000,000.  The  least  superstitious  attribute  our  success  to  Providence.  They  could,  in 
truth  Sir,  hold  out  much  longer.  We  have  lost,  notwithstanding,  80  men,  and  our  little  army  had 
been  swamped  if  that  valour  so  justly  attributed  to  the  troops  of  Old  England  had  extended  to  their 
Colonies.  Our's  is  now  more  flourishing  than  ever ;  trade  entirely  re-established ;  lake  Ontario  our's 
without  any  opposition.  We  can  hardly  recover  from  our  astonishment.  The  bulwark  {U  boulevard) 
of  New  England  was  originally  but  the  house  of  an  individual  whom  the  Iroquois  had  permitted  to 
build ;  of  tills  the  King  took  possession  some  years  afterwards  for  purposes  of  Trade.  He  increased 
it  with  all  the  works  which  we  demolished.  Their  loss.  Sir,  is  incredible.  The  Canadians  and  In- 
dians have  had  a  very  considerable  slice  of  the  cake ;  the  latter  perpetrated  there  a  multitude  of 
horrors  and  assassinated  more  than  100  persons  included  in  the  capitulatiou,  without  our  being  able 
to  prevent  them  or  having  the  right  to  remonstrate  with  them.  This  species  of  animal  I  look  upon 
as  mad  dogs ;  when  they  are  intoxicated  they  are  uncontrolled. 


THE  EXAMINATION  OF  MONS»  BELESTRE 

A  FREttCH  KM8I0N  TAKEN  BEFORE  THE  iMr.i^^  EDMUND  ATKTN  ESQ  HIS  MAJE8TYS  AGENT  TOR,  AND  SUPERtK- 
TXNDANT  or  INDIAN  AFFAIRS,  IN  THE  SOUTHERN  DEPARTMENT  ;  IN  PRESENCE  OF  COL.  WASHINGTON  AND 
OBOROE  CR06HAN  EAR*  DEP^  TO  SIR  W**  JOHNSON. 

(Lond.  Doe.  XXXIV.] 

He  says  he  is  a  native  of  Canada  and  served  Mons^^  Vaudreuil,  that  he  came  last  from  Fort  Du- 

quesne  with  a  party  of  40  Indians  and  12  White  men,  3  of  whom  were  officers That 

only  1(^0  of  the  Garrison  at  Fort  Duquesne  are  quartered  within  the  Fort  the  rest  lodging  in  barracks 
without.  That  the  train  of  Artillery  taken  from  General  Braddock  was  sent  down  after  his  defeat 
to  Niagara,  and  that  it  was  the  same  train  the  French  had  used  at  the  taking  of  Oswego.' 

1  Th«  Mtrquli  d*  Vaudreuil  cauied  to  be  dcpoiltcd  In  th«  Churchei  of  Montreal,  Quebec  and  Three  RIvert,  with  the  uiual 
•iramonlei,  the  four  Standarda  of  Shlrley'a  and  Pepparal'a  regrular  truopa  and  that  of  Behuylcr'a  Begiment  of  Militia.— 
JLnoth$r  Afcmmt, 

3  Th«  lame  day  the  French  inveited  '.he  place  with  about  60U0  men  and  32  pieeei  of  Cannon,  from  12  to  18  pounderi  betidee 
Mtrerai  large  bran  mortara  and  boyeta  (among  which  artillery  waa  part  of  Oenl.  Braddock't.}— Jeurnalc^  (A(  SU^*  tf  Oiutgoi 
OM'Uman't  itnf  xxvil.  78. 

[Vol.  I.]  41 


322 


fAntlM  KCLATINO  TO  OtWEQO. 


[  Ooanell  Mia.  XXT.  ] 

At  a  Council  held  at  Fort  George  in  tlie  City  of  New 

York  on  Friday  the  27(>>  lUy  of  April  1766. 
His  Excellency  communicated  to  the  Council  the  Intelligence  he  had  received  ih>m  the  I.^  IL  n>>>« 
the  Earl  of  Loudon,  by  Express,  of  the  Enemy's  having  laid  siege  to  Oswego,  of  their  having  taken 
the  Fort  on  the  East  side  of  the  River,  and  that  it  was  apprehended  they  were  or  would  soon  be 
Masters  of  the  other  works  there,  with  all  the  stores  and  Naval  Armament. 

Also  a  Letter  from  his  I/>rdship  of  the  21'*  inst  in  which  his  Lordship  desires  that  his  Excellency 
seeing  tlie  situation  of  Things,  and  Knowing  so  well  the  Consequences  of  such  a  situation  would  send 
liim  such  aid  as  he  may  see  necessary  and  may  be  in  bis  power  to  do. 


EXTRACT  OP  A  LETTER  FROM  ALBANY,  DATED  AUG.  30. 

[  N.  V.  Mercury.  ] 

Last  niglit  a  letter  came  to  Town  from  Onide  Carrying  Place,  where  was  come  an  Indian  from 
Oswego,  who  informed,  that  the  French  had  carried  every  Thing  fiom  thence  and  demolished  the 
Place ;  that  they  had  carried  away  three  of  four  Officers,  the  Carpenters  and  Sailors  to  Frontenac, 
the  Remainder  tliey  killed,  cut  off  their  Heads,  and  posted  them  on  Stakes  along  the  Lake  Side.    It 

is  said  Col.  L e  scandalously  surrendered  the  Fort,  no  more  than  7  Men  killed  in  the  whole, 

among  whom  was  Col.  Mercier.    "Commodore  B ^y  also  behaved  scandalously,  not  firing  one  Gun 

from  his  Vessels  on  the  Enemy.  I  cannot  conceive  (if  true)  why  this  Barbarity  was  Committed,  un- 
less our  Men  repenteil  their  Shameful  Surrender,  or  there  must  have  been  a  Quarrel  between  the 
French  and  Indians. 

The  accounts  received  from  Albany  since  our  last,  concerning  Oswego,  are  more  favourable,  than 
tliose  that  have  been  inserted  lieretofore ;  for  we  are  Assured  from  good  Authority,  that  some  wliite 
People  are  returned  to  Albany,  who  were  despatched  to  Oswego,  in  order  to  reconnoitre  the  Woods, 
and,  if  possible,  to  get  a  View  of  the  Place,  who  report  that  they  lay  two  Nights  there,  where  every 
thing  that  could  be  of  service  to  the  French  was  carried  away,  and  the  Forts  and  Houses  entirely 
demolislied,  that  no  signs  of  Murder  or  Massacre  was  to  be  seen,  and  that  they  found  only  three 
Graves,  wliich  were  very  handsomely  made  up,  and  one  in  particular,  which  they  imagined  was  Col. 
Mercer's. 

'Tis  also  said,  Tliat  a  Negro  Fellow,  who  made  his  Escape,  after  the  Gai'rison  of  Oswego  was  taken, 
is  lying  sick  at  Onida  Castle,  and  says,  that  immediately  after  Col.  Mercer  was  killed,  the  Place  was 
given  up  to  the  French,  by  Order  of  Lieutenant  Colonel  Littlehill ;  that  the  Number  of  tlie  Besiegers 
were  but  little  superior  to  those  of  the  Besieged ;  and  that  the  Enemy  had  no  other  Cannon,  than 
those  they  got  at  Fort  Ontario. 

A  Letter  from  Oneida  Carrying  Place  dated  August  18  says— That  John  Gall  who  belong'd  to  one 
of  the  Vessels  on  the  Lake,  and  made  his  Escape  reports.  That  on  the  ll'h  instant  the  Row  Galley 
went  out  on  a  Cruise,  and  retum'd  in  10  Minutes,  first  giving  a  Signal  that  he  had  discovered  the 
Enemy :  Upon  which  the  two  other  Sloops  with  Part  of  the  Regiments  on  board  immediately  went 
out,  and  in  about  a  Mile  from  the  Fort  discovered  the  Enemy's  Camp.  The  12H'  the  Enemy  engaged 

ikfS.  Note  in  th*  Mtreury.—lt  an  enemy  ihould  sUntI  on  tbe  brink  of  the  hiU  no  gun  pointed  could  reach  him  from  the 

resieU. 


■ 


PAPKRI   HrXATINO  TO  OtWKGO. 


323 


Ontario  Fort,  with  Small  Arnii  only,  the  Fort  returning  the  Fire  very  smartly  with  their  Cannon 
and  Small  Arms,  all  that  Day  and  Nlgiit  following.  The  la*"  a  Council  of  War  was  held  at  tlie  old 
Stone  Fort,  and  two  Shells  and  one  iiall  thrown,  which  was  a  Signal  for  the  Troops  to  quit  Ontario 
Fort  and  Join  those  at  tiiu  old  Fort,  the  oi)|N)Blte  side  of  tlie  River,  where  Col.  Mercer  was,  which 
tiiey  immediately  did :  TImt  at  Night  the  Kuemy  hovo  up  a  Facliine  Battery  and  Eutrencliment  on 
the  Edge  of  tlie  Bank,  opiKisito  tiie  old  Fort,  Tliu  14t>>  in  tlie  Morning  tlie  Enemy  begun  their  Fire 
on  the  old  Fort,  which  was  warmly  returned  till  Col.  Mercer  was  killed  by  a  Cannon  Bull  us  ho  was 
in  the  Camp  encouraging  the  Men  about  1 1  o'clock :  That  the  Fire  continued  very  hot  about  an  Hour " 
after,  when  Lieutenant  Cook  with  a  Flag  of  Truce  was  sent  to  the  Enemy ;  and  upon  tlieir  return 
all  the  Indians  came  in  with  him.  That  Orders  were  immediately  given  for  every  Man  on  board  the 
Vessells  to  lay  down  their  Arms  take  1  Blanket  and  2  Shirts  and  march  Prisoners  into  the  old  Fort, 
That  Shirley's  &  Pepperell's  Regiments  wore  ordered  to  march  to  Fort  Ontario,  to  be  sent  Prisoners 
to  Frontenac  (500  Indians  btdng  to  guard  them)  in  the  Vessels  which  they  took  from  us  in  our  Har- 
bour, being  2  Sloops  0  Guns  each,  k'sldes  Swivels,  and  2  Holes ;  2  Sclioouers,  one  of  them  with 
Swivels ;  and  a  Brig  lately  built,  with  14  Carrlago  Guns,  and  the  same  number  of  Swivels ;  That  Col. 
Schuyler  and  his  Regiment  were  carried  away  Prisoners  also.  That  by  the  best  accounts  he  could 
collect  there  were  iutt  Ave  Men  Killed  besides  Col.  Mercer. 


SIR  CHARLES  HARDY  TO  THE  BOARD. 

[  Load.  Ooo.  XXXIU.  ] 

Fort  George  N.  York  Sep  5th  nS6. 

My  Lords— I  enclose  for  your  Lordshipps  information  the  Declaration  sent  me  from  Albany  of  the 
Soldiers  who  were  originally  Deserters  froni  the  French,  &  had  taken  on  in  Generals  Shirley  &  Peper- 
ells  Regiments  this  paper  did  not  come  to  mo  from  any  publick  authority,  %s  Lord  Loudoun  could 
not  then  have  time  to  copy  papers.  One  of  the  Sail<jrs  that  belonged  to  the  Ontario  Capt"  Lafory,  I 
have  seen  he  gives  this  information  that  to  the  best  of  his  memory  on  the  morning  of  the  10^  of 
August  a  small  Schooner  was  sent  ftrom  Oswego  to  make  discovery,  that  she  returned  off  of  the  Har- 
bour again  in  about  two  hours,  informing  them  that  they  had  discovered  a  large  incampment  of  the 
enemy  about  three  miles  to  the  Eastward  of  Oswego,  upon  this  information  Capt"'  Lafory  &  Deane 
sailed  in  two  sloops  to  nttempt  cannonading  the  Camp,  before  they  could  reach  the  shore  where  the 
enemy  lay  they  were  fired  upon  with  Cannon  very  briskly,  that  four  shot  struck  the  Ontario,  tliree 
of  them  stuck  in  her  side,  which  they  cut  out  found  them  to  be  Balls  of  twelve  pound  weight  with 
the  Kings  broad  arrow  on  them,  that  they  did  not  think  it  adviseable  to  make  any  fiu-ther  attempt, 
but  returned  to  Oswego,  &  sail'd  again  the  next  morning  as  [and?]  observed  the  encampment 
as  before.  By  this  time  the  enemy  hod  marched  Bodys  of  their  Forces  &  attacked  Fort  Ontario 
with  Musquetry  which  they  continued  ibr  two  days,  when  the  Enghsh  Garrison  abandoned  it, 
first  spiking  their  small  Cannon,  threw  their  Powtler  into  a  well,  &  retired  into  the  old  Fort, 
soon  after  the  enemy  drew  up  their]  Cannon  to  Fort  Ontario  in  number  8  or  9  and  cannonaded 
the  old  Fort,  which  continued  for  24  hours  when  Lieut  Col  Littlehales,  who  succeeded  to  the 
command  upon  Lieut  Coll  Mercers  l)eing  killed  sent  out  an  Officer  and  Drum  with  a  white 
Flag,  soon  after  the  surrender  took  place,  &  the  French  possession  of  the  Fort,  that  the  Garrison 
were  made  prisoners  of  War  &  well  used,  that  the  vessels  which  were  all  in  Port,  was  soon 


^A 


tt4 


FATBM  KXtATIM*  TO  OIWICO. 


after  taken  possenion  of  bj  the  Frenoh.  during  the  liege  wu  ki'led  Lifut  Coll.  Merce  r  apt" 
Hind  of  the  Train  of  Artillery  and  eight  or  nine  private  men,  and  one  Engineer  wounded,  he 
farther  saya  that  the  Enemy's  foroe  waa  reported  tu  be  three  thousand  Regulars  k  a  great  num- 
ber of  Indiana,  These  two  accounts  tho'  not  materially  different  are  greatly  b<>  fyum  an  account 
aent  me  from  Oen:  Willi's  Camp  An  Onandaga  Sachera  came  to  them  the  2&"i  in  the  evening 
with  atrings  of  Wampum  and  declared.  That  two  of  their  young  men  that  had  been  aent  to 
Oswego  returned  to  their  Castle  k  reported  that  Oswego  was  not  taken  till  six  days  before,  that 
the  enemy  had  put  the  whole  to  the  sword,  except  ISO,  sailors  carpenters  k  artificers  included, 
That  they  had  demolished  the  works  and  evacuated  the  place,  carrying  away  the  shipping  Ouns 
ammunition  fco,  That  they  had  laid  the  Dead  In  Banks  with  their  heads  in  the  Water,  k  scat- 
tered a  great  quantity  of  Provisions  about  the  Place.  That  they  told  the  Indians  upon  their 
leaving  the  place,  You  see  we  do  not  want  to  seize  your  I^nds,  only  to  drive  the  English  away 
whom  we  are  much  obliged  to  for  supplying  us  with  Artillery  k  Toola  which  we  were  in  want 
of  to  take  their  Forta,  the  Sachem  added  that  those  that  gave  us  the  former  accounts  were  de- 
serters who  went  away  before  the  aflkir  was  decided, 

These  are  all  the  particulars  I  can  Aimish  yoxa  Lordpp*  with,  with  respect  to  the  loss  of 
Oswego. 


Declaration  of  a  JWdt'cr  tn  SMrtey't  RegimerU. 

AlbaDr  Au(  tba  21,  1766.    Past  8  o  eloek 

The  following  aooonnt  is  given  by  5  other  men  wh6  had  deserted  from  the  French  and  were  in 
Generals  Shirley  k  Pepperel's  Regiments  and  escaped  with  the  Declarant. 

Claude  Frederick  Hutenac  of  Major  Gen'  Shirley's  Reg«  declares  that  on  Mondayjthe  9»i»  of  Aug«  a 
Prow  Galley  went  out  of  the  harbour  of  Oswego,  and  discovered  the  Frencli  Camp  about  a  mile  from 
Fort  Ontario,  the  next  day  two  sloops  sailed  out  of  the  Harbour  who  were  fired  upon  from  that  Camp 
k  brought  in  two  of  the  Bullete  one  of  them  an  eigliteenth  and  the  other  a  twelve  Pounder.  That 
on  Wednesday  k  Thursday  the  enemy  continued  to  fire  with  Small  Arms  only  from  the  tops  of  the 
Trees  k  behind  bushes  upon  a  rising  ground  which  commands  Fort  Ontario,  which  is  no  more  than 
stockaded  with  a  ditch  of  14  feet  wide  and  10  deep  but  not  quite  finished.  That  on  Thursday  night 
the  enemy  opened  Trenches  within  Pistol  shot  of  the  Fort,  &  on  Friday  the  13»h  between  one  &  two 
in  the  afternoon,  the  whole  Garrison  consisting  of  300  men  of  Fepperells  commanded  by  Capt" 
Barford  of  that  Regiment  haveing  first  spiked  their  Cannon  consisting  of  two  Six  Pounders  and  six 
four  Pounders— abandoned  their  Fort  k  embarked  aboard  Whale  Boats  and  got  into  the  old  Fort 
Oswego,  without  suffering  any  loss,  that  during  the  time  they  remained  in  Fort  Ontario,  they  had 
only  8  men  killed  k  Ensign  Ting  of  Major  Gen'«  Pepperells  Regiment,  wounded,  that  tliey  ne.thtr 
wanted  ammunition  or  Provisions,  &  that  the  enemy  never  fired  any  cannon  at  this  Fort  That  8o<  n 
after  they  arrived  in  the  old  Fort  Oswego,  Lieut  Coll  Mercer  marched  Pepperell's  Regiment  with  100 
of  Shirley's  to  reinforce  Coll  Scliuyler  who  with  his  men  were  posted  at  a  small  unfinished  i«  loubt 
upon  a  rising  Ground  about  600  yards  to  the  Westward  of  old  Fort  Oswegoe,  this  Post  I  ad  bfen 
deserted  for  some  months  past,  and  made  use  of  only  in  keeping  Cattle,  this  detachment  was  e  iiploi  ed 
that  afternoon  in  cutting  down  the  Bushes  near  that  Fort  and  making  fascines,  Tiiat  on  Sit  iiday 
morning  early  the  U""  the  French  oi>ened  a  Fascine  Battery  of  5  Pieces  of  Cannon  befoi-e  tl;e  Gu*6 
of  Fort  Ontario,  &  played  upon  the  old  Fort  Oswego,  across  tlie  mouth  of  tlie  Harbor,  that  the  Ca-- 
rison  on  tlieir  side  continued  to  fire  above  4  hours  with  12  Guns  and  4  Mortars  where  >f  ui.e  (jf  ihei 
latter  burst,  that  bttwiea  8  &  9  o  clock  that  morning  Coll  Mercer  was  killed  at  the  Battjy  uio 


PAFXRt.  BBLATINa  TO  MWIflO. 


S36 


which  the  commnnd  devolving  upon  Lieut  Coll.  Llttlehnlei,  he  tent  for  Coll  Schuyler  fc  the  detaeh- 
ment  rrom  tlie  Rcdoulit  wlio  on  tliclr  marching  to  tlie  old  Oawego  Fort  had  two  men  killed     upon 
Coll  Scliuyler's  iirrivul  ii  council  of  War  consisting  o{  the  Field  Ofllcerf  fc  Captains  was  called  and 
presently  tlicreafter  orders  wus  given  to  cease  firing  U|M)n  wliich  Lieu'*  Montcreif  of  Shlrleys  and  aa 
officer  of  Pepperells  with  a  Sergeant  &  Drutn  went  out  of  tlie  Works  with  a  White  Flagg  in  order  to  cross 
over  at  the  mouth  of  tlio  Harbour,  upon  which  thi^  Declarant  said  to  Colonel  Llttlehales  that  if  you  are 
to  give  up  the  Fort  you  must  suffer  mn  who  am  a  deserter  from  the  Frencii  to  make  tlie  Best  of  my  wayi 
because  they  will  have  nu  mercy  upon  me,  the  Colonel  replyed  that  he  expected  to  march  out  with  the 
Honors  of  Wnrr,  &  conse<|uently  lie  the  Declarant  would  he  safe,  nut  trusting  to  this,  he  with  seven 
more  who  had  formerly  ileserted  from  the  French  had  leave  to  make  tlieir  escape,  but  before  they  got 
quite  clear  they  saw  the  French  from  the  opposite  side  of  the  Harbour  getting  into  Boats,  and  amongst 
them  some  cloutlied  la  Red  Atced  with  Green  which  he  immagines  lielongs  to  the  Irish  Brigade, 
that  about  3U  of  the  Gurrison  of  old  Fort  Oswego  were  killed  and  wounded,  and  that  no  officer  was 
killed  except  Lieut.  Coll.  Mercer,  nor  any  wounded  but  Lieut  de  la  Cour  of  the  Artillery.    Tliat 
the  Enemys  battery  was  raised  so  high  th'it  their  shott  ])lunged  in  amongst  them  and  the  only  cover 
they  had  towards  the  side  of  the  Lake  upon  which  the  tuemys  Battery  chifly  iM>iuted,  were  ft-om 
Barrels  of  Pork  placed  by  way  of  parapet,  with  embrasures  through.    ThiR  one  Saturday  morning 
the  U^h  a  Party  of  the  French  forded  the  River  about  Cannon  shot  from  the  old  Fort  who  remained 
in  the  Woods  without  coming  near  the  works.     That  there  was  no  sortie  made  ftom  any  of  the  Forts 
and  that  all  the  vessels  were  in  the  Port  when  the  Place  was  given  up.    That  ttom  the  report  of  the 
Seamen  who  saw  the  French  Camp  they  judged  them  to  be  about  4000  regulars,  besides  Canadians 
&  Indians.    That  the  Garrison  of  Oswego  consisted  of  about  400  of  Shirley  300  of  Pepperels,  and 
150  of  Schuyler's  besides  the  seamen,  carpenters  and  other  artificers  who  worked  the  Guns  &  did  the 
other  dutys  in  the  works.    Tiie  4  men  of  Shirley's  Regiment  who  are  all  deserters  fh>m  the  French 
declare  that  there  was  8  montlis  pay  due  to  them  when  the  enemy  appeared,  they  were  then  paid  up 
six  months.    The  two  men  of  Pepperels  who  are  also  deserters  from  the  French  declare  they  have 
received  no  pay  for  9  months  pust.    That  last  winter  there  was  only  140  men  fit  for  duty  of  both 
Regiments  with  20  of  the  independent  corapanys.    That  their  provision  was  extremely  bad  and  only 
received  half  allowance,  and  that  even  at  that  they  had  resolved  to  quit  the  place  without  a  supply 
had  speedily  arrived.' 


EXTRACT  OF  A  LETTER  FROM  PORTSMOUTH,  DATED  FEB.  13,  1767. 

[  From  N.  V.  Mercury.  ] 

Inclosed  you  have  a  List  of  Several  Carpenters,  Sailors  and  other  Artificers  that  were  taken  with  me 
at  Oswego,  and  are  now  here ;  some  of  them  were  retaken  going  to  France,  and  others  were  sent 
here  from  Canada.  Some  of  them  are  on  board  the  Royal  Anne,  and  some  in  the  Hospital ;  all  in 
good  Health,  and  are  to  be  sent  home  by  the  first  opportunity. 

1  For  another  Eng/iA  account  of  the  Surrender  of  Oiweg^o,  lee  Qentleman'i  Magazine,  toI.  xxvM,  70.  A  Writer  in  the 
London  Monthly  Review,  vol.  xvii,  174,  accuiei  the  Merohanti  of  England  of  opposing  the  important  lettlement  at  Oswego 
from  intereited  motivrt  ai  a  company  of  them  had  engrotied  the  whole  trade  of  lupplying  the  Colony,  ai  was  pretended, 
with  good!  for  the  Indian  Trade ;  which  goods  they  sold  wholesale  to  the  French  instead  of  retailing  them  to  tho 
Englisb  or  the  Indians. 


32« 


PAPERS    RELATING   TO  OSWEMO 


Joseph  Oleddon,  William  Drewry,  Henry  Cosdrop,  Samuel  Spenser,  Thomas  Lyneal,  Daniel  Chad- 
well,  James  Dawson,  Joshua  Sprigs,  Alexander  Ogleby,  Philip  Peak,  William  Robinson,  Edward 
Clannon,  Joseph  Petterson,  Zebulon  Drew,  James  Wilson,  John  Lum,  Samuel  Forgison,  Samuel 
Edmunson,  David  Evans,  Thomas  Meloney,  C!ornelius  Scantling,  Rufus  Church,  Samuel  Moot,  Neal 
Walkin8on,ThosHogin,  Benj.Bachoon,  James  Cavenagh,  John  Wood, Dan.  Carpenter,  Benj.  Summer, 
Jonas  Wright,  Sam.  Miles,  Samuel  Noe,  William  Devenport,  Thomas  Godard,  Peter  Wright,  Brier 
Goddaid,  John  Tarlox,  James  Wilson,  Richard  Brincroft',  Robert  Watts,  Arthur  Donaldson,  Joseph 
January,  Peter  Goodman,  William  Hunter,  William  Mullett,  Matthew  Thompson,  Will.  Taylor,  Jacob 
Fedrick,  Matthew  Bayley,  Robert  Hart,  David  Williams,  Daniel  Noroway,  William  Kemp,  Severn 
Anderson,  James  Gibson.  ;  .^._  .., .  ,^ 


[FromMBie.    Oct.  24  1767.  ] 

In  the  packet  came  Passenger  also,  a  seaman  named  Edward  Mariner  who  was  taken  at  Oswego. 
He,  in  Company  with  M'  John  Walters,  of  this  Place,  Robert  Isbum  &  son,  of  PhUadelphia ;  Capt 
Rusco,  Lieutenants  Bickers  and  Prince,  with  Ensign  Ogden,  of  the  New  Jersey  Provmcial  Forces, 
and  about  299  more,  safled  from  Quebeck  the  18<>>  of  July  last,  in  a  Cartel,  and  arrived  at  Plymouth, 

in  28  days  after : He  informs  us  that  the  brave  Colonel  Peter  Schuyler  was  in  good 

Health,  and  the  great  support  of  many  English  Prisoners,  without  whose  assistance  several  of  them 
would  have  been  reduceid  to  the  greatest  extremities.  Captain  [Jasper]  Farmer  [of  the  Artillery] 
Son  of  M'  Jasper  Farmer,  of  this  City,  Merchant,  was  likewise  at  Quebeck,  when  our  Informant 
came  away,  with  several  others  whose  names  he  could  not  recollect ;  and  as  Provisions  were  very 
scarce  when  he  left  that,  'twas  said  the  remainder  of  the  Prisoners  were  to  be  sent  to  Old  France  in 
the  Fall. 

Note— Further  particulars  of  the  operations  before  Oswego  may  be  found  in  the  London  Magazine 
for  the  years  1756— 1759. 


XVIII. 


PAPERS 


HELATINO  TO   THE 


(S^ntxia  €ottnttji  antr  lEtotjatuk  balleg. 


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S    "V      :  ;   .      faff.    '     '"/■  li'/l  I     It'   '" 


CAPTURE  OF  FORT  BULL,'  BY  M«.  DE  LERY. 

[Paris  Doe.  XXV-l 

On  the  27  March  1756  at  four  o'clock  in  the  morning,  the  detachments  commanded  by  M.  de  Lery, 
Lieutenant  of  the  Colonial  troops,  commenced  their  march,  very  much  weakened  by  the  fatigue  they 
experienced  during  fifteen  days  since  tliey  left  Montreal,  for  they  were  two  days  entirely  out  of  pro- 
visions." At  half  past  five  they  arrived  at  the  road  to  the  Carrying  place,  and  the  scouts  in  advance 
brought  in  two  Englishmen  who  were  coming  from  the  fort  nearest  to  Chouaguin,  whom  M.  de  Lery 
caused  to  be  informed  that  he  should  have  their  brains  knocked  out  by  the  Indians  if  he  perceived 
that  they  endeavored  to  conceal  the  trutli,  and  if  they  communicated  it  to  him,  he  should  use  all  his 
efforts  to  extricate  them  from  their  hands. 

These  prisoners  stated  that  the  Fort,  this  side  of  Chouaguin,  was  called  Bull,  having  a  garrison  of 
60  soldiers,  commanded  by  a  lieutenant,  that  there  was  in  this  fort  a  considerable  quantity  of  muni- 
tions of  war  and  provisions ;  that  the  fort  was  constructed  of  heavy  pickets,  15  to  18  feet  above 
ground,  doubled  inside  to  a  man's  height,  and  was  nearly  of  the  shape  of  a  star ;  that  it  had  no  can- 
non, but  a  number  of  gienadoes  which  Colonel  Johnson  had  sent  on  intelligence  being  communicated 
to  him  by  the  Indians  of  our  march  ;  that  the  C  mmandant  of  this  Fort  was  called  Bull;  that  15 
batteaux  were  to  leave  in  the  evening  for  Cliouaguin  ;  that  at  the  moment  sleighs  were  arriving  with 
9  batteaux  loads ;  that  the  fort  on  the  Corlear  side,  at  the  head  of  tlie  Carrying  Place  was  of  much 
larger  pickets  and  well  planked,  having  four  pieces  of  Cannon  and  a  garrison  of  150  men,  commanded 
by  Captain  Williams,  whose  name  the  fort  bore ;  that  they  did  not  know  if  there  were  any  provi- 
sions in  the  fort  not  having  been  in  it.  =■ 

At  10  o'clock  the  savages  captured  10  men  who  were  conducting  the  sleighs  loaded  with  provi- 
sions. Tliese  confirmed  what  the  prisoners  had  stated  and  added  that  100  men  arrived  at  8  o'clock 
on  the  preceding  evening,  who  were  said  to  be  followed  by  a  large  force. 

Monsieur  de  Lery  wliilst  occupying  himself  in  distributing  among  his  detachment  the  provisions 
foimd  in  the  sleighs,  was  informed  that  a  Negro  who  accompanied  the  loads  had  escaped  taking  the 

1  This  Fort  is  referred  to  in  a  Report  of  a  Committee  appointed  to  explore  tlie  Western  Waters  in  the  State  of  New- 
York. Albany,  Barber  and  Southwick,  1792.    It  is  laid  down  in  Sauthler's  Map,  as  fort  Bute.    Its  situation  was  about  two 

miles  west  of  Rome.    See  Outline  Map  annexed. 

2  He  left  on  the  17th  March  on  the  ice,  passed  by  La  Presentation  (Ogdensburgh)  and  proceeded  across  the  country  and 
along  the  mountains,  by  paths  known  only  to  the  savages  to  within  a  short  distance  ol  one  of  those  Forts  called  Bull.  Afem. 
lur  Ui  aff.  du  Canada  dtp.  nidjusq.  176U.    published  by  Hist.  Soc.  Quebec,  1838. 

3  The  necessity  of  fortifying  this  Pass  was  pointed  out,  for  the  flrst  time,  in  Oct.  1736,  by  a  number  of  Indian  Traders  who 
petitioned  the  Assembly  to  erect  a  fort  at  "  the  Carrying  Place  at  the  upper  end  of  the  Mohawk  River."  When  Fort  Wil- 
Itams  was  erected  has  not  been  ascertained.  There  was  a  Fort  fVilliam  in  the  Mohawk  Country  as  early  as  1745-6,  but 
whether  It  be  identical  with  Fort  WiUiami  is  undetermined.  The  latter  stood  until  1766,  when  it  was  destroyed  by  6en'| 
Webb  on  his  famous  night  from  Wood  creek  immediately  after  the  fall  of  Oswego.  It  was  succeeded  in  1758  by  Fort  Stan< 
wix,  and  Anally  by  the  present  city  of  Rome,  Oneida  county. 

rVoL.  l.|  42 


.t^joHfet.'! 


880 


PAPRnS   RtXATINO   TO  THE  ONEIDA    COUNTRY   AND  MOHAWK   VAILET. 


road  to  Fort  Williams ;  whereupon  not  doubting  but  they  would  have  intimation  of  him  at  that  fort, 
he  acquainted  M.  de  Montlgny,  his  second,  of  his  determination  to  attack  Fort  Bull,  the  prisoners 
having  assured  him  that  tlie  greater  part  of  tlie  provisions  and  stores  were  there.  Each  officer 
received  immediate  orders  to  form  his  brigade  and  M  de  Lery  told  the  savages  that  ^  r  \ins  about 
to  attack  the  Bull,  but  they  represented  to  him  that  now  they  had  provisions  to  cawi  ilie  detach- 
ment to  La  Presentation— English  meat  tliat  tlie  Master  of  Life  had  bestowed  on  them,  without 
costing  a  man — to  risk  another  afliiir  would  Iw  to  go  contrary  to  His  will :  if  he  desired  i.Ls^ii.;ely 
to  perish  he  was  master  of  his  frenclimen.  The  Commander  replied  that  he  did  not  wish  to  expose 
tiiem  and  asked  them  only  for  two  Indians  to  guide  his  expedition  which  they  witli  difficulty  granted. 
Some  twenty  determined  afterwards  to  follow  him  being  encouraged  by  some  drams  of  brandy. 
The  Algonquins,  Nepissings  and  those  Iroquois  who  were  unwilling  to  follow  him,  accepted  the 
proposition  made  by  M  do  Lery  to  guard  the  road  and  the  12  prisoner.  They  assured  the  Com- 
mander that  he  may  make  tlie  attack ;  they  would  take  possession  of  the  road  and  watch  the 
movements  of  the  English  at  Fort  Williams. 

Tlie  detachment  having  commenced  their  march  along  the  high  road,  the  soldiers  having  their 
bayonets  fixed,  M  de  Lery  gave  orders,  when  within  1 5  acres  of  the  fort,  to  move  strait  forward 
without  firing  a  shot,  and  seize  the  guard  on  entering  the  fort.  He  was  still  5  acres  off  when  he 
heai-d  the  whoop  of  the  savages,  notwitlistanding  tiie  prohibition  he  had  issued.  He  instantly  or- 
dered an  advance  double  (juick  in  order  to  carry  the  gate  of  the  Fort,  but  tlie  enemy  had  time  to 
close  it.  Six  Indians  only  followed  the  French :  the  others  pursued  six  Englishmen  who  unable  to 
reach  the  fort  threw  themselves  into  the  bush. 

M.  de  Lery  set  some  men  to  cut  down  the  gate,  and  caused  the  Commandant  to  be  summoned  to 
surrender,  promising  quarter  to  him  and  all  his  garrison ;  to  wl  cli  he  only  answered  by  a  fire  of 
musketry  and  by  throwing  a  quantity  of  grenades.  Our  soldiers  and  Canadians  who  ran  full  speed 
the  moment  the  Indians  whooped,  got  possession  of  tlie  portholes ;  through  these  they  fired  on  such 
of  the  English  as  they  couUl  get  a  sight  of.  Great  eflbrts  were  made  to  batter  down  the  gate  which 
was  finally  cut  in  pieces  in  about  an  hour.  Then  the  whole  detachment  with  a  cry  of  Vive  le  Roi 
rushed  into  the  Fort  and  put  every  one  to  the  sword  they  could  lay  hands  on.  One  woman  and  a 
few  soldiers  only  were  fortunate  enough  to  escape  the  fury  of  our  troops.  Some  pretend  that  only 
one  prisoner  was  made  during  this  action.  ■ 

Tiie  Commandant  and  Officers  repaired  to  the  stores  and  caused  their  men  to  use  diligence  in 
throwlnc;  the  barrels  of  powder  into  tlie  river,  but  one  of  the  Magazines  having  caught  fire  and  M. 
de  Lery  considering  that  he  could  not  extinguish  it  without  iuciu-ring  the  risk  of  having  the  people 
blown  up  who  should  be  employed  there,  gave  orders  to  retire  as  quick  as  possible.  Tiiere  was 
hardly  time  to  do  this  when  the  fire  communicated  to  the  powder  wliich  blew  up  at  three  points. 
The  explosion  was  so  violent  that  a  soldier  of  Guyenne  and  an  Iroquois  of  the  Sault  were  wounded 
by  the  debris  of  the  fort  tiiough  tliey  were  already  at  a  distance.  The  Indian  especially  is  in  danger 
of  losing  his  life  by  the  wound. » 

A  detachment  was,  however,  sent  to  look  after  the  baggage  that  remained  on  the  road  and  shortly 
after  an  Indian  came  to  notify  M  de  Lery  that  the  English  were  making  a  sortie.  Tliis  caused  him 
to  rally  his  forces  and  placing  himself  on  the  bank  of  the  creek  he  had  the  bombs,  grenades,  bullets 

1  « Except  Qve  perions  they  put  every  *oul  they  found  to  the  sword."  A  faUI\ful  Karrativt  of  tht  dangeri,  tufftringa  and 
dtliveraneei  of  Robert  Eoitburn,  and  M$  captivity  among  lh$  Indlani  of  North  Am$Hca.  Annual  Reg.  Vol.  I.  Anno,  1758.  This 
Kastburn  was  taken  prlioner  by  the  French  on  this  occai ion  and  remored  to  a  town  called  "  Otwegotchy," 

'i  lie  wai  scarcely  four  arptni  ofl*  when  the  flre  cnmmunicatinir  to  the  rest  of  the  powder  blew  up  the  fort.  The  buildings 
were  carried  away  and  whatever  remained  was  in  an  Instant  in  a  blaze.  The  shocl(  was  so  violent  and  th«  commotion  so 
great,  that  his  troopi  seized  with  terror,  fell  on  their  knees.    M$m,  Sur  Us  aff,  rfu  Canada. 


PAPERS   RKLATINU   TO  THE  OMEIMA  COUNTHV   ANU  MOHAWK    VALLEY. 


331 


and  till  the  ammunition  that  could  be  found,  tliruwu  notwltiistnndlng  into  tliu  water.  He  had  tlie  1 5 
batteaux  staved  in,  and  then  set  out  to  meet  tlie  soi'tlo  of  whicli  lie  had  been  informed.  But  he 
learned  on  tlie  road  that  tlie  Indians  liad  repulsed  it  after  having  killed  17  men.  Tliis  sortie  was 
from  Fort  Williams  on  the  intelligence  carried  thitlier  by  tlie  Negro.  Tlie  Indians  wlio,  unwilling  to 
attack  Fort  Bull,  took  cliarge  of  the  road,  acquitted  themselves  so  well  that  this  detachment  quickly 
retreated  with  a  loss  of  17  men.  The  Indians  coming  some  hours  after  to  coiigratuliite  M  de  Lery 
on  his  Ibrtunato  success  failed  not  to  make  the  most  of  their  ndvantngc. 

A  Cliief  asked  him  if  he  proposed  attacking  tiie  otiier  li)rt ;  whieh  was  nothing  more  than  a  boast 
on  his  part.  M  de  Lery  replied  he  .irould  proceed  forthwitli  If  tlie  Indians  would  lollow  him.  This 
reply  drove  this  Cliief  off  and  all  those  of  his  party  prepared  to  follow.  Our  troojis  did  the  shiik! 
and  encamped  in  tlie  wood  three  quarters  of  a  league  I'rom  t\w  Ibit.  Tlut  fort  Bull  prisoners  were 
examined  and  wo  learned  that  Colonel  Johnson  having  been  informed  of  our  murcli  had  sent  notic«i 
to  all  tlie  posts,  regarding  it,  liowever,  as  impossible  in  eonsc(iuen<!e  of  tlie  rigor  of  tlic  seasoii.  Port 
Bull  is  situate  near  a  small  creek  that  falls  into  that  of  Chouaguin  about  tour  miles  from  ti.e  ibrt. 
B'ort  Williams  is  near  the  River  Mohawk  which  liills  into  that  ol'  Corlar.  The  Carrying  place  i'rom 
one  Fort  to  tlie  otlier  is  about  four  miles  long  over  n  pretty  level  country  though  swampy  in  some 
places. 

.  M  de  Lery's  detachment  was  15  officers,  2  Cadets,  10  soldiers  of  the  Queen's  Kegiment,  17  of 
Guyenne's,  22  of  Beam's,  27  of  the  Colony;  in  all  0:)  soldiers :  10(J  Canailians,  33  Iro(juois  from  tlie 
Lake  of  Two  Mountains,  33  from  La  Presentation,  IS  from  Sault  St.  Louis,  3  from  St.  Bigiji,  3  Abe- 
nakis  of  Missiskoui,  2  Algonquins,  and  11  Nipissings.  Total  302  men,  2fJ5  of  whom  attacked  the 
fort.  A  soldier  of  the  Colony  and  an  Indian  from  lia  Presentation  were  killetl.  A  soldier  of  tlie 
Queen's,  2  Canadians  and  2  Iroquois  were  wounded. 

It  is  estimated  that  more  than  40  thou^nd  weight  of  powder  was  burned  or  thrown  into  the  ereek 
with  a  number  of  Bombs,  grenades,  and  balls  of  different  calibre.  A  great  deal  of  salted  provisions, 
bread,  butter,  chocolate,  sugar  and  other  provisions  were  likewise  thrown  into  the  water.  The  stores 
were  filled  with  clothes  and  other  etfccts  which  were  pillaged ;  tlie  remainder  burnt.  Tills  day  cost 
the  English  90  men  of  whom  30  are  prisoners.    Our  detachment  killed  or  captured  30  horses. ' 


[  N.  Y.  Mercury  April  0, 1790.] 

By  an  Express  that  arrived  here  on  Friday  last,  from  Albany,  we  are  told  that  a  Number  of  French 
&  Indians  had  attacked  Lieutenant  Bull,  and  30  men,  that  were  jiosted  at  the  upper  End  of  the 
Great  Carrying  Place ;  that  he,  &  some  of  his  People  were  killed,  and  a  small  store  and  Pi-ovisions  in 
it  burnt ;  &  that  they  were  in  Pain  for  some  of  their  Battoes,  which  they  feared  were  cut  off' by  the 
enemy. 

1  Alter  this  exploit  they  retired  to  ttie  woods  and  formed  thoir  main  body  which  conaiitod  of  4U0  French  and  SOU  Indiana 
commanded  by  one  of  the  principal  gentlemen  of  Quebec;  ai  icon  ai  they  got  together,  they  threw  themselves  on  their 
kneesand  returned  thanks  to  God  for  their  Victory;  an  example  says  Eaitburn  well  worthy  of  imitation.  They  Cdntinued 
their  march  through  the  woods  about  four  miles,  and  then  it  being  dark,  and  several  Indians  being  drunk,  they  encamped.  .  .  . 
They  encamped  and  rested  much  in  the  same  manner  the  night  following;  and  the  next  morning,  Sunday  the  28th,  they  rose 
very  early  and  retreated  hastily  towanls  Canada,  for  fear  of  General  Johnson  who  us  they  were  informed  was  on  his  march 
against  them.  .  .  .  After  a  march  of  seven  days  they  arrived  at  Lake  Ontario  where  they  were  met  by  some  French 
batteaus  with  a  large  supply  of  provisions,  of  which  they  had  been  so  much  in  want  that  they  had  subsisted  during  some 
part  of  the  march  Upon  horse  flesh,  and  had  even  devoured  a  porcupine  without  any  other  dressing  than  sufficed  Just  to  scorch 
oO"  the  hair  and  quills.  Eastburn,  after  a  tedious  voyage  with  part  of  this  company,  arrived  at  Oswcgotcby  an  Indian  town. 
— EoBtburn'i  Narr(Uive. 

Those  who  may  not  have  access  to  the  Vol.  of  the  Annual  Reg,  containing  this  Nar.  will  And  it  reprinted  in  Loudon's 
Coll.  of  Ind.  Nariatives,  Carlisle,  Pa.,  1811,  Vol.  ii;  Incidents  of  Border  Life,  Chambersburgh,  Pa.,  183!);  also  in  Drake's 
Tragedies  of  the  Wilderness,  Boston,  1841. 


I 

I 


i    '< 


PAPERS   HklLATIMG   TO  TDK  OMKIDA   COUMTRV   AMD  MOUAWK   VALLEY. 


[  Krom  Ihfl  Mm*,  April  12.  J 

What  we  have  been  able  tu  t'ollcrt  Troin  hoiiim  L<>tt(<i'ii  iukI  Vei-bul  Information  is  as  Ibllows,  viz'. 

That  about  the  18*i>  March  |0.  N.  |  a  larRc  Ikjdy  of  Prvnch  &  Indians  attacked,  and  cut  off'  10  of 
our  Battoes,  near  the  Carrying  Plaoe,  and  either  killed  or  captlvaft'd  the  greatest  Part  of  the  People  ; 
that  as  soon  as  the  Officer  that  ooinnianded  alHtut  Df)  men  that  were  [msted  tlicre,  heard  the  firing,  ho 
{letaclie<l  a  party  to  their  Assistance,  and  as  they  did  not  i-eturn  agreeable  to  his  £xpectation,  lie 
sent  another  Detachment,  which  so  weakened  the  Uarrison,  that  a  Number  of  the  Enemy  that  lay  in 
Ambush,  rushed  in,  put  them  all  to  the  sword,  blew  up  the  Powder,  &  destroyed  the  Garrison, 
whilst  the  rest  of  the  Enemy  were  engaged  with  our  peo)tle,  wliom  they  killed  or  carried  off,  as  only 
one  was  arrived  at  Fort  Williams,  the  '20th  of  March,  us  will  a])pear  by  the  following  Letter. 


Extract  of  a  Letter  from  fort   Williams,  dated  the  20th  March  1756. 

These  may  serve  to  inform  you,  that  we  arrived  heie  safe.  Yesterday  about  Eleven  o'clock.  The 
People  that  were  transporting  J^nsing's  Provlsi(;ns,  wt-re  attacked  between  tliis  and  the  Marsh,  by  a 
Body  of  French  and  Indians,  and  are  all,  but  one  that  got  in  here,  either  killed  or  taken  Prisoners  ; 
their  names  you  have  underneath.  The  Fort  at  Wo(mI  Creek  is  burnt  down,  and  none  of  Lansing's 
Men,  or  tlie  Red  Coats  areas  yet  come  in.  Just  now  the  Commissary  arrived  from  Oswego,  and  in- 
forms us,  that  the  20  Battoes  sent  there  by  Capt  Williams,  were  safe  arrived  to  their  great  Joy  ;  and 
tliat  the  People  in  Garrison  were  pretty  hearty.  All  Lansing's  Pi-ovisions  are  destroyed,  as  well  as 
the  Powder  that  was  in  the  Garrison,  the  I*eople  laid  in  l[ea])s  and  burnt.  John  Davids,  Henry 
Dawson,  James  Tock,  George  Jloberson,  Jolin  Tiiyle,  J.>hn  Griefey,  John  Pain,  and  Closs  Marseillis, 
went  down  Wood  Creek  last  Wednesday,  whether  they  are  taken  or  not,  we  cannot  tell.  We  believe 
Jolm  Davis  got  safe  to  Oswego,  as  the  Commissary  met  him  on  the  other  Side  of  the  Lake.  Philip 
Lansing  and  John  Van  Alle,  are  safe  here  yet,  with  the  rest  of  their  Men.  Just  now  70  of  our  In- 
dians ai-e  came  in,  and  acquaints  us,  that  by  tiie  Tracts  of  tlie  Kiieniy,  they  imagined  there  was  at 
least  500  of  them.  The  Names  of  the  Persons,  Residents  In  and  alMHit  Albany,  and  suppos>  d  to  be 
killed,  are  as  follow,  viz'.  John,  Jiicob,  anil  Andrles  Kidnee,  John  Vanderlieyden,  Jacobus  Sickles, 
Wolker  Dawson,  Anthony  Brandt,  Peter  Grlilins,  Cornelius  Sprong,  three  Servants  &  five  ye«»roes. 


FRENCH  DESCENT  ON   TIIE  GERMAN  FLATTS. 

[  Pari!  Doc.  XIII.  ] 
Summary  of  M.  de  Bellvtre\'i  Kxpeditimi,  the  28">  .IVovember,  1757. 

M.  de  Belletre  with  his  detachment  of  about  300  men,  Marines,  Canadians  and  Indians,  arrived 
notwithstanding  all  the  obstacles  of  the  seas.)n  antl  the  greatest  scarcity  of  provisions,  at  the 
river  d  la  Famine  [Black  river, J  when*  Ik;  met  seven  or  eight  Nontagu(:s  who  on  a  message 
reported  to  them  in  the  General's  name,  expressed  delight  in  uniting  with  him. 


-i 


PAPERS    HKLATINU   TO   THK   ONEIUA   OOUNTHY    AND   MOHAWK    VALLEY. 


aM 


He  continued  his  route  and  niter  inexpressible  fatigues  and  suflering  reached  tlie  vicinity  of 
tlie  Oneida  Ciistle  wlilther  he  sent  four  influential  Indians  as  bearers  of  the  General's  Word. 

He  continued  Ids  inarcli  as  fur  as  the  Uiver  Corlaer  and  had  the  satislaction  of  exundniug  five 
Knglisii  torts  abandoned  by  command  for  that  erected  since  tlie  reduction  of  Chuuoguen,  ou  the 
site  of  Old  Fort  Bull. 

The  ^t'liiius,  inlbrmed  that  there  was  a  garrison  of  350  men  in  a  Fort  named  Kouuri  situate 
on  the  i^aid  river  about  a  (quarter  of  a  league  from  the  Village  of  the  Palntlues'  <lid  not  lull  to 
exlilbit  fear,  but  M.  de  Belletre  having  told  them  that  their  Father  did  not  despatch  a  picked 
detuclinient,  so  well  selected,  except  to  make  a  blow  of  some  interest,  they  recovered  their 
courage  and  evinced  a  lively  ardor,  except  some  young  Warriors  and  aged  men  who  gave  in, 
alo.'ftdy  liitigued  by  a  weary  march. 

Tlic  four  Savages  sent  to  tlie  Oneidas  returned  with  the  six  warriors  of  that  tribe  who  Joined 
our  detachment,  and  told  M.  de  Belletre  that  they  had  no  other  will  than  that  of  their  Father. 

On  tilt!  11  til  November  at  three  o'clock  in  the  afternoon  M.  de  Belletre,  precedetl  as  was  his 
custom  by  tiie  scouts  crossed  the  River  Corlaer  [Mohawk  |  with  his  detachment,  partly  swim- 
ming, partly  in  the  water  up  to  the  neck.  He  encamped  at  night  fall  in  the  woods  a  league 
and  a  half  from  the  first  of  the  five  forts  that  covered  the  Palatine  Settlements. 

Tlie  12th  at  tliree  o'clock  in  the  morning  he  gave  his  detachment  the  order  of  March  and 
attack  so  us  to  surround  the  said  live  Jbrts  and  the  entire  Palatine  Village,  consisting  of  sixty 
houses. 

Though  M.  de  Belletre  knew  that  the  English  got  notice  the  day  preceding,  yet  that  the 
(Hiurage  of  the  Indians  may  not  receive  the  least  clieck  and  to  show  them  he  would  not  rashly 
expose  them,  he  liberated  mi  Indian  of  tiie  Five  Nations  whom  he  had  until  then  detained  un- 
der suspicion.  But  this  Savage  could  not  injure  M.  de  Belletre  because  he  commenced  at  the 
same  time  to  attack  tlie  five  lorts  and  the  Palatines'  houses. 

At  sight  of  the  first  fort  he  decided  to  take  it  by  assault.  The  enemy  kept  U]>  tiie  most 
active  fire  of  musketry  but  the  intrepidity  wi(.  which  M.  de  Belletre,  witli  all  the  Ofiiicers  and 
Canadians  of  his  detacliment  advanced,  couplea  with  the  war  whoop  of  the  Indians,  terrified  the 
Knglisii  to  tlie  degree  that  the  Mayor  of  f.ie  Village  of  the  Palatines,  who  commanded  the  said 
Fort,  opened  the  doors  mid  asked  for  quarter. 

M.  d(!  Belletre  lost  no  time  in  repairing  to  tlie  second,  the  third,  tlie  fourth  and  fifth  whicli 
were  not  less  intimidated  tliau  the  first  by  his  intrepidity  and  the  cries  of  the  Indians.  They 
all  surrendered  at  discretion,  and  were  tsutirely  burnt. 

During  this  time  a  pai-ty  of  Canadians  and  Indians  iv.vaged  and  bui-nt  the  said  6U  houses  of 
the  l*alatiues,  their  barns  and  other  out  buildings  as  v.ell  as  the  Water  Mill. 

In  all  these  expeditions  about  40  English  perished — killed  or  drowned.  The  number  of  prison- 
ers is  nearly  150  men,  women  and  children,  among  whom  is  the  Mayor  of  the  Village,  the  Sur- 
geon and  some  Militia  Officers.  We  had  not  a  man  killed ;  but  M.  de  Lorimer,  offtcer,  was 
wounded  in  tlie  right  side  by  a  ball,  and  tlu'ee  or  four  Savages  slightly. 

The  damage  inflicted  on  the  enemy  is  estimated  according  to  the  representations  of  tlie  English 
themselves,  To  wit 

In  grain  of  all  sorts,  a  much  larger  quantity  than  the  Island  of  Montreal  has  produced  in 
years  of  abundance. 

The  same  of  hogs. 

1  This  fort,  to  which  no  much  reference  ia  made  in  a  iiubsequent  paper  describing  the  Valley  of  the  Mohawk,  was  situate 
on  the  South  side  of  the  Mohawk  River,  nearly  opposite  the  mouth  of  the  West  Canada  Creek,  in  w'lat  is  now  the  Town  of 
ficrmiin  Flatts.  It  is  alluded  to  by  I^t.  Gov.  Delancey  (see  post  p.  334)  as  "  Fort  Hareniger,"  and  is  now  known  as  Fort 
lltrktmer.    The  aettlamcnt  destroye<l  by  the  French  was  on  the  opposite,  or  North  side  of  the  Mohawk. 


334 


rAPERS    RELATINU    TO   THE  ONEIDA   COUNTRY    ANU   MOHAWK    VALLEV. 


3000  honied  cuttle, 

3000  sheep, 

All  these  articles  were  to  have  been  sent  iu  a  lew  days  to  Corlaer  (Schenectady.) 

1500  horses,  300  of  which  wei-e  taken  by  the  Indians  and  the  greater  number  con«ntned  lor  the 
siipiKtrt  of  the  detaclinient. 

The  property  in  tUrniturc,  wearing  apparel,  merchandize  and  liquor  might  Ibrm  a  capital  of 
1,500,000  livres.    Tlie  Mayor  of  the  Village  alone  lias  lost  400,000. 

The  French  and  Indians  have  acquired  as  rich  a  booty  as  tliey  could  curry  oft".  Tiiey  have  in 
s}>ecie  more  than  100,000  livres.  One  Indian  alone  has  as  mucli  as  30,000.  Thei-e  was  likewise 
laundered  a  quantity  of  Wampum,  silver-bracelets  &c,  scarlet  clotli  and  other  Merchandije  which 
may  form  a  capital  of  80,000  more. 

All  this  damage  could  not  Ih;  done  sliort  of  48  hours.  M.  de  Belletre  made  provision  to  be  always 
able  to  resist  the  enemy,  wlio  as  has  been  observed,  were  to  tlie  number  of  350  men  in  the  said  Fort 
Kouari,  about  a  quarter  of  a  league  from  the  field  of  battle. 

In  fact,  on  the  13th  at  7  o'clock  in  the  morning,  50  EngliHlmien  accompanied  by  some  Mohawks 
left  the  said  Fort,  but  as  soon  as  they  w«;re  perceived  our  Frenchmen  and  Indians  went  to  meet  tliein 
double  quick,  and  forceti  them  to  swim  across  the  river  after  receiving  several  discharges  of  Mus- 
ketry. The  number  that  perished  cannot  be  estimated.  At  noon  the  same  day,  M.  de  Belletre  gave 
oixlers  to  his  detachment  to  commence  their  return  march. 

On  the  15''»  he  sent  an  Oneida,  who  is  mucli  attached  to  the  General,  witli  some  Chiefs  from  the 
SaiUt  and  St.  Francis  to  bear  a  message  to  tlie  Oneidas  by  which  he  communicated  to  them  tlie  suc- 
cess he  experienced ;  invited  tliem  to  persevere  in  their  good  Sentiments  and  not  to  fear  the  English. 
Our  Oneida  delegate  rejoined  M.  Belletre  at  the  Uiver  Jlu  Sable  f Sandy  Creek,  Jeffer.  Co.  |  and  told 
him  that  the  Five  Nations  had  sent  three  Belts  to  the  Oneida  Villages  of  which  they  wished  him  to 
take  charge  as  a  present  to  tlie  General.  By  these  they  demand  assistance  to  resist  the  English  being 
about  to  experience  their  resentment  inasmuch  as  they  refused  to  allow  lour  of  their  Chiefs  to  enter 
Fort  Kouari  having  fired  several  shots  at  them.  This  had  obliged  the  Oneidas  to  withdraw  their 
women  and  children  from  the  Lake  side,  hoping  their  Father  will  protect  them. 


M«.  DE  LANCY  TO  THE  BOARD  OF  TRADE. 

[Lond.  Doe.  XXXIV.  ] 

New  York  5.  January,  1658. 

It  may  be  proper  to  acquaint  your  Lordships  that  we  had  tlie  mislbrtune  on  the  12"'  November  to 
loose  a  valuable  settlement  on  the  North  side  of  the  Mohawks  river  opposite  to  Fort  Hareniger,  called 
the  German  Flatts,  tlie  loss  is  estiniiited  at  twenty  thousand  pounds  this  money,  it  is  as  liertile  a  piece 
of  ground  as  any  perhaps  in  the  world  the  settlers  were  generally  ricii,  and  had  good  buildings  on 
their  lands,  some  of  the  inhabitants  were  slain,  about  one  hundred  carried  into  captivity,  their  houses 
and  barns  witli  the  crops  destroyed  by  Fire.  This  was  done  by  a  party  of  about  tlireo  hundred 
Canadians  &  Indians;  the  people  tliere  thought  themselves  in  great  security  and  though  advertised 
of  the  approach  of  the  enemy,  they  neglected  the  advices  they  received  and  so  fell  an  easy  prey. 


PAPERI  RKLATtNO  TO  TIIK  ONEIDA  COUNTRY   AND  MOHAWK  VALLEY. 


885 


MR.  DAINE  TO  TIIK  MINISTER. 

[  Pirli  Dm.  XIV.  1 

<)u«b«e,  19  Mtjr,  17M. 

Annexeil  arc  two  little  KelatlonHor  SunimHrlcii  oi' what  has  occurred  of  most  interest  since  the  de- 
parture of  the  ships  lost  year.  T\w  datiiUKu  inllicted  on  tiie  Englisli  In  liorned  cattle,  sheep  and 
liorses  lias  been  greatly  exaggerated  in  thi>  lU'latlon  of  M.  de  JJellestre's  expedition  of  tlie  28t>>  No- 
vember 1757.  It  must  l>e  dlniiniHhed  at  leant  u  good  lialf.  It  is  still  more  exaggerated  in  regard  to 
furniture,  wearing  apparel,  mcrchandi/o  and  ll(|U<irs  wliich  are  carried  up  to  fifteen  hundred  thou- 
sand livres,  as  well  as  tiie  loss  of  the  Palatine's  village  in  Indian  corn. 


M.  DK  VAIIDRKI'IL  TO  TIIE  MINISTER. 


(  Pari!  Doo.  XV.  ] 

Montreal,  ^8  June,  17M. 

M.  de  Bellestre's  success  last  autumn  In  destroying  the  village  of  the  Palatines  and  carrying  the 
forts  that  covered  it  would  have  lieen  aetiially.  My  lord,  a  great  aid  to  the  Colony,  had  it  been 
possll)le  to  remove  tlie  considerable  portion  of  itrovislons  of  all  sorts  found  in  that  village.  I 
hatl  particularly  provided  ftjr  this  by  the  orders  I  gave  that  officer.  But  circumstances  were  not 
sufficiently  favorable  to  execute  them. 

1".  M.  de  Bellestre  being  much  expose<l  to  be  pursued  and  perhaps  cut  oif  by  a  force  infinitely 
superior  to  his  own  was  umler  the  absolute  necessity  of  using  the  greatest  activity  in  his  opera- 
tions, success  depending  essentially  thereon,  He  was  consequently  unable  to  restrain  the  attack 
of  his  detachment.  This  was  nmdc  by  one  party  with  all  possible  vigor  whilst  othei-s  were  busy 
firing  the  houses,  barns  etea. 

2.  The  500  horses,  lost  by  the  enemy  in  tlils  allair,  were  not  exactly  captured.  The  greater 
part  were  killed  or  wounded,  and  M,  de  Belletre  brouglit  with  liira  but  a  very  small  number 
which  was  a  great  resource  to  him  to  HUitport  his  detachment  on  liis  return. 

S-i.  Had  he  all  those  liorses  and  all  the  provisions  at  liis  disposal  lie  could  not  absolutely  have 
profited  by  tliem,  either  i)ecausft  it  was  ])rudent  lor  him  to  hasten  his  retreat,  or  because  the 
transportation  of  the  provisions  had  been  )itterly  impossible,  both  on  account  of  the  difficulty  of 
the  roads  and  rivers  to  lie  passed  and  tlie  impossibility  of  feeding  the  hoi-ses. 


I 


PAPBU   RCLATINS   TO  TIIK  ONKIDA   rorNTRV    AND   MOHAWK   VALLEY. 

A  SUMMARY  NARRATIVE 

OV  THE  CONDl'CT  OK  TIIK  ONKIDA  INDIANB  (LIVINN  AT  THE  t'PPKR  TOWN)  PRKVIOUH  TO  TIIK  ATTACK  UK 
THE  FRK^.-Il  AND  TIIKIR  INUIANM  UPON  THE  NORTH  AIDE  Of  THE  dKHMAN  FLATH  IN  THK.  PROVINCK  OK 
NEW-VOHK,    IN    NOVKMRKH,    1757.  ■ 

.\  few  tlaj'8  alter  this  Massarre  ami  tlcsidation  hail  bi'fii  ixTpetrate*!,  iS|r  William  Johnson  ilfs- 
patrhrd  <jeo.  Cn)nh8n,  K8<i ;  l)c])nty-Rgi>nt,  with  M'  Montour,  the  Indian  interprt'ter,  to  the  German 
Flats,  where  he  underst<MHl  several  of  the  Oneida  and  Tuscarora  Indians  were  assemhled,  lii  order  to 
rail  u))on  thos(>  Iiulians  to  Explain  themst>lves  why  they  had  not  given  more  timely  notire  to  the 
Germans  of  the  designs  and  approach  of  tile  Enemy  ;  it  having  l)een  re|M)rted,  that  no  intelligence 
ha<l  l)een  given  by  the  Indians,  until  the  same  morning  tlie  attack  was  made  ;  and  as  these  Indians 
might  naturally  he  8upi)osed,  from  their  situation  and  otlier  circumstances,  to  have  had  earlier 
knowleilge  of  the  Enemy's  design  and  march. 

llefore  M''  Croghun  coiUd  get  up  to  the  German  Flats,  the  afuresaid  Indians  were  on  tlu  ii-  road 
honiewants,  but  he  was  informed  the  Chief  Sachem  of  the  lJpp«'r  Oneida  Town,  witii  a  Tiiscarora 
Sachem  and  another  Oneida  Indian,  were  still  about  lour  miles  from  Fort  llarkeman  :  u|K)n  wliicli 
he  sent  a  messenger  to  acquaint  them,  that  he  was  at  the  said  fort. 

The  afuresaid  Indians  returned,  and  on  the  30"'  of  November  at  Fort  Harkeman,^'on»^/<7i(/>«(>»,the 
Chief  Oneida  Sachem,  made  the  following  si>eccii  to  M'  Cn)ghan,  having  first  called  in  one  Kudolph 
Shumak<;r,  llanjost  Ilarkman,  and  several  other  Germans,  who  understood  the  Indian  language,  and 
desired  them  to  sit  down  and  hear  what  he  was  going  to  say. 

Coiing'tquifsun  tlien  proceeded  and  said  : 
'  brother, 

'  I  can't  lielp  telling  you  tliat  we  were  very  much  surprised  to  hear  that  our  brethren  tlie  English 
suspect  and  charge  us  with  not  giving  them  timely  notice  of  the  designs  of  tlie  French,  as  it  is  well 
known  we  liave  not  neglected  tu  give  them  every  piece  of  intelllgencu  that  came  to  our  knowledge. 
'  Hrolhcr, 

'About  fifteen  days  belore  the  aftUir  happened,  we  sent  the  Germans  word,  that  some  Swegatchi 
Indians  told  us,  the  French  were  determined  to  destroy  the  German  Flats,  and  desired  tliera  to  be  on 
their  gU'ird.  About  six  days  alter  that  we  had  a  furtlier  account  from  Swegatcld,  that  tlie  French 
were  ])reparing  to  march. 

'  I  then  came  down  to  the  German  Flats,  and  In  a  meeting  with  tite  Germans,  told  them  what  we 
had  heard,  and  desired  them  to  collect  themselves  together  in  a  body,  at  their  tort,*  and  secure  tlieir 
women,  c'lildreii,  and  effects,  and  make  the  best  defence  they  could  ;  and  at  the  same  time  tohl  them 
to  write  what  I  had  said  to  our  brother  Warraghlyagey  (meaning  Sir  William  Johnsonf)  but  they 
paid  not  the  least  regard  to  what  I  told  them  ;  and  laughed  at  me,  slapping  titeir  hands  on  their 
buttocks,  saying  they  did  not  value  the  Enemy :  UjHjn  which  I  returned  home  and  sent  one  of  our 
people  to  the  Lake,  (meaning  the  Oneida  Lake)  to  find  out  whether  the  Enemy  were  coming  or  not ; 
after  he  hail  staid  there  two  days,  the  Enemy  arrived  at  the  Carrying-Place,  and  sent  word  to  the 
Castle  at  the  Lake,  that  they  were  there ;  and  told  them  what  they  wen;  going  to  do ;  but  charged 
them  not  to  let  us  at  the  Uper  Castle  know  anything  of  their  design.     As  soon  a.s  the  man  I  sent 

1  Lyman  C.  Traper,  Etq„  of  Phila.,  has  had  tha  polileneia  to  communicate  thi*  "NarratiTK." 

•  A  StoeWailed  Work  round  the  church,  and  a  block-houtti  with  a  ditch,  and  a  parapet  pallitadocd,  Dirown  up  by  Sir 
WiUiam  Johnson  a  year  ago,  upon  an  alarm  then  f  iven. 
t  They  nerer  tent  thia  intelllcenee  to  Sir  Winiam. 


I 


PAPER*   KELATINO   TO  THC  ONEIDA  OOUMTRT   AKO   MOHAWK    VALLIT. 


SS7 


tb'-re  heard  this,  lie  came  on  to  lis  with  the  areoiint  that  night ;  and  as  soon  as  we  reoelved  it  we  sent 
a  belt  of  Wumpum  to  contlrm  the  truth  thereof,  to  \\w  Fliils,  wliich  cume  lirre  the  dny  Mtitt  (lie 
Enemy  luiulp  their  attacic  ;  but  tlie  |)t'ui)lo  would  not  glvu  credit  to  tlie  account  even  then,  or  they 
miglil  have  saved  f  t*lr  lives.*  This  Ih  tlie  truth,  and  tliose  Germans  here  present  know  it  to  b«  lo,' 
Tlie  uforeMtd  Qeriuanit  did  acknowle<lge  it  t»)  be  so ;  uud  tliat  tlicy  iiud  sucli  intelligence. 

Okohoe  CaoeHAN. 


EXTRACT  OF  A  LETTER  FROM  ALBANY. 

DATED    THE    I3"<    INSTANT,   BKINS     A     RELATION    OF   THE     MURUBH    COMMITTED    AT     THE   GERMAN    fLATTB, 
NEAR    FORT   HERCIIAMEH,    BY    8U    INUIANS    AND  4    FRENCHMEN. 

[  N.  T,  Mtrcury,  May  iU,  17M.  ] 

About  12  o'clock,  on  Monday  the  30th  of  April  lust  uti  Oneida  Indian  acquainted  Captain  llcrcha- 
mer  that  a  Party  of  80  Indians  and  four  Frencluucn,  were  nigli  liis  iurt,  and  would  certainly  come 
down  and  attack  tlie  settlements  tiiat  Day,  and  advised  Cu))t  Harcliamcr  to  go  into  the  Fort  and  take 
as  many  of  the  Inhabitants  with  him,  as  he  could  collect.  Alxiut  3  o'clock,  most  Part  of  the  Inha- 
bitants, having  Notice  from  Capt  Ucrclmmer,  left  their  Houses  and  assembled  at  the  Fort ;  four 
Families,  that  fled  from  Henderson's  Purchase  in  the  spring  for  fear  of  the  Enemy,  could  not  get  in, 
and  had  in  tlieir  Houses  two  Indian  Traders,  of  tlie  name  of  Clock,  and  six  Waggoners  that  were  carry- 
ing Capt.  Gage's  Baggage  to  the  Fort.  At  4  o'clock,  all  of  a  sudden,  tlie  Houses  were  attacked  and  the 
Waggoners  being  surprized,  run  up  stairs,  the  better  to  defend  themselves.  The  Indians  Immediately 
rushed  into  the  House,  and  killed  and  scalped  all  that  were  below ;  some  of  the  Indians  attempted  the 
stairs,  but  they  were  knocked  down  by  the  Waggoners ;  they  then  flred  up  thro'  the  Loft,  and  soon  were 
joined  by  more  Indians  who  flred  many  shot  quite  thro'  the  House,  and  i)roposed  to  set  it  on  fire,  which 
intimidated  John  Ehel,  a  Waggoner,  to  such  a  Degree,  that  he  leap'd  out  at  a  window,  thinking  to  make 
his  Escape,  but  was  soon  killed;  the  other  flvc  defended  themselves  with  great  Intrepidity,  having  killed 
one  Indian,  until  they  were  relieved  by  a  Party  of  Rangers,  who  came  to  their  assistance,  ond  after 
exchanging  a  few  Shot  the  Indians  fled,  seeing  our  People  have  the  advantage  of  a  Log  Fence.  .  .  . 
Capt.  Herchamer  says  he  saw  four  or  five  of  the  Indians  drop,  but  were  carried  off. — In  the  above 
affair,  33  of  the  Inhabitants  were  killed,  &  Lieut.  Hair,  of  the  Hangers,  received  a  slight  Wound  in 
the  Breast.  .  .  .  Next  day  some  Oneidas  came  down  to  Trade,  and  met  the  Enemy  going  oft", 
who  told  them  they  had  G  of  their  Company  killed,  and  9  Wounded.— Next  Morning  a  Woman  came 
into  the  Fort  that  hatl  been  scalped,  besides  having  her  Nose  almost  cut  off,  with  a  Wound  in  her 
Breast,  ond  another  in  her  side.  She  is  likely  to  recover,  related  all  that  happened  till  she  was  scalped, 
and  says  there  was  Onondodo  Indians  amongst  tliem. 

•  Tha  Indiant  who  brought  thii  belt  of  Wampum  flnillng  the  Germani  atill  incrfduloui,  tiie  next  morning,  Jutt  before  the 
attack  began,  laid  hold  on  the  German  MIniiter,  and  in  a  manner  forced  him  over  to  the  other  tide  of  the  river ;  by  which 
meant  be  and  aome  who  followed  him  escaped  the  fate  of  their  brethen. 


[Vol.  I.] 


43 


PAPERS   SKLATINS  TO  THE  ONEIDA   COUMTRT   AND  MOHAWK   VALLEY. 


n 


If 


DESCRIPTION  OF  THE  COUNTRY  BETWEEN  OSWEGO  AND  ALBANY— 1757. 

[  Paris  Doe.  XIII.  ] 

ITINERARY  from  the  Mouth  of  the  river  Chouegen  (Oiwego)  in  Lalce  Ontario  to  Lalie  Oneida,  then  up  Vilerick  (Wood 
creeic)  to  the  Summit  level  which  ii  the  source  of  the  river  of  the  Mohawks,  ordta  Agnii'ii,  by  which  we  < :. .  ...  rend 
to  Corlar  or  Chenactedi  whence  Albany  or  Orange  can  be  reached. 

The  entrance  of  the  River  Cliouegen  is  easy ;  the  harbour  is  tbrmed  of  a  cove.  The  English  had 
a  fort  on  each  side  of  this  River  by  which  this  entrance  was  defended. 

From  Chouegen  to  the  Great  fall  is  an  ascent  of  four  leagues.  In  tliis  space  the  navigation  is  in- 
tricate, the  river  rapid  and  encumbered  by  large  rocks.  Good  pilots,  familiar  with  the  shoals,  are 
requisite  to  be  able  to  pass  through  it.  Batteaus  must  be  unloaded  at  the  Great  fall  where  a  portage 
occurs  of  about  40  to  50  paces.  Tlie  batteaus  are  dragged  along  the  ground.*  It  is  estimated  to  be 
about  four  leagues  from  the  Fall  to  the  mouth  of  the  River  of  the  Five  Nations,  [river  Seneca]  which 
mouth  is  called  the  Three  Rivers ;'  its  navigation  is  good.  About  a  quarter  of  a  league  before  coming 
to  the  Three  Rivers  there  is,  liowever,  a  current  where  precaution  is  requisite. 

From  the  Three  Rivers  to  Lake  Oneida  is  computed  at  8  leagues ;  the  navigation  is  good ;  tlie  river 
is  about  60  paces  wide ;  it  is  at  all  times  passable  with  loaded  vessels.  This  river  is  the  outlet  of 
Lake  Oneida.    There  is  neither  fall  nor  rapid  at  its  entrance. 

Lake  Oneida  is  twelve  leagues  long  by  about  one  league  wide.  Its  navigation  is  beautiful  and 
practicable  at  all  times,  unless  there  be  a  strong  contrary  wind.  It  is  best  on  the  right  of  the  lake 
which  is  the  north  side. 

From  Lake  Oneida  we  enter  the  River  Vilcrick,t  which  empties  into  that  Lake,  &  ascend  nine 
leagues  to  Fort  Bull.  This  river  is  full  of  sinuosities,  narrow  and  sometimes  embarrassed  with  trees 
fallen  from  both  banks.  Its  navigation  is  difficult  when  the  water  is  low.  It  is,  however,  passable 
at  all  times  with  an  ordinary  batteau  load  of  14  to  1 500  weight.  When  tlie  waters  of  this  stream  are 
low,  an  ordinary  batteau  load  cannot  go  by  the  river  further  than  within  a  league  of  Fort  Bull.  It 
becomes  necessary  then  to  unload  and  make  a  Carrying  place  of  the  remainder  by  a  road  constructed 
to  the  Fort,  or  to  send  back  the  batteaux  for  the  otlier  half  load. 

Fort  Bull  which  was  burnt  in  1756  by  a  detachment  under  the  orders  of  M.  de  Lery,  was  situated 
on  the  right  bank  of  this  River  near  its  source  on  the  height  of  land. 

From  Fort  Bull  to  Fort  Williams  is  estimated  to  be  one  league  and  a  quarter.^  This  is  the  Carrying 
place  across  the  height  of  land.  Tlie  English  had  constructed  a  road  there  over  which  all  the  car- 
riages passed.  They  were  obliged  to  bridge  a  portion  of  it,  extending  from  Fort  Bull  to  a  small 
stream  near  which  a  fort  had  been  begun  though  not  finished  ;  it  was  to  be  intermediate  between 
the  two  Forts,  having  been  located  precisely  on  the  Summit  level. 

•  Not*  in  tht  OrigiM/.— From  Chouegen  to  Fort  Bull  is  estimated  to  be  about  36  leagues.  The  ordinary  batteau  load  is  only 
14  to  IQUU  weight.  It  takes  five  days  to  ascend  the  River  from  Chouegen  to  Fort  Bull  and  three  and  a  half  from  Fort  Bull  to 
Chouegen.  The  river  of  the  Five  Nations  [Seneca  Riv,]  rises  in  little  lakes  near  which,  about  six  leagues  from  its  entranoe 
into  the  River  Chouegen,  the  Indians  of  the  Five  Nations  reside.  That  river  divides  into  two  branches.  That  from  the 
Right  rises  in  the  Lake  of  the  Senecas  and  Cayugas;  that  from  the  left  beyond  the  Lake  of  the  Ononontagujs. 

1  The  Junction  of  the  rivers  Oneida  and  Seneca  with  the  Oswego  is  stIU  known  as  the  Three  Rivers,  and  the  Point  of 
land,  as  the  Three  River's  Point.  D  U  sometimes  confounded  with  the  Three  Rivers  in  Canada,  as  appears  by  a  note  in 
Stone's  Life  of  Brant,  i,  216. 

t  Nat*  <A  tht  original.— The  River  of  the  Killed  Fish  [now  Fish  Creek]  flows  also  into  this  Lake  ;  the  English  used  it  for- 
merly ;  they  abandoned  it  Because  there  was  a  Portage,  and  have  preferred  Vilerick  which  they  have  cleared. 

%  For  locations  of  these  Forts,  see  ante  p,  329  ;  also  Outline  Map. 


1 

I 


1^.. 


PAPESS   RELATING    TO   THE  ONEIDA   COUNTKY   AND  MOHAWK   VALLEY. 


389 


Fort  Williams  was  situated  on  tlie  right,  bank  of  tlie  River  Mohawk  or  des  Jlgnies,  near  the  rise 
of  that  river  on  the  height  of  land.  It  was  abandoned  and  destroyed  by  the  Englisli  after  the  cap- 
ture of  Chouegen. 

Leaving  Chouegen  there  is  a  road  over  which  the  English  used  to  drive  cattle  &  horses.  This 
road  follows  the  border  of  t'he  left  bank  of  the  River  Chouegen.  The  Five  Nations  river  is  passed  at 
a  fall  near  its  entrance  into  the  River  Chouegen,  after  wliich  the  road  proceeds  along  the  edge  of  tlie 
right  bank  of  the  Five  Nation's  river  to  tlie  Village  of  the  Omwiitagurs  whence  it  proceeds  across  the 
country  to  the  village  of  the  Caskarorins  [Tuscaroras'J]  and  the  Oneidas*  whence  we  can  go  to  Forts 
Bull  and  Williams ;  also  to  Ibrt  Kouary  without  being  obliged  to  pass  tlie  said  two  forts.  The  path 
or  road  taken  by  M  de  Belhetre  in  his  expedition  against  tlie  village  of  the  Palatines  may  be  also 
Used.  He  went  from  the  mouth  of  the  Famine  River  [now  Sacketts  Harbor]  ten  leagues  below 
Chouegen  ;  ascended  this  river  for  the  distance  of  four  leagues,  and  leaving  it  on  the  left  followed 
the  path  leading  to  Oneida  Lake  on  his  right,  and  came  to  the  Summit  level  at  Fort  Williams. 

The  Country  through  which  he  passed  is  tine  ;  there  being  but  few  mountains.  The  soil  is  soft 
only  in  the  latter  part  of  the  season.  He  forded  three  rivers  tlie  waters  of  which  were  very  high 
during  the  four  days  that  he  was  going  from  the  River  Famine  to  Fort  Williams,  a  distance  estima- 
ted at  24  to  30  leagues. 

From  Fort  Williams  the  Mohawk  river  is  navigable.  Batteaux  carry  the  same  load  as  in  the  river 
Vilcrick  to  the  portage  at  the  Little  Falls,  which  is  about  two  leagues  below  the  village  of  the  Pala- 
tines and  Fort  Kouari. 

From  Fort  Williams  to  Fort  Kouari, '  situated  on  the  right  bank  of  the  Mohawk  river,  is  estimated 
to  be  12  leagues.    The  road  follows  the  right  bank  of  the  river  wliich  is  tlie  south  side. 

Leaving  Fort  Williams  there  is  a  road  that  unites  with  that  by  which  horses  and  cattle  pass  from 
Fort  Kouari  and  Chouagen.  This  road  is  bad  for  about  four  leagues  utter  leaving  Fort  Williams. 
The  Country  is  marshy.  Carriages  {les  trains)  travel  it  in  winter  and  during  the  summer,  and  it  can 
be  easily  passed  on  horseback  at  all  times,  though  in  some  places,  there  is  a  great  deal  of  mud.  After 
these  four  leagues,  carts  can  easily  go  as  tar  as  Fort  Kouari.  Having  traveled  three  leagues  on  this 
road  which  is  five  leagues  from  Fort  Kouari,  we  come  to  the  forks  of  two  roads  one  of  which,  to  the 
left,  leads  to  the  Palatines'  village  by  fording  the  Mohawk  river. 

Continuing  along  the  high  road,  which  is  on  the  right  bank  of  the  River  Mohawk,  to  go  to  Fort 
Kouari,  a  creek  is  met  that  must  be  forded.  Here  was  a  grist-mill  that  has  been  biu-nt.  One  league 
before  reaching  Fort  Kouari  another  small  stream  is  encountered  over  which  there  is  a  bridge.  This 
stream  is  fordable  almost  at  all  seasons.  There  was,  also,  a  saw  mill  on  this  creek  which  has  been 
burnt. 

Fort  Kouari  is  situate  on  the  right  side  of  the  Mohawk  river,  on  a  small  hill  on  the  edge  of  that 
river's  bank.  It  is  a  large  three  story  stone  house  with  port  holes  {creiiclee)  at  each  story,  and  likewise 
in  the  basement  for  the  purpose  of  cross  firing.  There  are  some  small  pieces  above.  The  house  is 
covered  with  plank  and  shingles.  It  was  built  as  a  store  and  depot  lor  Cliouegutn.  It  is  surrounded 
by  a  ditch  at  a  distance  of  about  30  feet.  This  ditch  is  six  feet  deep  and  seven  wide.  The  crowii 
of  the  ditch  inside  is  planted  with  palisades  in  an  oblique  form ;  they  are  well  jointed  the  one  to  the 
other.    Behind  these  there  is  a  parapet  of  earth  so  as  to  be  able  to  lire  over  tiie  palisades.     The  four 


•  Note  in  theoriglnal, — The  road  goes  to  the  great  Oneida  Village,  about  two  leagues  from  the  Lake.  A  picket  Fort  with 
four  bastions,  had  been  constructed  in  this  Village  by  the  English.  It  was  destroyed  by  the  Oneidas  in  observance  of  their 
promise  given  at  a  council  held  between  them  &  the  Marquii  de  Vaudreuil.  Each  of  its  sides  might  have  been  one  hundred 
paces.  There  is  a  second  Oneida  Village,  called  the  little  village,  situated  on  th«  bank  of  the  lake.  There  is  no  fort  in 
the  latter. 

1.  For  location  of  Fort  Kouari  see  ante  p.  333, 


II  ' 


,    i 


S40 


PAFEIIS   RELATING   TO   THE  ONEIDA   COUNTRY   AND   MOHAWK    VALLEY. 


angles  of  this  parapet  which  is  at  the  back  of  the  ditch,  form  as  it  were,  four  little  bastions  that 
reciprocally  flank  each  other.  I  On  the  West  side  there  is  a  house  apart  from  the  large  one.  It  backs 
against  the  parapet  of  the  palisades  and  serves  as  a  barrack  and  guard  liouse.  There  are  two  doors 
to  the  large  building  ;  the  one  at  the  North  is  a  small  swing  door.  It  is  used  only  in  going  to  the 
river  for  water.  At  this  side  of  the  house  there  is  no  ditch ;  only  palisades  fixed  in  boards  set 
against  the  brow  of  the  right  bank  of  the  river  to  support  the  earth.  The  large  door  of  the  house 
is  on  the  south  side  ;  it  is  folding  but  not  ironed.  To  go  outside  the  palisades  and  ditcli  through  this 
large  door,  you  must  leave  the  house  to  the  left  and  turn  to  the  Eastward  where  tliere  is  a  passage. 
The  ditch  has  not  been  excavated.  Tlie  earth  serves  as  a  bridge  and  road.  There  are  palisades  to 
the  right  and  left,  on  both  sides  of  the  way  the  whole  widtli  of  the  ditch.  Outside  the  ditch  there 
is  a  folding  gate.  There  is  no  oth  barrier  nor  chevaux-de  frise  in  front.  The  nearest  house  out- 
side the  fort  is  about  150  paces.  Opposite  this  fort  in  the  river  is  a  small  cultivated  island  which 
can  be  reached  at  low  water  by  fording. 

From  Fart  Kouuri  to  that  of  Cannatchocary  is  four  leagues.  Some  twenty  houses  are  located  at  a 
distance  one  from  another,  within  the  space  of  one  league  of  this  road,  which  is  through  a  flat  country. 
After  making  this  league  we  go  up  a  mountain  that  occupies  two  hours  to  ascend  and  descend.  The 
country  throughout  the  whole  of  this  space  is  covered  with  wood.  After  descending,  two  Iiouses 
somewhat  distant  the  one  from  the  other  are  in  the  league  which  is  still  to  be  travelled  to  get  to 
Canuatchocari. 

The  Inhabitants  of  this  Country  are  Palatines  or  Germans.  They  form  a  Company  with  some  who 
dwell  above  the  Fall'  on  the  other  side  of  the  River  which  is  the  left  bank.  This  company  consists 
of  about  80  men.     The  road  from  one  to  the  other  of  these  two  forts  is  good  for  all  sorts  of  carriages. 

Fort  Cannatchocari  is  situated  at  tlie  side  of  the  Mohawk  River  on  the  right  bank.  It  is  a  square 
of  four  bastions  of  upright  pickets  joined  togetlier  with  lintels.  Tliey  are  fifteen  feet  high,  about 
one  foot  square  with  port  holes  inserted  from  distance  to  distance  with  a  stage  all  around  to  fire  from. 

This  Fort  is  one  hundred  paces  on  eacli  side.  It  is  not  surrounded  by  a  ditcli.  There  are  some 
small  pieces  of  cannon  at  eacli  of  its  bastions,  and  a  liouse  at  eacli  curtain  to  serve  as  a  store  and 
barrack.    Five  or  six  families  of  Mohawk  Indians  reside  outside  tlie  Ibrt. 

From  Fort  Cannatchocari  to  Fort  Hunter  is  about  12  leagues  ;  the  road  is  pretty  good ;  carriages 
pass  over  it ;  it  continues  along  tlie  banks  of  tlie  Mohawk  river.  About  a  liundred  houses,  at  a 
greater  or  less  distance  from  one  anotlier  are  found  within  tliis  length  of  road.  There  are  some 
situated  also  about  half  a  league  in  tlie  interior.  The  inhabitants  of  this  section  are  Germans  who 
compose  a  company  of  about  100  men  each. 

Fort  Hunter  is  situated  on  the  borders  of  the  Mohawk  river,  and  is  of  the  same  form  as  that  of 
Cannatchocari,  with  tlie  exception  that  it  is  twice  as  large.  There  is  likewise  a  house  at  each  curtain. 
Tiie  cannon  at  each  bastion  are  from  7  to  9  pounders.  The  pickets  of  this  Fort  are  higher  than  those 
of  Cannatchocari.  There  is  a  church  or  temple  in  the  middle  of  the  Fort;  in  the  interior  of  the 
fort  are  also  some  thirty  cabins  of  Mohawk  ImUans,  which  is  the  most  considerable  village.  This 
fort,  like  that  of  Cannatchocari,  has  no  ditch ;  there's  only  a  large  swing  door  at  the  entrance. 

Leaving  Fort  Hunter  a  creek'  is  passed  at  the  mouth  of  which  the  Ibrt  is  located.  It  can  be  forded, 
and  crossed  in  batteaux  in  summer  and  on  the  ice  in  winter.  There  are  some  houses  outside  under 
the  protection  of  the  Fort  in  which  the  country  people  seek  shelter  when  they  fear  or  learn  that  an 
Indian  or  French  war  party  is  in  the  field. 

From  Fort  Hunter  to  Chenectedi  or  Corlar  is  seven  leagues.  The  public  carriage  way  continues  along 
the  right  bank  of  the  Mohawk  river.  About  20  to  30  houses  are  foiind  within  this  distance  separated 
the  one  from  the  other  from  about  a  quarter  to  half  a  league.     The  Inhabitants  of  this  section  are 


1  Little  Fans. 


2  Schoharie  Creelc. 


PAPERS    RELATING   TO  THE   ONEIDA   COUNTRY  AND   MOHAWK   VALLEY. 


341 


Dutch.    They  form  a  company  with  some  other  inhabitants  of  the  left  bank  of  the  Mohawk  river, 
about  100  men  strong. 

Chenectcdi  or  Collar,  situated  on  the  bank  of  the  Mohawk  river,  is  a  village  of  about  300  houses. 
It  is  surrounded  by  upright  pickets,  flanked  from  distance  to  distance.  Entering  this  village  by  the 
gate  on  the  Fort  Hunter  side,  there  is  a  fort  to  the  right  which  forms  a  species  of  citadel  in  the  in- 
terior of  the  village  itself.  It  is  a  square,  flanked  with  four  bastions  or  demi-bastions,  and  is  con- 
structed half  of  masonry  and  half  of  timbers  piled  one  over  the  other  above  the  masonry.  It  is 
capable  of  liolding  2  or  300  men.  There  are  some  pieces  of  cannon  as  a  battery  on  the  rampart. 
It  is  not  encircled  by  a  ditch.  The  entrance  is  through  a  large  swing  gate  raised  like  a  drawbridge. 
By  penetrating  tlie  village  in  attacking  it  at  another  point,  the  fire  from  the  fort  can  be  avoided. 

The  greatest  portion  of  the  Inhabitants  of  Chenectedi  are  Dutch. 

From  Chenectedi  to  Albany  or  Orange  is  estimated  to  be  6  or  1  leagues.*  The  road  is  excellent  for 
all  sorts  of  carriages ;  the  soil  sandy  and  the  country  covered  with  open  timber.  There  are  only  a 
few  hills.  A  league  and  half  from  Chenectedi,  there  is  a  house  on  the  road  which  is  a  tavern.  A 
league  and  half  farther  on,  that  is  to  say  lialf  way,  another  house  is  met  which  is  also  a  tavern. 

Orange  is  situate  on  tlie  right  bank  of  the  river  Orange,  otherwise  called  Hudson.  It  is  not  fortitted 
on  the  forest  side  except  by  an  enclosure  of  walls,  or  pickets,  without  a  ditch,  which  is  flanked  at 
certain  distances ;  the  river  defends  the  entrance  on  the  other  side.  It  is  calculated  to  be  smaller 
than  the  enclosure  of  tlie  town  of  Montreal.  In  the  interior  of  Orange  there  is  a  fort,  a  sort  of 
citadel,  capable  of  containing  300  men;  here  are  some  cannon. 

This  is  all  that  relates  to  the  Right  bank  of  the  Mohawk  river.  Let  us  pass  to  the  left  bank,  which 
is  the  North  side  of  that  river,  departing  likewise  from  near  its  source  at  Fort  Williams,  [Rome.] 

Leaving  Fort  Williams  by  the  left  bank  of  the  river  Mohawk,  the  village  of  the  Palatines  is  esti- 
mated to  be  12  leagues.  The  Mohawk  river  is  fordable  near  Fort  Williams  whence  a  path  leads  to 
the  interior,  lialf  a  league  from  the  shore,  parallel  with  the  river  wliose  borders  are  so  marshy  that 
nothing  but  hay  can  be  had  there. 

Tills  path  leads  over  hills  and  small  mountdiiis  and  can  be  traveled  only  afoot  or  on  horseback. 
Eight  leagues  must  be  traversed  by  this  path  before  reacliing  the  forks  of  the  liigh  road  that  comes 
from  the  other  side,  or  right  bank  of  tlie  river.  After  having  traveled  this  high  road  a  quarter  of  an 
liour,  a  small  creek  is  found,  called  Rassedot.^  It  can  be  forded.  There  were  two  houses  on  the  left 
Hank  of  this  creek,  which  were  burnt,  and  nothing  remains  of  them  but  the  ruins.  Having  passed 
this  creek,  the  high  road  is  Ibllowed  for  a  distance  of  four  leagues  to  the  village  of  the  Palatines. 
All  sorts  of  vehicles  travel  this  road. 

The  Palatine  Villagef  was  situated  on  the  left  bank  of  the  Mohawk  river,  not  directly  opposite 
Fort  Kouari  but  about  half  a  quarter  of  u  league  above  it.  You  go  from  this  village  to  the  fort  by 
hatteau  ;  the  river  can  even  be  lorded  in  several  places. 

The  Palatine  Village  which  consisted  f  thirty  houses  has  been  entirely  destroyed  and  burnt  by  a 
detachment  under  M.  de  Belhetre's  orders.  The  inhabitants  of  this  village  formed  a  company  of 
100  men  bearing  arms.  Tliey  reckoned  there  300  persons,  men,  women  and  children,  102  of  whom 
Avere  made  prisoners  and  the  remainder  fled  to  Fort  Kouari,  except  a  few  who  wera  killed  whilst 
fording  the  river. 

From  the  Palatine  Village  to  the  Little  Falls,  still  continuing  along  the  left  bank  of  the  river,  is 
estimated  about  three  leagues.    In  this  distance  there  had  been  eight  houses  which  have  been  aban- 

•  Note  in  the  Orig. — The  lo(.iI  distance  from  Chouegen  to  Orange  is  78  a  79  leagues. 

1  This  Creclt  is  on  the  Kass  farm  in  the  Town  of  Schuyler,  Herkimer  Co.    It  was  called  by  the  Indians,  Razetoth  Creek. 
t  ffote  in  Orig.  -It  requires  a  day  to  descend  the  river  with  batteaux  from  Fort  Bull  to  the  Palatine  Village  and  three  to 
;eturn  j  and  to  go  down  from  the  Palatine  village  to  Corlar  requires  [a  day?]  and  a  day  and  a  halt  to  return. 


342 


PAPERS   RELATING    TO   THE  ONEIDA   COUNTRY   AND  MOHAWK   VALLEY. 


doned.  The  inhabitants  of  these  houses  compose  a  company  with  those  of  Fort  Kouari  at  the  opposite 
side  of  the  river. 

The  portage  at  the  Little  Falls  is  a  quarter  of  a  league,  and  is  passed  with  carts.  There  is  a  road 
on  both  sides  of  the  river,  but  that  on  the  left  bank  is  preferable,  being  better. 

From  the  portage  at  the  Little  Falls,  continuing  along  tlie  left  bank  of  the  river,  there  is  only  a 
foot  path  which  is  traveled  with  difficulty  on  horseback.  Three  leagues  must  be  made  over  this 
path  to  arrive  at  the  Canada  creek  where  we  meet  the  liigh  road  that  passes  fi-om  the  termination  of 
the  Little  Falls  portage,  along  the  right  bank  of  the  Moliuwk  river,  where  tliere  is  a  ford  above  Fort 
Cannatchocari,  opposite  the  mouth  of  the  Canada  Creek.  There  is  also  a  f«rry  boat  at  this  place  to 
put  carts  across  when  the  river  is  high. 

After  fording  Canada  Creek,  we  continue  along  the  left  bank  of  the  Mohawk  river  and  high  road 
which  is  passable  for  carts  for  12  leagues  to  Col  Johnson's  mansion.  In  the  whole  of  this  distance 
the  soil  is  very  good.  About  500  houses  are  erected,  at  a  distance  one  from  the  other.  The  greatest 
number  of  those  on  the  bank  of  tlie  river  are  built  of  stone.  Those  at  a  greater  distance  from  the 
river  in  the  interior  are  about  half  a  league  off;  they  are  new  Settlements,  built  of  wood. 

There  is  not  a  fort  in  the  whole  of  tliis  distance  of  12  leagues ;  There  is  but  one  farmers  house 
built  of  stone  that  is  somewhat  fortified  and  surrounded  with  pickets.  It  is  situate  on  the  bank  of 
the  river  three  leagues  from  where  the  Canada  Creek  empties  into  the  Mohawk  river. 

The  inhabitants  of  this  Country  are  Germans.    They  form  four  companies  of  100  men  each. 

Col.  Jolinson's  mansion  is  situate  on  the  border  of  the  left  bank  of  the  River  Mohawk ;  it  is  three 
stories  high  ;  built  of  stone,  with  port  holes  {crenelees)  and  a  parapet  and  flanked  with  four  bastions 
on  which  are  some  small  guns.  In  the  same  yard,  on  both  sides  of  the  Mansion,  there  are  two  small 
houses;  that  on  the  right  of  tlie  entrance  in  a  Store,  and  that  on  the  left  is  designed  for  workmen, 
negroes  and  other  domestics.  The  yard  gate  is  a  heavy  swing  gate  well  ironed ;  it  is  on  the  Mohr  vk 
river  side ;  from  this  gate  to  the  river  there  is  about  200  paces  of  level  ground.  The  high  toad 
passes  there.  A  small  rivulet  coming  from  the  north  empties  itself  into  the  Mohawk  river,  about 
100  paces  below  the  enclosure  of  the  yard.'  On  this  stream  there  is  a  Mill  about  50  paces  distance 
from  the  house ;  below  the  Mill  is  the  miller's  house  where  grain  and  flour  are  stored,  and  on  the 
other  side  of  the  creek  100  paces  from  tlie  mill,  is  a  bai'u  in  which  cattle  and  fodder  are  kept.  One 
himdred  and  fifty  paces  from  Colonel  Johnson's  Mansion  at  the  North  side,  on  the  left  bank  of  the 
little  creek,  is  a  little  hill  on  which  is  a  small  house  with  port  holes  where  is  ordinarily  kept  a  guard 
of  honour  of  some  twenty  men,  which  serves  also  as  an  advanced  post. 

From  Colonel  Johnson's  house  to  Chenectedi  is  counted  seven  leagues ;  the  road  is  good  ;  all  sorts 
of  vehicles  pass  over  it.    About  twenty  houses  are  found  from  point  to  point  on  this  road. 

The  Mohawk  river  can  be  forded  during  summer,  a  league  and  a  quarter  west  of  Chenectedi. 
Opposite  Clienectedi  the  traverse  is  usually  in  a  ferry  boat  and  batteaux. 

The  inhabitants  of  this  country  are  Dutchmen.  They  form  a  Company  of  about  100  men  with 
those  on  the  opposite  side  of  the  river  below  Fort  Hunter. 

Going  from  Chenectedi  to  the  mouth  of  the  Mohawk  river  where  it  discharges  into  tliat  of  Orange, 
there  is  a  Great  Fall  (Cohoes)  which  prevents  the  passage  of  batteaus,  so  that  every  thing  on  the 
river  going  from  Chenectedi  to  Orange,  passes  over  the  liigh  road  that  leads  there  direct. 

From  Orange  to  New  York  is  counted  50  to  60  leagues.  Barks  from  New  York  ascend  to  Orange. 
There  is  also  a  high  road  from  one  to  the  otlier  of  these  towns,  on  the  left  bank  of  the  river.  The 
country  is  tliickly  inabited  on  Ixjtli  sides  of  the  river.  The  inhabitants  of  Orange  are,  also,  mostly 
Dutcli  like  those  of  Chenectedi. 

1  Thii  Creek  (I  am  informed  by  Fisher  Putnam,  E»q.  P.  M.  of  Tribe*  HiU,)  goes  now  by  the  nam*  of  Old  Fort  Creek. 
Iti  original  Indian  name,  he  addi,  was  Kayadaromero*. 


PAPERS  RELATING  TO  THE  ONEIDA  COTNTRY  AND  MOHAWK  VALLEY. 


343 


From  Orange  to  Boston  is  considered  about  60  leagues.  The  road  thither  is  across  the  country. 
From  Boston  to  New  York  is  reckoned  the  same  distance  following  the  road  along  the  seaside. 

New  York,  situate  on  the  left  bank  of  the  Orange  River,  near  its  mouth  at  the  sea,  is  located  on  a 
tongue  of  land  forming  a  peninsula.  It  is  fortified  only  on  the  land  side.  Opposite  New  York  is  a 
large  Island  (Long  Island)  very  well  inhabited  and  very  wealthy.  All  sorts  of  vessels  of  war  and 
Merchantmen  anclior  between  the  town  and  that  Island. 

NoTA.  In  the  whole  Country  of  the  River  Corlar  there  are  nine  Companies  of  Militia  under  the 
Command  of  Colonel  Johnson ;  eight  only  remain,  that  of  the  Village  of  the  Palatines  being  no  longer 
in  existence,  the  greater  portion  having  been  defeated  by  M.  de  Belhetre's  detachment.  Colonel 
Johnson  assembles  these  companies  when  he  has  news  of  any  expedition  which  may  concern  the 
Mohawk  river. 

In  the  latter  part  of  April  1757,  on  receiving  intelligence  by  the  savages  that  there  was  a  strong 
detachment  ascending  the  river  St.  Lawrence  and  entering  Lake  Ontario,  he  assembled  these  Com- 
panies and  went  to  tlie  Village  of  the  Palatines  where  he  was  joined  by  another  body  of  11  @  1200 
men  sent  him  by  the  commandant  of  Orange ;  this  formed  in  all  a  force  of  2000  men.  He  en- 
trenched himself  at  the  head  of  the  Palatine  Village  where  he  remained  in  Camp  fifteen  days,  and  did 
not  retire  until  he  received  intelligence  that  the  French  detacliment  seen  on  the  River  St.  Lawrence 
had  passed  by  and  taken  the  route  to  the  Belle  Riviere  (Ohio.) 

This  was  the  detachment  of  500  men  that  had  been  sent  last  year  to  reinforce  Belle  Riviere,  and 
had  left  Montreal  in  the  latter  days  of  the  month  of  April. 


is 


lit 


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XIX. 


PAPERS 


HRLATINU   TO 


€l)e  JTrcncl)  Beignioriea  on  Cake  €l)amplain. 


IVoi..  1.] 


44 


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• 


THE  BOARD  OF  TRADE  AND  PLANTATIONS  TO  LT.  GOV.  GOLDEN.    13  JULY  1764. 

[Lond.Doo.  XXXVII.  ] 

Monsieur  Michel  Chartier  de  Lotbiniere,  heretofore  an  officer  in  the  French  King's  Service  in 
Canada  lias  presented  to  us  a  Memorial  desiring  the  confirmation  of  two  Concessions  in  America,  the 
one  called  D'Alainville,  four  leagues  and  upwards  in  front,  part  upon  Lalce  George  and  part  upon 
Crown  Point  River,  and  extending  in  depth  ttve  leagues  to  the  West,  granted  by  the  Marqtiis  de 
Vaudreuil  in  1758  ;  the  otlier  situated  opposite  to  Crown  Point,  having  the  same  extent  in  Front  & 
extending  in  depth  five  leagues  to  the  East,  purchased  of  Mons^  Hocquart  in  1762,  to  whom  it  is 
alleged  to  have  been  granted  in  1713  and  1745. 

As  this  Gentleman's  case  appears  to  us  to  require  particular  consideration,  we  have  wrote  to  the 
Governor  of  Quebec  for  authentick  copies  of  these  grants  from  the  Records,  in  order  that  we  may  be 
enabled  to  make  a  representation  to  His  Majesty  thereupon,  and  in  the  meanwhile  we  think  proper 
to  direct  that  no  grants  whatever  be  made  under  the  authority  of  the  Government  of  New-York  of 
any  part  of  the  lands  comprehended  within  the  limits  of  these  Concessions.    So  we  bid  you  heartily 

farewell,  and  are  ^^^' 

Your  very  loving  friends 

Hills  BOROUOH 
Geo.  Rick 
Whitehall,  July  13.  Bamber  Gascoyke 

1764  J.  Dyson. 


EXPLANATIONS 

ON  MY  TWO  SEIGNIORIES  OF  ALLAINVILLE  AND  IIOCQUAUT  AT  THE  HEAD  OK  LAKE  CHAMPLAIN,  AND  DE- 
TAIL OK  hfV  PROCEEDINGS  AS  WELL  IN  LONDON  AS  IN  THIS  COUNTRY  ON  THE  SUBJECT,  BY  M.  DE 
LOTBINIERE.       MONTRJIAL    20    SEPT.    1771. 

[  From  MSB.  in  Sec.  of  State's  Off.  Alby.  ] 

Tiie  situation  of  Alainville  is  designated  so  clearly  in  my  affidavit  annexed  in  perfect  conformity 
to  the  Deed  granted  to  me,  that  it  appears  useless  to  add  any  thing  thereto. 

Thougli  that  of  Hocquart  is  indicated  in  the  two  Deeds  of  Concession  of  which  I  annex  copies,  yet 
to  obviate  doubts  which  niay  arise  on  the  subject,  I  shall  give  the  details  which  have  been  furnished 
mo  of  that  Seigniory.  Its  front  commences  on  the  south  side  about  fifteen  or  eighteen  arpms  above 
a  tract  bordering  on  the  Lake,  in  front  (m  face)  of  Fort  Crown-point,  from  two  to  thi-ee  hundred 


f 


i.  I 


a-ifi 


IHEMII    SKIIiNIUHIKN   ON    I.AKF.   I'lIAMPLAIN. 


arpeiis  miuhio  in  suin'ififU'^  rcsorvril  bj'  tlif  (»iii;infil  i)i'i)i)rift()r  to  hiniselt'  as  an  Iimlienablr  Domain, 
wliicli  is  !«r|iaratfd  frmn  tlif  laiuls  rdnft'iUd  to  lUvt'is  Cemii/urirs  (Tenants)  by  a  marsh  formed  by  a 
stirain  tiiat  t'nii>ties  tliiTr.  'J'liis  liont  t'Xtcuds  tlu'iici-  tinir  loagues*  on  a  direct  line  drawn  towards 
tin:  Nortli  at  oacii  fxtrcinity  ol'  wiiifli  on,u;iit  to  be  run  two  perpendiculars  of  a  leugtii  sutticient  to 
1,'ive  tlie  totality  of  ilie  Seigniory  live  leagues  in  dejttli.  Moreover  it  must  be  observed  that  in  my 
()Uiility  of  first  (irantee  in  that  juarter,  I  must  be  salislW'tl  according  to  niy  titles  before  any  otiier 
presentiii;?  Iiis  claims  can  claim  the  smallest  trillo. 

As  to  tlie  validity  of  my  titles  at  tlm  time  of  tlie  Iteduction  of  the  country,  let  but  n  single  glance 
lie  directeil  to  these  two  lS<'igniories  ;  tlie  IhKpient  deaniuces  to  be  seen  there  which  cannot  have  yet 
disajipeared  ;  the  various  settlements  the  wrecks  of  which  at  least  cannot  have  been  swept  away  by 
tlie  misl'ortunes  inseparable  from  a  i>eriod  of  War  ;  these  will  prove  incontestably  that  nothing  can 
ojipuse  tiieir  entire  ellect.     N'othimr,  tiien,  remains  but  to  letjiil  my  jtroceedings  in  regard  to  them. 

Sliortly  alter  my  arrival  in  Jioudou,  in  June  17(33,  after  having  presented  myself  to  tlie  Secretary  of 
State  lor  the  department,  to  tlie  Lords  and  others  to  whom  I  was  reconmicnded,  I  was  told  that  the 
i'rovinees  were  making  great  exertions  tt)  deprive  us,  if  they  coultl,  of  our  properties  on  LakeCham- 
jilain  and  neighbourhood,  ami  that  the  Ministry  much  importuned  by  them  appeared  to  be  undecided. 
1  exi>hiined  ;  tliey  endeavored  to  reassun^  me  but  not  with  that  positive  answer  i  should  desire. 
Not  wishing  to  expose  myself  to  any  dllliculty  with  any  one,  I  decided  to  wait  i)atlen  1".  Meanwhile, 
the  Karl  of  Shelbnrne,  the  President  of  the  Hoard  of  Tra»lt!  and  JMantatlons,  offered  to  present  me  to 
the  King.  1  observed  to  him  that  in  my  (juallty  as  Immediate  V^issal  of  the  King  ibr  all  the  Fiefs 
which  I  held,  depending  from  Ills  Majesty,  it  appeared  to  me  that  I  ought  to  begin  by  rendering  him 
my  P'ealty  &  Homage  and  I  prayeil  him  to  have  me  received  at  once.  He  replied,  that  could  not  be 
as  yet,  some  jirevlous  arrangement  being  necessary.  I  since  ottered  myself ;  I  was  always  put  off 
under  the  same  pretext. 

At  the  moment  so  to  speak,  when  his  Lordshi])  was  i)romising  me  entire  satisfaction  regarding  the 
object  of  my  sojourn,  he  suddenly  resigned  and  was  succeeded  by  >Ty  lord  Hills-borough.  I  renewed 
all  my  original  proceedings  with  tiie  new  President  who  ajipeared  t'  isfen  to  me  with  complaisance 
and  leel  perfectly  the  K(jully  of  my  case  but  would  decide  nothing,  doubtless  until  he  saw  every 
thing  established  elsewhere  in  a  pertict  e(|uillbriiuii.  Helng  advised  not  to  content  myself  with  talk- 
In"  but  to  hand  in  a  Memorial  which  eould  fix  the  attention  of  the  OHice  on  the  subject  of  my  de- 
mand, I  presented,  in  March  17(il  the  one  below,  (liCtter  A.)  Every  day  I  visited  all  the  J^ords  of 
this  otliee  who  individually  gave  me  to  hope  a  prijiiijit  conclusion  but  who  when  assembled  decided 
nothing.  Finally,  seeing  each  of  them  prej-ared  to  retire  to  the  country,  I  represented  with  all  the 
torce  I  was  master  of  to  Milord  the  Karl  of  Hills-borough  the  injustice  I  had  already  sustained  by  so 
Ion"  a  sojourn,  and  if  he  left  London  without  my  being  inlbrmedof  my  lot,I  was  irremediably  ruined, 
not  only  by  tiie  heavy  loans  I  was  obliged  to  contrml,  but  by  perceiving  myself  arrested  in  all  my 
affairs  which  It  was  moreover  of  the  last  Importance  to  me  to  prosecute.  He  then  told  me,  lor  the 
lirst  time,  that  he  had  over  three  months  ago  addressed  several  (juestions  to  the  King's  Attorney 
General,  without  the  decision  of  whieh  nothing  could  be  determined  lor  me.  I  requested  that  he 
would  allow  me  to  use  his  name  to  urge  an  answer,  and  he  permitted  me  I  forthwith  prepared  the 
Memorial  to  be  seen  below,  (under  Letter  IJ.)  whidi  I  presented  next  morning  to  the  sjiid  Attorney 
General,  and  in  the  evening  I  addressed  him  the  note  coi)y  of  whieh  is  under  Letter  C.  I  was  In- 
lormed  ten  or  twelve  days  after,  that  his  answer  had  reached  the  Jhireau.  On  the  lirst  day  of  July  I 
was  sent  for  to  the  oflice  when  Milord  tiie  Karl  of  Hills-borough  inli>rmed  me.  In  presence^of  all  the 
Lords  assembled  and  on  their  part :  '•  That  I  might  return  home  as  soon  as  I  pleased  without  enter- 
taining the  least  uneasiness  regarding  mytwo  Seigniories  beyond  the  limits  of  the  Government  of 


Notejn  orig.— The  league  of  Canada  is  84  arperu  :  the  arpent,  30  loises;  the  toin  6  feet  royal  of  Parli. 


KHENi 


■  ^liiHItUt   O- 


i.AMS  CHAMf*Milt. 


349 


I  New  \  If  to  which 
lutspttltii  hy  I  (lit  Proc- 

uny  land  either  in  ray 

tliHt  I  niuy  be  assured 

«ituate,  I  sliould  poisesH 


Qiieber.     By  iiivmis  of  thu  ordfi'M  tli«7  sh^iidd  tnrrminH  to  tl      tifwernom 

Province  His  Maji^ty  imd  been  pImM'd  i|uit«  rcci-ntly  to  nnn      thoee  ynr 

laiuation  of  tho  7»>  (Jctoher  Iiixt,  they  nhoidd  InNtrnct  iiiin         to  n>iict!( 

Seigniories  or  their  vicinity,  until  their  Nituiitlon  wh»  pert.         "itlcish.. 

that  in  wimtevcr  part  of  the  Kinji's  ohedirMce  any  of  my  phii-m  ,    niij     - 

and  enjcty  them  equally  as  those  ineluded  within  th«  limit  i  of  tlie  Government  of  (Quebec" — and 

terminated  with  the  most  ntwlous  compliments  fi>r  Mtie.  de  Lotbinlere  and  the  rest  of  my  family. 

These  orders  have  Iweii  addressed  and  arrlvi^d  at  the  time  in  tl\e  Province:    The  letter  which  Lieu 

tenant  Governour  Cmlwallader  Ciildcn  did  me  the  honour  to  write  me  on  the  ll»*»of  September  1705, 

provei  it  beyond  dispute. 

Since  my  arrival  in  tliis  Country  I  have  done  every  thing  in  my  power,  as  well  with  the  said  Sleur 
Colden  as  with  Sir  Henry  M(»ore,  to  whom  I  preH«'nted  on  Lake  Champlain  my  original  titles.  I 
ex)nstantly  endeavored  to  Interest  In  my  behalf  all  tho8(!  with  wliom  I  was  acc^uainted,  residents  of 
tlie  said  Province,  who  have  been  so  good  as  to  act,  from  time  to  time,  near  tlie  said  Government.  I 
experienced  tin-  same  attention  here  and  In  London,  since  my  departure,  so  tliat  it  is  inj{x)S8ible  to 
conceive  in  me  any,  even  tlu'  smallest,  neglect  as  reganls  these  two  Seigniories,  which  at  present  are 
the  sole  certain  portion  of  my  existence,  altridgcd  in  all  the  rest  by  a  forced  prosecution  of  my  pro- 
ceedings in  tiieir  regard,  and  luiable  to  enjoy  them  since  tlic  peace.  Montkeal,  tlie  20i»"  September, 
One  thousand  seven  hundred  uril  seventy  one. 


(y/.) 

MEMOIU   OK   TWO   HKtONIOHIRH    AT   THE   HEAD  OF   LAKE   CHAMPLAIN. 

To  the  Right  llon^'*  the  Lards  (Jomminsioncni  of  Trade  and  Plantations,  the  following  Memorial  oj 

Michel  ( 'hartier  dv  Lothiniere  Sfc. 

Sheweth,  That  he  is  proprietor  of  twi>  Kiefs  and  Seigniories  whicli  are  held  from  tlie  King ;  the  one 
under  the  name  of  JUainmlle  litur  leagues  and  oVitr  in  front,  juu'tly  on  Lake  St  Sacremeut  (now  lake 
George)  ami  partly  on  the  Uiver  St  Kredcfrlc  ((/'r.iwn  point  River)  with  a  depth  of  five  leagues  towards 
tlie  West  wliich  was  granted  to  him  the  lf)«i'  November  1758  by  the  Marquis  of  Vaudreuil  the  then 
Governor  General  in  Canada,  (copy  ol'  said  (/oncesslon  aiuiexed)  on  wliich  lie  had  made  divers  estab- 
lisiiinents  that  have  been  successively  ruined  by  the  Englisli  armies. 

Tlie  other  of  a  nearly  e(jual  front  opposite  St  Frederic  (Crown  point)  extending  northwardly  along 
the  River  and  Lake  by  a  depth  live  leagues  Hast,  which  ho  acquired  7  April  last  from  Sieur  Hocquart 
Councillor  of  State  and  Intendant  of  the  Naval  lln'ces  at  Brest  to  whom  the  aforesaid  was  granted  by 
two  Patents  of  Concession  the  'i(»  April  i7i:j,  and  1  April  17-15,  of  which  the  major  pai't  of  the 
settlements  have  been,  in  like  maimer,  (lestroyed  In  the  last  war.' 

Tlie  Memorialist  b(Miig  assured  tliat  the  said  two  Fiefs  are  not  included  within  the  new  Government 
of  Quebec  Ibrmed  from  a  part  of  Canada,  and  not  being  unable  to  discover  from  the  Kings  Procla- 
tion  of  the  7"'  Octolier  last,  which  establishes  the  boundaries  of  said  New  Government,  nor  elsewhere, 

1  The  first  of  these  Seignoirfs  wbk  in  th<<  |irnii)<nt  Ooiinly  uf  Kaiiex,  N.  Y. ;  the  other,  on  the  opposite  side  of  Lake  Cham- 
plain,  embraecil  the  present  towns  of  I'ttntiin,  Adillnon  and  Bridport,  in  Addison  Co.,  Vt.,  and  will  be  found  laid  down  in 
the  English  Map  of  Lake  Champlain  annexed. 


I  ■      iiifgi   i* 


350 


rHCNril    •CKiNIUHir.H    ON    I.AKR   CMAMrLAIN. 


to  what  other  part  the  two  Seignlorlt's  in  (|UeMtioii,  at  pnwnt  l)p|oiin,  hr  prnys  Your  LortlnliipM  to 
instruct  the  guvernnioiit  t<>  wiiirh  they  iin^  at  proHPiit  iintu>x<'(l,  to  huvt>  him  acknowlr(l^e(l  tiiere 
an  Pruprirtor  of  Miid  KMtatrs ;  to  oausc  liiiu  to  cr^joy  tho  sunio  witliout  tieliiy,  iu  the  miiur  inannrr  that 
he  or  hid  predri't'Siiors  liavc  or  ought  to  enjoy  fiuMii,  in  urdrr  that  lie  may  be  in  a  |H)!tition  to  replace 
the  inhabitants  tliere  wlio  were  alremly  loenteti  there  ;  that  iu'  may  as  s<K)n  lus  {loHsible  niaico  tliere 
tlie  settlements  lie  proposes  and  imiirove  said  S<;igniorii's  iu  the  most  useful  manner,  ami  according 
KS  he  may  Judge  most  proper. 
London,  (J  May,  17til. 


(Ji.) 


To  Sir  F/rlrhrr  .Yorhm,  King's  ./Itlornry  (hnvrnl 

The  aftiiir  in  (lUestion  at  present  whicli  alone  detains  me  here  over  a  year  in  cor  sequence  of  diffi- 
culties which  I  perceive*!  to  arise  on  my  arrival  in  tlds  country  that  I  cou'.d  not  even  suspect  before ; 
by  which  tlie  Attorney  (Jpnerul  is  at  tlds  moment  interrupted,  is  alrea.ly  decided  in  a  very  clear 
manner  both  by  tlie  general  Capitulation  granted  to  Canada  on  the  S'h  Septemlx-r  1  TOO,  and  by  the 
Treaty  i)f  Peace  whicli  followed  it. 

The  first  formally  states  tliat  all  those  who  have  property  in  that  Country  shall  be  maintained  as 
heretofore  in  the  possession  of  such  jiroperty  as  well  as  of  their  rights,  privileges  ami  prerogatives. 
The  Treaty  of  Peace  since  C(mcliided  confirms  in  regard  to  the  King's  New  Subjects  in  that  quarter 
what  hatl  been  granted  by  the  Capitulation,  and  permits  all  others,  within  the  space  of  eighteen 
mouths  from  the  day  of  the  Ratification  of  the  Treaty,  freely  Xo  sell  wliat  they  jtossess  in  the  said 
Country.  The  question  then  resolves  itself,  as  liir  as  I  am  concerned,  to  enquiring,  If  I  am  to  be 
considere<l  u  subject  of  the  King  and  if  in  that  capacity,  I  am  to  possess  what  already  belonged  to 
me  and  what  I  have  since  acquired. 

Without  requiring  to  enumerate  the  proofs  I  have  given  of  a  sjwcial  attachment  to  my  new  Country, 
the  sole  fact  of  having  acquire<l  new  ))ossessions  in  that  Country  ceded  to  the  Crown  of  (rreat  Uritain, 
insteml  of  endeavoring  to  sell  those  I  already  had  tliere,  manifesfs  the  disjKisitions  I  entertained  to 
attach  myself  and  mine  forever  to  it,  and  consecjuently  I  cannot  but  hv  comprehended  under  the 
denomination  of  Kings  Sul>iects  granted  to  those  of  Canada  by  the  Treaty. 

After  having  si»ent  eleven  consecutive  months  in  fruitless  exjjenses  and  i)roceedings  I  finally  suc- 
ceeded in  appearing  li)ur  weeks  ago  before  a  meeting  of  the  Lonls  Commissioners  ol"  Plantations, 
when  Milord  Hillsl>oroug!i,  President  of  tliat  department,  put  divers  questions  and  olyections  to  me. 

That  on  which  he  appeared  to  me  most  to  dwell  was  that  the  two  Seigniories  in  (piesticm  l)eing 
situated  on  Lake  Cliami>lain,  to  wliieii  His  Ih-itannic  Majesty  had  formed  jiretensions,  he  did  not 
consider  that  tlie  Title  1  derived  fmm  Kit  Most  Christian  Majesty  ought  to  insure  me  their  property. 
My  answer  was,  that  without  seeking  to  discover  whether  these  pretensions  were  founded  or  not  (a 
(juestion  which  it  did  not  liecome  me  to  agitate,)  I  i)resum<'il  to  assuiT  him,  at  least,  that  they  were 
recent,  much  more  so  than  the  titli^  which  insured  me  the  juoperty  of  these  estates;  that, moreover, 
I  did  not  imagine  tliat  His  Most  Cliristian  Majesty,  who  has  had  uniiiterruiited  jiossession  of  the 
Country  up  to  tlie  moment  of  tin-  o  miiiest  in  17.^)!»,  ougiit  at  any  tiiix'  allow  himself  to  be  stojijjed 
by  a  single  pretension,  in  the  desire  he  had  to  grant  a  i)art  of  it,  as  long  as  it  was  in  his  power,  to 
those  of  his  subjects  whom  he  desireil  to  reward.     In  fine,  supposing  everything  in  the  position  pre 


6^-4' 


iilMBHlM 


KHKNCH   ICIONIOKIEH  ON    LAKK  CIIAMPLAIN, 


SKI 


dicateil,  'twas  certain  that  I  was  possessor  of  these  Estates  in  goo<l  taltli ;  tliat  tliey  cost  me  much 
money  and  trouble;  tiiat  no  Imlivldual  could  come  forward  of  rigiit, to  (juestlon  my  property  In  them ; 
tliat  tlio  King  alone  opposes  to  me  pretensions  whirli  can  tend  only  to  establisii  his  right  of  Sover- 
eignty over  that  portlcm  before  tlie  entire  cession  (»f  the  Country,  and  not  to  tle8iM)iI  one  of  His  sub- 
Jt^cts  In  whose  favour  every  tiling  sjjcaks  at  tliis  moment,  and  to  whom  Justice  cannot  be  refused. 

If  this  chapter  of  pretensions  Is  examined  in  its  entire  breadth  where  will  It  not  lead  to  (  And  If 
the  argument  tiuit  Is  derived  from  it  b(^  considered  invincible,  who  can  assure  himself  of  an  i!ich  of 
land  In  any  country  whatsoever  as  soon  as  It  is  con<iuered  >.  Anil  If  treaties  which  assure  the  subject 
the  property  of  his  Estates,  cannot  serve  as  a  barrier,  «m  what  is  he  to  stand,  and  what  hereafter  is 
to  be  done  to  preserve  them  { 

The  Attorney  General,  who  perceives  all  tiie  consequences  of  sucii  a  principle ;  who  feels  how 
essential  and  Just  It  Is  to  preserve  to  every  one  his  right, is  recjucsted  to  give  the  Lords  Commlssloneni 
of  Plantations  (o  understand  that  however  laudable  may  be  their  zeal  for  the  maintainanco  of  the 
rights  of  tlie  Crown,  It  Is  carried  too  I'ar  when  It  unnecessarily  tends  to  the  ruin  of  a  private  Indi- 
vidual. However,lf  they  consider  for  reasons  tiiey  doubtless  foresee,  tliat  His  Majesty  cannot  depart 
from  the  original  j)r('tenslons  He  has  formed  to  the  country,  and  that  my  Titles  received  may  aflect 
thera,  I  am  too  much  attached  to  His  Majesty's  Interrsls  to  object  to  any  n"w  Titles  He  shall  please 
to  grant  me  Gratis  for  the  whole  of  the  same  objects,  and  which  >''•;.  ui'  .ic  in  all  my  rights.  I 
would  supplicate  him  merely  to  observe  my  present  situati(jn  u  i<  'i  lues  admltof  my  remaining 
anylonger  in  London, and  to  order  that  I  be  despatched  with  iim'  ci'j'i  jsible promptness.  This 
15'h  June  1704. 


GRANT  IN  FAVOUR  OF  M.  HOCQUART  OF  A  TRACT  OF  LAND  ON  LAKE  CHAMPLAIN.  1743. 

This  day,  twentieth  of  April  One  thousand  seven  hundred  and  forty  three,  the  King  being  at 
Versailles,  desirous  to  treat  Sieur  Hocquart  Intendant  of  New  France  graciously  and  to  bestow  on 
him  a  mark  of  the  satisfaction  he  entertains  of  his  services.  His  Majesty  has  granted  to  hlni  by  tenure 
of  Fief  and  Seigniory,  a  tract  about  one  league  In  front  by  live  leagues  in  depth,  situate  in  the  said 
Colony  on  Lake  Champlaln  opposite  Fort  St.  Frederic,  boundeil  on  the  West  by  said  Lake,  east  by 
unconceded  lands,  North  by  a  line  tlrawn  East  and  West,  and  South  l)y  a  line  parallel  to  this,  which 
two  lines  form  the  division  of  lands  to  be  conceded  at  a  (juit  rent  {en  censives)  In  His  Majesty's  name 
&  for  His  profit,  for  the  perpetual  enjoyment  by  the  said  Sieur  H(»c(]Uart  his  heirs  &  assigns  of  said 
Tract  by  tenure  of  fief  and  Siegniory,  with  High,  Midtlle  and  Low  Justice,  and  Right  of  Hunting, 
Fishing  and  Trading  with  Indians  throughout  the  extent  of  said  Seigniory  witiiout  being  obliged  by 
reason  of  this,  to  pay  to  His  Majesty  nor  to  his  Successors,  Kings,  any  duty  money  as  an  indemnity 
whereof,  whatever  sum  it  may  amount  to,  His  Majesty  hath  made  him  a  grant  and  release ;  On  con- 
dition to  render  Fealty  and  Homage  at  the  Castle  of  St.  Louis  Quebec  from  which  the  said  Fief  will 
be  holden  and  the  other  customary  services,  according  to  the  Custom  of  Paris  observed  in  the  saitl 
country  and  that  the  appeals  from  the  Court  which  will  be  established  there  shall  be  to  the  Roya 
Court  {JusHce  Royale)  of  Montreal ;  on  condition  also  of  jn-eserving  and  causing  to  be  preserved  hy 
the  Tenants  the  Timber  of  all  descriptions  adapted  for  the  construction  of  His  Majesty's  ships ;  ot 
informing  His  Majesty  of  all  Mines  or  Minerals,  if  any  be  found  in  said  Concession ;  to  improve  it 
and  to  hold  &  cause  to  be  held  fire  &  light  there  by  the  Tenants,  In  default  whereof  it  shall  be  re- 


m> 


'I  If! 


.1 


352 


FRENCH   SEIGNIORIES   ON  LAKE  CHAMPLAIN. 


united  to  His  Majesty's  Dornain ;  of  allowing  roads  necessary  for  public  convenience  and  allowing 
also  the  beaches  I'ree  to  all  Fisliermen,  except  those  they  may  require  lor  their  fishing ;  and  in  case 
His  Majesty  may  have  use,  hereafter,  of  any  portions  of  said  Tract,  to  erect  thereupon  Forts,  Batte- 
ries, Arsenals,  Magazines  &  other  public  Works,  He  can  take  them  as  well  as  the  trees  necessary  for 
said  public  Works,  and  the  tin-  wood  necessary  for  the  Garrisons  of  said  Forts,  witliout  being  holden 
to  any  compensation  :  His  Majesty  wilhng  that  the  said  Concession  be  subject  to  the  conditions  above 
enumerated  witliout  any  exception;  and  In  testimony  of  His  Will,  He  has  ordered  me  to  issue  the 
present  Brevet  wiiich  shall  be  enregistered  at  the  Office  of  the  Superior  Council  of  Quebec,  to  have 
such  application  there  as  shall  appertain,  and  which  Ho  has  Avilled  to  sign  with  Ids  hand  to  be  coun- 
tersigned by  me  His  councillor  Secretary  of  State  and  of  His  Conimanils  and  Finances.  Signed, 
Louis,  and  lower  down,  Phelippeaux.  Below,  the  present  Brevet  has  been  enregistered  in  the  Regis- 
ters of  the  Superior  Council  of  New  France,  By  the  King's  Attorney  General  acconling  to  the  Jirret 
of  the  day,  by  us,  Councillor  Secretary  of  the  King,  Chief  Greffier  of  said  Council,  uifdersigned.  At 
Quebec  the  7»h  October  1743    Signed,  Daiwe. 


#    \ 


I  Here  follows  another  Deed,  dated  1»'  April  1745,  totlie  same  person  of  an  additional  Tract  in 
Seigniory,  three  leagues  in  front  on  Lake  Charaplain,  by  five  in  depth,  extending  from  the  North 
bounds  of  the  former  grant,  subject  to  the  same  burthens  and  conditions ;  and  a  Deed  of  Sale  of  the 
entire  "Seigniory  Hocquart"  to  M.  Michel  Chartier,  Seigneur  of  Lotbiuiere  &c  for  the  sum  of  Nine 
Thousand  /ji^rps— bearing  date  Paris  7*''  April.  17G3  | 


i 


SITUATION  OF  THE  SEIGNIORY  OF  ALAINVILLE; 


ACCORDING    TO    M.    DK    I.OTHINIERF.  S    AFFIDAVIT. 


I,  undersigned,  affirm  and  declare  on  oath  that  the  Seigniory  of  Alainville,  four  leagues  and  more 
in  front  by  five  leagues  in  depth  to  the  West,  commences  at  La  Poinle  dcs  huhitans  (one  league  and  a 
half  or  thereabouts,  above  the  Fort  at  Pointe  a  la  Cheveliire,  and  on  tlie  same  side  of  tlie  iiiver)and 
tliat  it  terminates  at  Pointt  du  Biiac  (Bivouac  jxiint)  of  M.  de  Contrecour's  Camp,  the  lower  point 
above  Tlsle  au  Mouton  near  tlie  entrance  of  the  Lake  St.  Sacrement ;  tliat  tiie  said  Seigniory  belongs 
to  me  in  virtue  of  the  Grant  whicli  the  Marquis  de  Vaudreuil  made  to  me  dated  15"'  November  of 
tiie  year  One  thousand  seven  hundred  &  fifty  Eight ;  tliat  tliis  deed  of  Concession  was  left,  in  the 
original  l>y  nie  in  July  17G4  with  M'  Pownall  Secretary  of  tlie  ikiard  of  Trade  and  tlie  Colonies  to  be 
registered  in  said  Office;  tliat  S'  Henry  Guinaud,  my  agent  in  London  informed  me  by  letter  that  the 
Title  deeds  dejMisited  by  tlie  Hon'"'*  Mr.  Cliolmondely  on  my  l)ehalf  &  by  me  at  the  said  office  had 
l>een  retiu-ned  to  him  all  registered. 


FHENCH   SEIUNIORIES   ON    LAKE   CHAMPLAIN. 


(m.  MOORE  TO  THE  IWAllD  OF  PLANTATIONS. 


353 


\ 


I  Loml.  Doc.  XXXIX.  ] 

New  York,  7  Nov.  1766. 

My  Lords — I  had  tlio  honour  of  iiilbrmnij;f  your  Lorcli'i'i  hi  a  liiriiu'r  letter  that  I  proposetl  to  settle 
tlie  Bo)iiulfiry  Ihu-  lietween  lliis  Province  and  Qiiehec  as  soon  as  I  conid  conveniently  leave  this  City, 
and  it  was  not  long  hel'ore  I  had  anopiiortiinity  of  doing  it,  for  upon  the  arrival  of  Jh'igadier  Carleton 
from  England,  I  set  out  in  company  with  him  Ibr  J^ake  t'hamphiin,and  after  encountering  with  many 
dillienlties  occasioned  l)y  the  badness  of  the  weather,  we  fixed  tlie  limits  on  the  Jliver  Sorell  about 
two  ndles  and  a  half  below  windmill  Point,  which  is  further  to  the  Northward  than  we  imagined  to 
tind  it  I'rom  tiie  observations  which  were  said  to  1)C  made  there  by  the  French  sonu?  few  years  agoe ; 
upon  our  arrival  at  Windmill  Point,  several  Frencli  tientlemen  came  to  us,  there  from  Quebec,  as 
well  to  pay  their  compliments  to  IJrig'  Carleton,  as  tti  request  of  me  the  contirmation  of  tlieir  Rights 
to  those  Seigneiories,  which  on  onr  observations  sliould  be  found  in  the  Southward  of  the  45"' degree, 
antl  whicli  were  granted  to  them  belbre  the  coiKjnest  of  Canada.  To  this  demand  I  could  make  no 
other  answer  than,  tliat  His  Majesl}'  had  by  his  instructions  to  nic  laid  down  such  rules  Ibr  the  grant- 
ing of  lauds  in  tliis  Prov*  tliat  1  ccmld  not  deviate  from  them  without  incurring  his  displeasure,  and 
that  tlie  power  of  confirming  wliat  tliey  now  requested  of  ine,  was  not  at  present  lodged  in  my  hands, 
as  1  was  particularly  restrained  from  granting  to  any  one  person  more  than  one  thousand  acres, 
whereas  they  demand  confirmation  of  Grants,  some  of  which  consisted  of  Tracts  containing  100,000 
acres  and  otiiers  of  150,000  acres  ;  I  further  informed  tiiem  that  no  land  was  granted  in  tliis  Prov'« 
to  any  of  llis  Majt5»  subjects  w  ithout  their  paying  a  quit-rent  of  two  shillings  &,  sixpence  sterling  to 
the  Crown  Ibr  eacii  hundred  acres,  &,  desired  to  know  if  tiiey  exjiected  tohave  their  grants  confirmed, 
witliout  paying  any  such  (juit-rent;  to  whicli  they  answered  in  the  atlirnuitive,  and  requested  that  I 
would  not  grant  any  lands  on  tlie  Lake  till  1  had  laid  tlieir  claims  liefore  llis  Majcslys  Ministers. 
On  the  other  hand  the  reduced  Ollicers,  and  disbanded  soldiers,  many  of  whom  are  now  in  actual 
Possession  of  large  Tracts  of  those  Lands,  are  greatly  alarmed  at  tliese  Claims,  and  desire  to  be  pro- 
tected in  the  Grants  made  to  them  by -Lieu'  Gov'  Coldcn,  as  they  have  vested  their  whole  Ibrtunes 
in  the  settlements  already  begun  on  them,  and  must  be  reduced  to  beggary,  on  being  dispossessed.  I 
luul  the  honor  of  inlbrming  Mr.  Secretary  Conway,  soon  after  my  arrival  at  New  York  from  England 
that  Lieut  Gov  Golden  had  declined  showing  me  his  correspondence  with  the  Secretary  of  State's 
Ollice,  k  the  Board  of  Trade,  which  I  was  desirous  of  seeing,  so  that  if  any  orders  relative  to  the 
French  claims  have  been  transmitted  they  have  not  yet  come  to  my  hands.  Your  Lordi'i''  will  see 
at  one  view  how  great  a  })rejudicc  to  the  settlement  of  the  Prov^"  the  present  uncertain  tenure  must 
occasion,  for  several  other  persons  who  have  obtained  His  Maj'>s  gjgn  manual  for  large  Tracts  are 
desirous  of  taking  them  up  on  the  sides  of  Lake  Champlain,  and  have  already  gone  so  far,  as  to  make 
actual  surveys  of  the  Lands,  but  are  now  discouraged  from  proceeding  farther,  lest  after  a  great  ex- 
pense incurred  they  might  be  turned  out  of  possession.  I  was  in  hopes  that  I  should  have  been  able 
to  have  sent  over  to  your  Lordni"  by  this  opportunity  an  actual  survey  of  the  Lake  taken  by  a  skill 
fill  hand,  in  which  all  the  French  claims  were  to  be  distinguished,  with  the  number  of  acres  which 
each  of  them  contained,  and  likewise  the  grants  made  to  the  Officers  and  Soldiers,  under  the  great 
seal  of  this  Prov<=«  in  consequence  of  His  Maj'j"  Proclamation  which  would  have  showed  at  one  view 
how  far  they  interfere  with  each  other.  The  Deputy  Surveyor  of  Canada,  who  attended  me  the 
whole  time  I  was  employed  in  fixing  the  line  of  division  between  the  Provinces,  promised  to  furnish 
nie  with  an  exact  draught  of  all  the  Seigneuries  on  the  Lake,  time  enough  to  transmit  to  your  Lordpp" 
by  the  Packet,  but  I  have  not  heard  from  him  since  my  return  hither.     As  this  is  a  matter  of  very 

IVoL.  l.j  .15 


I{  i. 

It     ■ 


i; 


354 


FRENCH    SElUMOniKS   ON    LAKE  CHAMI'LAIN. 


great  iruportauce  to  a  considcrabli'  muiibtT  of  persons  in  tliis  Province,  whose  whole  fortunes  are 
vt'sted  in  these  Lands,  they  hiive  recjUfsted  me  to  talvc  the  earliest  oj)portunity  of  laying  the  state  of 
their  case  belbre  your  Lordi'i"  and  to  set  llirth  the  distressed  situation  in  which  tliey  are  at  present, 
that  Jlis  Mujcstys  pleasure  might  be  known  on  tliis  head.  During  my  absence  from  lience,  two 
Packets  arrived  but  as  I  was  at  too  great  a  distance,  tliey  liad  sailed  again  before  I  heard  of  their 
arrival,  wliich  I  hope  will  aj)pologi/.e  for  my  not  having  acknowledged  sooner  tl.e  honor  of  your 
Lordpr^  letter  of  the  11"'  July,  and  tlie  receipt  of  the  (jueries  sent  by  the  same  opportunity,  which 
shall  be  answered  with  all  expedition  and  in  the  fullest  manner  from  the  best  Intelligence  I  am 
capablejof  procuring. 

I  have  the  honor  to  be,  ettc. 

H.  MoORE. 


LORD  HILLSBOROUGH  TO  SIR  H.  MOORE. 

[  Lond.  Doc.  XLI.  ] 

WhitehaU  Feb  25th  MOS. 

Your  letter  to  Lord  Slielburne  No.  5.  wliicli  relates  to  the  Claims  of  His  Matys  Canadian  Subjects, 
to  lands  on  that  part  of  Lake  Cliamplain  whieli  is  now  a  part  of  the  Colony  of  New  York,  has  lieen 
relerred  to  tlie  Lords  of  Trade,  k  their  Lordships  iiaving  made  a  Report  to  His  Milty  tliereui)on. 
It  is  His  Matys  Resolution  upon  the  lullest  consideration  not  to  allow  any  claims  made  upon  the 
grounds  of  ancient  grants  from  the  Government  of  Canada,  to  Lands  which  were  never  acknowledged 
to  belong  of  riglit  to  the  Crown  of  France. 

His  Maty  has  tlie  most  tender  Regard  to  the  Rights  of  His  new  subjects,  &  is  desirous  of  giving 
every  projjcr  Testimony  of  His  Attention  to  their  Interests  and  Wellare,  &  therefore  it  is  his  Matys 
Pleasure,  that  they  should  not  be  disturbed  in  tlie  i)eaceable  possession  of  any  Tracts  so  circum- 
stanced, wliich  they  may  have  Jictually  settled  &  improved,  provided  they  consent  to  establish  tlieir 
Title  by  Grants  under  the  seal  of  the  Province  of  New  York,  upon  the  usual  Conditions  of  Quit 
Rent  k  Improvement. 


LORD  HILLSBOROUGH  TO  SIR  II.  MOORE. 


[  N.  Y.  Council  MinuteH  XXVI.;  Loml.  Doc.  XLI.  ] 

WhitehaU  13th  Auguat  1768. 

I  have  only  in  command  from  His  Majesty  to  send  you  tlie  inclosed  order  of  His  Majesty  in  Council 
conlhniing  the  Boundary  Line  betweenn  New  York  &  Quebec,  as  agreed  upon  and  fixed  by  yourself 
and  Governor  Carleton,  for  tlie  due  execution  of  which  Order  under  the  several  Limitations  and 
Jlestrictions  contained  in  it.  His  Majesty  has  the  fullest  Reliance  on  your  Zeal  for  and  Attention  to 
His  Service. 


FRENCH    SEIGNIORIES   ON    LAKE  CHAMPLAIN. 


355 


I  N.  Y:  Council  Minutes  XXTI.  ] 

At  the  Coiu-t  at  St.  James  the  12"'  day  of  August  1708. 


Present 
The  Kings  Most  Excellent 


Duke  of  Grafton 
Duke  of  Rutland 
Duke  of  Queensbury 
Marquis  of  Granby 
Earl  of  Litchfield 
Earl  of  Hillsborough 
Earle  of  Shelburne 
Viscount  Weymouth 


Jajesty. 
Viscount  Falmouth 
Viscount  Barrington 
Viscount  Villiers 
Lord  North 

James  Stuart  Mackenzie  Esq 
Thomas  Harley  Esq'' 
Sir  Edward  Hawke 


Wliereas  there  was  this  Day  read  at  the  Board  a  Report  from  the  Right  Honourable  the  Lords  of 
tlie  Committee  of  Council  for  Plantation  Affairs  dated  tlie  9">  of  tliis  Instant,  upon  considering  a 
Report  made  by  tlie  Lords  Commissioners  for  Trade  and  Plantations,  upon  an  Extract  of  a  Letter 
from  Sir  Henry  Moore  Governor  o.  New  York  to  tiie  Earl  of  Shelburne  dated  tlie  IG'h  of  January 
last,  relative  to  tiie  settling  the  Boundary  Line  between  tliat  Province  and  Quebec :  By  which  Report 
it  appears  that  it  having  been  mutually  agreed  upon  between  Sir  Henry  Moore  and  the  Commander 
in  Cliief  of  the  Province  of  Quebec,  at  a  Meeting  Ibr  tliat  purpose  appointed,  that  the  Line  of  Division 
between  these  Provinces  sliould  be  fixed  at  the  lorty-fiftli  Degree  of  North  Latitude,  conformable  to 
the  Limits  laid  down  in  his  Majesty's  Proclamation  of  October  17C3,  and  it  having  been  ascertained 
and  determined  by  proper  Observations  where  tlie  said  line  would  pass ;  it  is  tiierefore  proposed  that 
these  Proceedings  above  stated  should  be  confirmed  by  His  Majesty — His  Majesty  taking  the  said 
Report  into  Consideration  was  pleased  with  tlie  Advice  of  His  privy  Council,  to  approve  thereof,  and 
doth  hereby  confirm  the  said  Proceedings  above  stated,  and  order  tliat  tiie  said  Line  of  Division  be 
run  out  and  continued  as  far  as  eacli  Province  respectively  extends,  Provided  tliat  nothing  herein- 
before contained,  shall  extend  to  affect  the  Properties  of  his  Majesty's  new  Subjects,  having  Posses- 
sions under  proper  Titles,  on  those  parts  of  the  Lands  on  the  South  side  of  this  Line,  tlie  Dominion 
of  which  was  not  disputed  on  the  part  of  the  Crown  of  Great  Britain ;  And  Provided  also,  tliat  this 
Determination  shall  not  operate'wholly  to  deprive  his  Majesty's  New  subjects  of  such  Concessions  on 
the  South  side  of  the  said  Line,  on  which  they  may  have  made  actual  Settlement  and  Improvement, 
although  the  Lands  may  have  been  disputed  by  the  Crown  of  Great  Britain ;  but  that  such  Possessors 
shall  be  entitled  to  so  much  of  the  said  Concessions,  us  shall  be  proportioned  to  their  Improvements, 
at  the  rate  of  fifty  Acres  for  every  three  Acres  of  Improvement,  provided  they  take  out  Grants  for 
the  same  under  the  Seal  of  tlie  Province  of  New  York,  subject  to  the  usual  Quit  rents,  and  Provided 
also  that  tlie  Grant  to  no  one  person  shall  exceed  twenty  thuusand  Acres,  and  the  Governors  or  Com- 
manders in  Ciiief  of  his  Majesty's  said  Provinces  of  New  York  and  Quebec  for  the  Time  being,  and 
all  others  wiiom  it  may  concern,  are  to  take  Notice  of  his  Majesty's  Pleasure  liereby  signiiyed  and 
govern  themselves  accordingly. 

Steph:  Cottreij,. 


356  FRENCH   SEIGNIOIUKS   ON    LAKE  CIIAMPLAIN. 


Sill  If.  MOORK  TO  LORD  IlILLBORUlfai. 

[  Lond.  Doc.  XLI.  ] 

Fort  (icorge  Oct  2^th  1768. 
Siiioc  my  writing  the  rorogoiiig  Letter,  I  liave  had  an  opjiortmiity  of  laying  tlie  order  1  :  i  ■  His 
Majesty's  Cotmril,  wiio  are  under  some  dill'uulties  in  regard  to  the  oonstruetion  of  the  lirst  jiroviso 
ther«'in  mentioned  viz  "  Provided  that  nothing  herein  eontained  shall  extend  to  alleet  tlic  rroi)ertie9 
of  His  Majesty's  new  sniijeels  linviiig  possessi(»ns  under  proper  titles  on  tliose  parts  of  tlie  Lands,  on 
the  soulli  side  of  this  liine  tlie  Dominion  of  which  was  not  disputed  (jii  tlie  part  of  the  Crown  of 
(Jreat  Britain."  \o  line  of  jurisdietion  having  ever  been  settled  between  tliis  i'rovinee  &  Quehec 
"till  t!iat  whieli  was  lixed  hy  General  Carleton  &  myself  and  approved  (jf  liy  His  Majesty,  eaoli  of  the 
Provinces  h.ave  endeavored  to  extend  their  claims  as  far  as  they  jMissihly  could.  The  Englisli  to  tlie 
IJiver  St.  Lawrence,  and  the  Freiieli  to  the  Soutliward  of  Lake  George:  The  consr(|uence  of  wliicli 
has  l)een  that  the  lands  on  lx)th  sides  of  ]iakeCiiami)lain  have  been  granted  to  the  Lnglish&,  Frencli 
by  their  respective  (iovernors,  as  will  appear  by  the  Ma])  which  I  had  the  honour  of  transmitting  to 
England  it  mentioned  in  my  letter  No,  C,  to  the  Karl  of  Shelburne  dated  'J-J'i  of  February  17(i7,  & 
in  my  letter  to  the  liords  of  Trade  datetl  4'''  April  1707.  Your  Lordsliip  will  see  by  tliese  dillerent 
claims  what  the  dilficulties  are  which  we  labour  under  at  present,  for  (tliere  is|  no  jiarticular  IJoun- 
dary  lAuv  iiiirly  drawn  between  tlie  Provinces,  the  English  cl.iim  suppin-ted  by  tliat  which  was  made 
belbre  them  by  the  Dutcli  extended  as  liir  as  the  firty  fifth  Degree  of  liatitude.  Tiiis  Line*  was  sup- 
])osed  by  the  Fn-nch  to  be  more  to  tlie  Southwartl  than  we  found  it  on  observation, &.  several  of  tlieir 
grants  in  those  jiarts  are  covered  by  tliose  since  made  by  A^.  Golden  to  tlie  reduced  ollicers  and 
S.  hliers  under  His  Majesty's  Proclamation.  This  will  of  course  open  such  a  sc<'ne  of  litigaliciii,  as  I 
am  afraid  will  deleat  the  expectations  of  ilirwarding  the  settlements  in  that  ]ia,rt  of  tlie  Coiinlry,  to 
prevent  whicli  it  is  our  liuinble  re(jutst  that  His  Majestys  jileasure  might  be  known  how  liir  to  the 
S'lUthward  of  the  -ir)*"  Degree  any  French  grants  are  to  be  allowed,  for  they  have  no  settlements  to 
claim  under  (which  I  am  informed  was  an  absolute  condition  of  their  (Jrant,  as  they  have  paid  no 
Quit-Kent)  &  the  quantity  <tf  Land  in  most  of  their  Grants  liir  exceeds  that  which  His  Majesty  has 
been  pleased  to  allow  to  those  mentioned  in  the  'i''  proviso  which  was  not  to  exceed  iJt»,(»00  Acres  to 
each  Person  where  an  actual  settlement  had  been. 


ADDITIONAL  INSTRUCTION 


1 1 1 
r 


TO  Of  n  TRISTV  ASO  WE1.T.  BELOVED  SIR  IIENUY  .MOORE  DARONET,  OUU  CAPTAIN  GE.NEHAL  AND  (iOVEHNOH 
IN  CHIEF  OF  OIR  PROVINCE  OF  NEW  YORK  &  THE  TERRITORIES  DEPENDING  TUEUEON  IN  AMERICA. 
»;IVEN    StC.       DATED    5    JILT    1769. 

[  N.  Y.  Council  Minutes  XXVI;  Lond.  Dnc.  XLII.  ] 

Whereas  sunilry  persons,  proprietoi-s  under  titles  derived  from  the  Crown  of  France  wlien  that 
Crown  was  in  ixissession  of  Canada,  of  lands  on  that  part  of  Lake  Chaniplain  now  lying  within  our 
Prnvince  of  New  York  have  humbly  represented  unto  Us  that  several  parts  of  the  said  lands  .so 
claimed  have  already  been  granted  to  other  iiersous  by  Letters  Patent  under  the  Seal  of  Our  said 


FRENCH    SEIGNIORIES    ON   LAKE   CIIAMPLAIN. 


357 


Province  of  New- York,  and  have  therefore  humljly  prayed  that  a  proceeding  so  prejudicial  to  their 
riglits  and  i)rc>tensions  may  receive  Our  Royal  disapprobation ;  &,  wliereas  it  appears  both  just  & 
etjuitable  tliat  the  claims  of  i)erson9  under  such  titles  as  aforesaid  should  not  be  afl'ected  without  the 
fullest  examination  thereof.  It  is  tlierefore  Our  Will  and  Pleasure  &  you  are  hereby  directed  &  re- 
(juircd  in  no  o.is(.'  to  malio  any  grants  of  lands  so  claimed,  as  aforesaid,  upon  Lake  Cliami)Iain  to  the 
nortluvard  of  Crown  Point,  witliin  Our  Province  of  New  York,  until  tlio  petitions  &  proposids  for 
grants  of  any  part  or  i)arts  of  sucii  lands  shall  have  been  transmitted  to  one  of  Our  principal  Secre- 
taries of  State,  in  or«U'r  to  l)e  laid  belore  Us,  &  until  Our  approbation  thereof  sliall  have  signified  to 
you  Our  said  Governor  or  to  tlie  Commander  in  Cliief  of  Our  said  Province  for  the  time  being. 


'•t 


[  N.  Y.  Council  Minutes  XXVF.  ] 

At  a  Council  lield  at  Fort  George  in  tlie  City  of  New  York 

on  Wednesday  the  fourteenth  day  of  August,  1771. 
Prcacnt  1  lis  Excellency  William  Tryon  Ksq'  Capt.  Genl.  &c. 
M--  Watts  M  Moriis  M'  Cruger  M'  White 

M  l)e  Lancey  M'  Smitli  M''  Wallace  M""  Axtell 

II,  is  Ordered  by  liis  Excellency  witli  tlic  advice  of  tl>e  Council  that  a  Proclamation  issue  Notifying 
to  all  I'ersons  holdnig  or  laying  Claim  under  Titles  derived  Irom  the  Government  of  France,  while 
in  I'ossession  tif  Canada,  to  any  Lands  upon  Lake  Cliaini)]ain  Northward  of  Crown  Point,  and  to  the 
Soutliward  of  tlie  forty  liftli  Degree  of  Nortliern  Latitutle,  to  transmit  unto  the  Secretary's  Office  of 
this  Province  within  three  montlis  from  tlie  Date  thereof,  Authentic  Exemplifications  of  the  Original 
Grants,  together  witii  satisfactory  Evidence  of  the  situation  of  the  Lands  therein  mentioned,  and  of 
the  Solidity  of  the  Titles  of  tlie  Claimants  thereof  at  the  time  of  the  Surrender  of  Canada  to  the 
Crown  of  Great  llritain  ;  to  the  Eiul  that  the  Government  of  this  Province,  by  being  duly  apprized 
thereof,  may  I)e  enal)led  to  give  tlie  Claims  un<ler  such  French  Grants,  the  attention  they  shall  appear 
to  Merit. 


[  N.  Y.  Council  Min.  XXVI.  : 

In  Council;  Wednesday,  18  DeC  1771. 
Present  His  Excellency  William  Tryon  Escp  Capt.  Geu'l  &c. 

Mr  Horsmaiulen  M'  DeLancey  M'  Smith  M'  White 

M'^  Watts  M^Aptliorp  M^  Cruger  M^  Axtell 

His  Excellency  communicated  to  tlie  Board  a  Letter  of  the  30'h  of  October  from  Lieutenant  Go- 
vernor Cramalie  of  the  Province  of  Quebec  enclosing  several  papers  relative  to  the  French  Claims  to 
Lands  on  Lake  Champlain  and  acijuainting  his  Excellency  that  he  shall  by  the  next  Post  furnish  him 
with  all  tlie  Intormation  he  has  collected  relative  to  the  French  Grants  on  that  Lake. 


t^^i,^^ji^^-.et»i'  unuisnrji: 


1 


^. 


358 


KRENCII   BEIONIORIE8   ON   LAKE  CHAMPLAIN. 


His  Excellency  also  communicated  t(i  tlie  Board  another  Letter  from  Lieutenant  Governor  Cra- 
mahe,  dated  <Juel)ec  Nov'  ll'i'  acquainting  ids  Kxcellenoy  tliat  in  conse(jueuce  of  ]m  Letter  of  the 
17*'»  August,'  lie  ordered  the  public  Register  deposited  with  tlie  Secretary  of  tlie  Province  to  be  very 
exactly  searclied,  ami  Transmitted  him  by  M'  Marr  two  Abstracts  containing  the  Grantees  Names, 
tliose  of  tlie  new  Proprietors  tliat  have  come  to  tlieir  knowledge,  tiie  Dates  of  the  Grants  us  well  as 
of  tlie  KatiUcations,  and  tlieir  extent  as  entered  upon  those  Registers,  as  well  of  t!ie  Lands  grunted 
en  Seigneurie  as  of  those  granted  by  tlie  King  en  Roture — Al&o  Copies  under  the  Great  Seal  of  tlic 
Province  of  all  the  Kings  Edicts  and  Declarations  relative  to  Grants  of  Lands  wliidi  liad  Force  of 
Law  tliere,  that  ids  Excellency  might  he  enabled  to  Judge  of  the  Justice  of  such  Claims — Tliat  by 
these  it  appears  that  the  Governor  and  Intendant,  or  in  Case  of  their  Death  or  Absence  those  who 
executed  their  respective  olRces,  had  the  i)ower  of  granting  Lantls  to  be  ratilied  by  the  King  within 
Twelve  Months,  and  tliat  they  likewise  were  the  sole  Judges  in  case  of  u  reunion  to  the  Demesne, 
where  the  Grantees  had  not  complyed  with  the  Conditions  of  their  Grants,  which  however  never 
took  place  till  after  a  Solemn  Hearing  up(»n  a  legal  Process  before  those  Officers  at  the  instance  «)f 
the  King's  Attorney  General — That  among  the  Papers  transmitted  under  the  Great  Seal  of  the  Pro- 
vince is  a  Sentence  of  Reunion  of  Several  Grants  upon  Lake  Clmmplain  dated  10">  May  1741  by  the 
then  Governor  Beauharuois  and  Intendant  Hocquart,  since  which  time  there  does  not  afjpear  upon 
the  Registers,  altho'  very  complete,  a  single  reunion  of  any  Grant  in  those  Parts ;  &  therefore  that 
all  Grants  precedent  thereto,  and  not  comprehended  therein,  are  thereby  confirmed — and  al'ter  seve- 
ral observations  respecting  two  Grants  to  Monsieur  Foucault  purcliascd  b}-  General  Murray ;  On  the 
Title  of  Matlemoiselle  ile  Riimzay — On  the  (iraiit  of  Monsieur  De  Beaujeu  Villemon<le — And  the  two 
Grants  to  Monsieur  Hoc(juuit,  purchased  by  Monsieur  de  Lotbiniere,  furtlier  acquainting  his  Excel- 
lency tliat  the  Canadian  Grantees,  Trust  his  Excellency  will  be  pleased  to  consider  the  Possession  of 
tlieir  Estates  with  all  the  Immunities  thereunto  annexed,  was  secured  to  them  jy  the  capitulation  of 
Montreal,  and  the  Treaty  of  Paris — That  the  King's  Old  Subjects  who  under  the  Faith  thereof  be- 
came considerable  purchasers  of  tlieir  Estates,  Hope  and  doubt  not  his  Excellency  will  pay  a  due 
attentiim  to  their  just  Rights,  and  that  all  expect  so  serious  a  matter  of  so  much  Consequence  to 
themselves  and  Families,  will  be  carefully  weiglied  and  sufficient  Time  given  them  to  adduce  such 
proofs  as  in  Honour  and  Justice  may  be  required  of  them. 


In  Council ;  Thursday  31 «'  day  of  Decemb'  1771. 

Present  His  Excellency  Gov^  Tyron  and  the  other  Members  of  Council  as  last  mentioned,  except 
M'  Apthorp  absent,  and  M""  Wallace  who  is  present. 

His  Excellency  laid  before  the  Board  the  following  Writings  and  Papers  which  had  been  trans- 
raittetl  from  the  Piovince  of  Quebec  in  pursuance  of  the  late  Proclamation  relating  to  the  French 
Claims  to  Lands  within  this  Government,  on  the  kmks  of  Lake  Cliamplain. 

1»^  An  Exemplification  under  the  Seal  of  Quebec  of  ihe  Order  of  the  French  King  authorizing  the 
Grant  of  Lands  in  Canada  dated  20"'  May  1670. 

2'1'y.  An  Exemplification  of  his  Arret  in  Council  directing  that  the  Lands  Granted  be  cultivated 
by  the  Inhabitants,  dated  6'h  July,  17n. 

I  ForwarilinK  Proclamation  mentioned  In  tite  preceding^  entry,  dated,  14  Augt.  1771. 


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:!'>'>.  All  iOxi'tiiplitlnitiiiii  III'  tlif  Krt'iii'li  KIii^'h  DccliiratlDii  cimreriting  tlic  (irnnts  in  Cauiula, 
(latt'il  n'i>  July  17i:l,  &^  an  K\i>laiialoi'y  Ordt-r  ilat«-il  !(»»>  Jiitin  17(H. 

■l'i||>-     All  KMiiiplilUalioii  of  an  Arri't  In  (.'ouin-ll  of  tlic  Iftth  .NFarcIi  17:}2. 

r)i>>i).  of  ail  Oriliiiaiicc  ol'  tin*  (iuvcrimr  ami  Iiiti'iiilant  »{'  lit'h  May  \;  U.  ibr  a  Ucnnltm  of  liivt-rM 
Scinniurirs  to  tlio  Deiiicjiifs  nf  tlio  Frt'iirji  (Jniwii, 

()">>>.  Cuitlllcate  from  tlio  Kn-iicii  Mi(l of  tlii*  KaiuU  (iraiitcil  imi  Sci^iicuriu  on  hake  Clianiplalii 
North  of  Crown  Point  dated  Qncla-c  li«'i>  <)(!tol«'i*  1771 ,  and  Hli<iW'd  (k'orge  Alsop  Clerk  of  tlie  Eiirol- 
nirnts. 

7'>''>.  A  iiko  CVrtillcato  of  tlio  IjhuIh  granttul  en  K<iliu'u  or  in  Soccugv  to  tlie  Suutliwurd  of  tliv 
45«''  degree  of  Nortli  Latltudu. 

H'hiy.  Cu]iies  of  the  Concussion  and  Ualllleallon  to  Daniel  lilenard  de  Beaiijeu  .Inn''  of  the  fl**"  of 
March  n:r2  and  l^^  jniie  I7(};i  nientioiied  in  the  said  hist  of  Seigniories  &  Certilled  under  the  hand 
of  said  Geo.  Alsop. 

fM>iy.  Copies  certitied  in  like  manner  of  tlio  (/'oncemtlon  and  Itatitlcation  to  Antuine  lieihnit 
mentioned  in  said  List  oi'  Selgiieiules, 

l()<i>>y.  Copies  Under  a  like  Certillealu  of  tliu  ConceMlon  and  Uatitlcation  iu  the  said  List  to 
Nicholas  Herrtj  Le  Vasseiir. 

1 1"'.  Cojaes  Certilled  in  like  manner  of  tlio  CoijcchmIoii  and  Hatillcation  hi  tlie  said  List  to  Francis 
Uaine. 

12"'.  Coi)ies  of  a  Concession  by  the  King  to  MoiiMleur  (tiles  lloquart  Jiiteiidant,  dated  20"'  April 
17i;J,  and  of  a  like  Concession  to  the  saine  on  l»»  April  1715,  and  of  a  Contract  and  Sale  thereof 
certilleil  by  Pierre  Meziere  and  I'iene  Panel,  Notaries,  vvlio  are  Certilled  to  bo  Notaries  at  Quebec  by 
Jolui  Collins  a  Juslice  of  tlie  J'eace  2l»'  September,  1771. 

l;j"'.  Cojty  of  a  Memorial  to  the  Lleiiteiiant  (iovernor  of  Quebec  by  Lewis  Lienard  de  Beuujeii 
de  Villemonde  dated  15ii>  October  1771.  representing  that  ho  had  u  Grant  of  a  Seigneurie  (hiled  SO"' 
July  1755  but  tliut  tlie  Uatitlcation  was  lost  in  1750  and  praying  Ids  Intercession  with  tlie  Governor 
of  New  York  for  I'urtlier  Time  to  produce  it  than  is  jirescribed  by  tlie  New  York  Proclamation  of 
August  last. 

I  I'll.  A  Cojty  of  a  Notarial  Certillcate  of  the  Sah'  of  the  Seigneurie  mentioned  in  the  said  List  to 
be  Granteil  to  Pierre  Haimbault  made  by  his  heirs  to  IJeiijaiiiin  J'rice  and  otliers  Cortilied  by  the  said 
George  Alsop  15  August  1771. 

15"'.  A  Map  of  the  French  (iraiits  on  Lake  (Jliamplain  from  Fort  Chambly  to  Crown  Pouit  Sur- 
veyed by  M'  Anger  dated  1()">  October  17 IH  and  signed  de  Lery. 

W".     Mr.  Craniaiic's  Letter  to  Mis  Kxeelleiicy  dated  1  !•»•  DoC  1771. 

Upon  which  his  Excellency  desired  the  opinion  of  the  Council  on  tlie  Measures  proper  to  be 
pursued  as  well  with  Respect  to  tlu!  Lands  granted  ujion  l-ake  Chaniplain,  as  to  new  applicatioiu  for 
Patents  in  tiuit  part  of  the  Country,  and  it  was  thereupon.  Ordered  that  the  said  Writings  be  referred 
to  the  Gentleiiieu  of  the  Council,  or  any  live  of  them. 


jMim.,Jf. 


■*-»- 


NO 


I'HKNCH    HRKJNIOUIKN   ON    I.AKr.   (  IIAMI'I.AIN. 


OKDINANCE 


OK     TIIK    fiOVr.HNOK     AMI     I.NTKNDAM'    OK     KKW     1  HANlK     UKIMTINti     TO     IIIN     MAJKNTY  N     IIOMAI.N      Al.I, 

HK.IUNIOHIK.S    NOT    IMIMIOVKI).       IOmAV     1711. 

I  MM.  rrluliitK  to  Kmicli  Claiiiii,  Kv..,  in  Mpc'ii.  oil.  ] 

I'hiirhs  .MiiKjtiis  dv  Hvaii/tdtiiois  »S'c, 
(iil/in  lliirtjiiiirl  iS'c. 

At  ths  Hiipprlor  t'ounril  nf  tjii«lM-c,  Ilflwoi'ii  Ihr  KIiik'"  Atloriii'y  (iiMipnil.  I'llll'  In  IiIh  ^iiit  iif  llii>  :.'0  Vfhy  luxl  nii  Iho  una 
•lilo  ; 

AntI  MIriiri  .  .  .  I'can,  Major  of  the  liiwn  iinil  t'unlle  of  (^icbrc  .  .  .  Ml  V  inccnt  Kn^inii  <if  I'dnl,  l)i.  |li'«iimlii 
Jiinr.,  I)e  Contrrcour  C'upt.  of  Infunlry  ;  l)«('oiilrec(im-  linir.  KnuiKiii  nml  l.u  riTrirri- Capl.  of  hiI.  Tiiioiih  .  .  . 
I.afonliilnc,  Councillor   In  ml.  Superior  Cuuncll     .     .     .     Koi'licrt  KIiikm  Hlorr  Kci'piT   iit   Moiitreul     ...     All 

tho  Khovp  naniril  (iranlPPH  of  l.anib  on I.aki- Clinnipliiin  Doflit  ami  ritnl  (lii>  kIxIIi  unit  I'li'voiilli  of 

March  la«t  aniMlic  ninth  of  llic  pn-acnt  month :  unil  itliMira  Doutillo  .  .  .  ami  lli- lu  (iuuPlii-tiiTo  Dt-flH  ami 
tlefaultem  thronKh  lark  uf  uppoarunvn  cithrr  peraonull)-  or  l>y  ,  Itornry  on  the  luninionH  which  «vuk  itcrvcil  on  llicin 
Iha  eleventh  of  aalil  Month  uf  March  liy  llin  lluimilfr  Docoitc,  im  llii>  other  niilc  I 

Having  scfii  tlu'  suit  of  tltoKiii!{\s  Attoi-n«>y  (icnrml  (IfiiiaiKliiiK  liir  r(<a.siiiis  tlurt'liuontaiiu'*!,  that 
W(>  woiiUl  [h^  |ilcas(Ml  to  ]M>i'iiiit  liiiii  to  caiisi'  to  li«>  siimtuoiicd  tlu-  saiti  Sitiii-.s  altov*'  iiKiilioiu'il  to  Itc 
ami  appear  bolbir  tis  at  tlif  Castlt-  St  l.oiiis  of  (iiM-IxT  witliiti  tlu-  tU'Iay.-i  of  tlic  ordomiaiici'  to  tliirct 
ami  uriliT,  that  tlu-y  having  liiih'tl  to  liavc  <  iiltivatctl  k  iini>rov»'tl  tin-  lands  granted  to  them  in  Sfig 
niory  uml  to  huvc  placed  and  settled  iiihalijlants  tiiereoii  aeeoiding  to  the  Ivrius  of  tiie  Ariits  of  tho 
King's  Council  of  State  of  sixl'i  .Inly  1711.  and  lifteentiiof  Mareh  I7:i'2  and  within  the  time  speeilled 
therein,  they  shall  remain  and  be  reiiniteil  to  His  Majesty's  Domain  in  this  eoiintry  ;  The  answers 
of  the  said  Defeml'*.  present  by  which  .  .  .  Sieur  I'ean  states  that  lieeoiild  not  find  any  liirmer, 
up  to  this  time,  to  place  on  his  Seigniory,  that  if  he  should  find  any  he  is  reaily  to  furnish  them  with 
axes  and  picks, Ibr  clearing,  with  one  year's  jirovisions ;  that  he  will  eontiniu'  toloc^k  li)r  them  ;  that 
he  will  tlo  his  best  to  lind  some  and  that  he  intends  to  tiirm  a  demesne  there.  .  .  Another  answer 
of  Sieur  Estebe  api)earing  as  above,  by  which  he  says  that  Sieur  St.  Vincent  is  actually  detached  as 
Commander  of  the  jutst  of  Oiiyatanous,  that  he  already  made  several  grants  on  ills  Seigniory,  namely 
to  a  habitant  of  the  Cote  de  neaujirt''  ;  tiiat  the  said  Sieur  St.  Vincent  told  !iim  beliire  his  departure 
that  he  intended  immediately  estalilishing  a  demesne  there,  the  said  Sieur  Kstebe  rer|iu'stiiig  moreover  in 
his  name,  that  a  sulhcient  delay  be  granted  him,  in  consequence  of  said  Sieur  St  Vincent's  absence  on 

the  King's  Service A  writing  without  date  intituled  a  Sunuiiary  Remonstrance  riiniishetl 

to  I's  by  the  Sieurs  de  Contreeour,  Father  &  Soii,&  La  i'errier  covenanting  by  the  said  Sieur  JVan,in 
which  tliey  set  forth  among  other  tilings  that  they  had  done  everything  to  settle  their  grants  ;  that 
it  was  impossiltle  to  find  indiviiluals  willing  to  accejit  lanils  though  they  olVered  them  some  on  very 
advantageous  terms  and  were  willing  to  give  even  Three  hundred  livres  to  engage  the  saitl  indivi- 
duals ;  that  tlie  said  ContrecoiU',  Sen',  lias  rendered  Fealty  &  Hommage  lor  said  Seigniory  and  that 
he,  as  well  as  said  Sieurs  La  IVrrier  &  Contrecoeur,  Junior  has  Ix'en  subjected  to  various  expenses  ; 
that  they  intend,  moreover,  t<j  do  all  in  their  power  to  lind  liirmers  to  settle  said  Seignloiies  and  they 
hope  to  succeed  therein;  requesting  I's  that  we  would  please  to  grant  them  a  delay  on  the  oilers 
which  they  make  to  coniorm  themselves  herein  to  His  Majesty's  intentions.  .  .  .  Another  writing 
of  Sieur  La  Fontaine  not  dated,  and  signed  by  him  .  .  .  whereby  he  otters  with  our  permission 
to  go  this  summer  on  tlie  <Jrant  with  three  men  to  build  there,  and  begin  clearances  and  to  give  to 
those  whom  he  will  lind  willing  to  settle  there,  Grain  and  even  money,  asking  frcjm  them  no  rent,  in 
order  to  obtain  from  them  by  the  allurement  of  this  gift  what  he  cannot  obtain  Irom  them  by  force; 


1.  So  much  of  (hia  Reeorit  only  ii  given  ai  appliei  to  Grants  on  Lake  Chaniplain  and  south  of  Llnu  4o. 


I'RENai   •BlUNIOKtlU   ON   LAKE  CIIAMFLAIN. 


3U1 


*  Wilting  of  SU'iii-  Roibcrt  .  .  .  iilso  not  «lut( d  in  wiiicli  lie  wtyH  tliat  ut  tlitt  time  liis  (irant  wbm 
mnde  liini,  lui  stt  M.  Jnnvrlii  DulVt-ftno,  muvn  Siuvrjor,  witli  nix  im-n  to  iihhnum', siirvt-y  nnd  define 
the  said  iiihut  wlio  ()tcu|ii<'d  forty  days  in  tlielr  M)yane  &  tlmt  tliln  I'Xpcnue  iiniuuntwl  to  S<!vrn  Iiun- 
dr«'d  livre.:,  ten  nous  according  to  tiit-  ft'itlflcatf  of  wild  Dninsne  wlilcli  he  jncsontu,  nnd  that  lie  ImM 
n<'Klt'ck"i  notliliin  to  indnco  noiuo  young  laiiiuTs  to  go  and  Mottlf  tlu-rr  by  pi'orurlng  lor  tlirin  great 
advanfagrs  and  iiiiiny  facilitU'S,  conolnding  lijr  tiicso  n-aHons  W«(  may  grant  lilni  delay  to  allow  liim  to 
SMitisty  His  Majesty's  Intentions;  Seeing  likewise  His  Majesty  ordinances  dated  (I,  July  1711  and 
IS'h  Mareh  17:»2  and  His  orders  addressed  to  Is  last  year  wherein  He  orders  Vh  very  expressly  to 
I)r()eeed  with  tile  reunion  to  I  [is  IJoniain  of  the  l,amls  li»rinerly  and  reeinlly  Granted  in  delimit  of 
the  Proprietors  tliereof  having  fuKllled  the  conditions  set  litrth  In  tlieir  deeds:  Wc  grounding  our- 
selves on  the  re(|uisltion  of  the  King's  Attorney  Oeiierul  Havk  rkunitki)  and  J)o  hkunitf.  to  His 
Majesty's  Doinnln  tlie  Lands  folloAving,  tt»  wit : 

That  granted  on  tlie  10"'  of  April  of  tlio  year  17H3  to  Sieur  Pean  two  leagues  or  two  leagues  &  a 
half  In  front  by  three  in  depth  along  the  Kiver  Chanibly  and  Jiake  Cliamplaln  togetljer  with  the  River 
Cliazy  Included  tlierein  ami  Isle  a  la  Motte;  .  .  .  that  granted  to  Sieur  St.  Vincent  on  12'i' Ai)ril 
n.'lU  two  leagues  in  front  by  tliree  leagues  in  depth  on  Lake  Cliaui])laln  ;'  Another  to  Sieur  de  jJeau- 
vais  on  2(»'h  July  1731  two  leagues  in  front  by  tliree  leagues  In  depth  on  Lake  Chaniplain  together 
with  tlie  pviiinsuln  which  is  found  to  be  in  front  of  said  land ;  Another  conceded  cm  7<h  July  of  the 
same  year  1734  to  Sieur  Contreeocur  fils,  on  the  borders  of  Lake  Clinniplain  beginning  at  the  mouth 
of  the  Ririire  iiux  Ijoulrcs  |  Otter  River  |  one  league  and  a  half  above  and  one  league  and  a  half  below 
making  two  leagues  In  front  by  three  In  dei)th  togetlier  with  so  much  of  said  Rivii'rc  mix  Loutrcs  as 
Is  tbund  Included  therein  with  three  Islands  or  Islets  which  arc  in  front  of  said  Concession  and  dejiend 
thereon ;  another  granted  to  Sieur  de  la  Perrlere  on  the  border  of  Luke  Cliumplain  beginning  at  llie 
Mouth  of  the  River  Oiiynouski  one  league  alxive  and  one  league  b(;low  making  two  leagues  ti-ont  by 
three  leagues  in  depth  with  the  extent  c)f  said  River  which  will  be  found  comprehended  therein 
together  with  the  Islands  and  Batturcs  adjacent;  ....  that  granted  the  S""  April  1733  to 
Sieur  Lnfontaine  being  live  quarters  of  a  league  In  front  on  the  River  Chambly  by  the  depth  that 
may  be  tbund  to  the  Bay  of  Misslskouy ;"  that  conceded  on  the  13"' June  1737  to  Sieur  Roebert 
three  leagues  front  by  two  leagues  In  depth  on  the  West  side  of  Luke  Chaniplain,  taking,  in  going 
down,  one  league  below  the  River  Boquet  and  in  going  up  two  leagues  and  a  half  above  said  River.* 
Wheretbre  Wk  have  declared  all  the  Grantees  above  named  deprived  of  all  rights  and  property  over 
these  Lands,  and  yet  liaving  in  no  wise  regard  to  the  representations  made  by  any  of  the  said  De- 
fend'* We  reserve  to  Ourselves,  under  His  Majesty's  good  pleasure,  to  grant  new  Patents  of  the  same 
lands  to  those  of  the  Defendants  wlio  shall  prove  witliiu  a  year  to  Us,  that  they  have  seriously  and 
by  real  outlays  and  labour  improved  a  notable  portion  of  said  Lands,  or  placed  Settlers  thereupon 
during  the  course  of  this  year,  such  time  having  elapsed,  by  virtue  and  Execution  of  these  presents 
and  without  others  being  necessary  the  said  Lands  shall  be  conceded  to  whom  and  as  it  shall  upper- 
tain  :  We  grant  default  against  Sieur  Douville and  for  benefit,  We  have  declared  the 

present  Judgment  Common,  for  the  lands  equally  conceded  to  them,  to  wit,  to  Sieur  Douville,  that 
granted  to  him  the  eiglit  October  1736  two  leagues  front  by  three  leagues  deep  on  the  East  side  of 

Lake  Cliamplaln and  finally  that  granted  to  Sieur  La  Gaucheticre  the  20"'  of  April 

of  t..e  year  1733  of  two  leagues  front  by  three  leagues  deep  on  said  Lake  Cliamplaln.'  We  order  &c. 
Done  at  the  Castle  St.  Louis  of  Quebec  the  tenth  May  1741.  Signed  Beauharnois  &  Hocquart ; 
Countersigned  and  Sealed. 

For  Copy.  Hocquart. 

1  Now  the  town  of  ChampUin,  CUnton  Co.       2  Qu.7  Town  of  Albury,  Vt.       3  Now  the  town  of  Eitex  and  greater  part 
of  the  town  of  WeUiborough,  Eiiex  county,  N.  Y.       4  Now  the  town  of  Chaty,  CUnton  County,  N.  Y. 


fVoL.  1.1 


46 


863 


FMEKCH  BEiemORIZS  ON  LAKE  CHAMPLAIN. 


GRANT  OF  THE  SEIGNIORY  BEDOU,  ON  THE  RIVER  CHAZY.    1  NOV.  1752. 

[  From  the  same.  ] 

The  Marquis  Duqueme  fyc, 
Francis  Bigot  Sfc. 

On  the  Petition  to  us  presented  by  Sieur  Bedou,  Councellor  in  the  Superior  Council  of  Quebec  to 
the  effect  that  We  worJd  be  pleased  to  grant  him  a  Tract  two  leagues  or  two  leagues  and  a  half  front 
by  three  leagues  in  depth  along  the  River  Cliambly  and  Lake  Champlain  with  the  River  Chazy  in- 
cluded therein,  the  front  of  said  Tract  to  extend  from  the  bounds  of  the  Seigniory  recently  conceded 
to  Sieur  de  Beaujeau  to  a  league  from  tlie  mouth  of  the  River  Chazy  on  the  South  side,  with  the  part 
of  tlie  River  Chazy  wliich  will  be  found  within  the  extent  of  said  land  ;  which  will  be  bounded  by 
a  line  North  and  South  passing  by  the  mouth  of  said  River  Chazy,  by  three  leagues  in  depth,  and, 
besides,  all  the  said  land  which  will  be  found  beyond  the  said  line  on  the  River  Chanibly  and  Lake 
Cliamplain  and  Isle  a  la  Mothe  that  is  opposite  in  the  said  Lake,  which  Tract  was  heretofore  granted 
to  the  late  M.  Pean  in  his  life  time  Major  of  Quebec  and  reunited  to  the  Kings  Domain  by  an  Ordi- 
nance of  Mess"  de  Beauharnois  &  Hocquai-t  dated  10.  May  1741.  All  by  tenure  of  Fief  and  Seig- 
niory with  Right  of  High,  Middle  k  low  Justice,  rights  of  Hunting,  Fisliing  and  the  Indian  trade  as 
well  in  front  of,  as  within  said  Tract.  We  in  virtue  of  the  power  granted  to  Us  by  His  Majesty  have 
given  granted  and  conceded  to  said  Sieur  Bedou  tlie  said  Tract  of  land  as  and  in  the  manner  it  is 
above  descrilied,  which  shall  be  bounded  on  the  North  and  South  by  two  lines  cbawn  East  &  West 
in  front  by  the  River  Cliambly  and  Lake  Cliamplain,  and  in  depth  tliree  leagues  joining  the  noncon- 
ceded  lands  by  a  line  drawn  North  &  South  parallel  to  tliat  wliich  shall  pass  the  mouth  of  the  River 
Ciiazy  and,  besides,  the  Island  called  ti  la  Motlic  which  is  opposite  the  said  Tract  in  Lake  Champlain, 
to  possess  it  by  himself  his  heirs  and  assigns  in  i)erpetuity  and  for  ever  by  the  tenure  of  Fief  & 
Seigniory  with  High  Middle  and  Low  Justice,  with  privileges  of  Fishing,  Hunting  and  the  Indian 
Trade  throughout  the  whole  extent  of  said  Tract,  on  condition  of  rendering  Fealty  &  Hommage  at 
the  Castle  of  St  Louis  of  Quebec  from  which  he  will  hold  with  tlie  usual  duties  and  charges  accord- 
ing to  the  custom  of  Paris  followed  in  this  Country,  of  preserving  &  causing  to  be  preserved  by  his 
Tenants  the  Oak  timber  fit  for  building  King's  Ships,  of  giving  His  Majesty  all  Mines  Minerals  &c. 

I  The  remainder  of  this  Patent  is  in  terms  similar  to  that  already  inserted  p.  351.  The  grant  was 
ratified  by  the  King  of  France  18'h  June  1753.  The  Seigniory  was  afterward  made  over  by  the  pro- 
prietor on  2»<*  May  1754  to  Daniel  Lienard  Sieur  de  Beaujeu,  who  had  a  Seigniory  adjoining  imme- 
diately North.] 


h 


TO  HIS  EXCELLENCY  HECTOR  THEOPHILE  CRAMAHE  Esqr. 

LIEUTENANT    GOVERNOUR    AND  COMMANDER    IN   CHIEF   OF   THE   PROVINCES   OF   QUEBEC   &C.    &C. 

Respectfully  Sheweth — Louis  Lienard  de  Beaujeu  de  Villemonde  Chevalier  de  St.  Louis,  covenant- 
ing for  him  &  in  his  name  Francois  Joseph  Cugnet  Seigneur  de  St.  Etienne,  who  has  the  honour  most 
respectfully  to  Represent  to  your  Excellency  that  there  war  ^-anted  to  him  on  the  20  July  1755  by 
Mess"  de  Vaudreuil  and  Bigot  Governor  General  and  Intendant,  in  compensation  of  his  Military 


FRENCH   SEIGNORIES   ON   LAKE  CUAMPLAIN. 


363 


Services,  the  Concession  of  a  Seigniory,  situated  on  Lake  Champlain  part  of  which  is  found  by  the 
new  Line  to  be  within  the  Province  of  New  York,  extending  from  the  bounds  of  the  Seigniory 
granted  and  conceded  in  17-14  to  Guillaume  Estebe  proceeding  Eastward  to  the  River  Senerindac  the 
said  River  includeil,  forming  about  four  leagues  front  by  as  many  in  depth,  together  witli  tlie  Isles  & 
Islets  wliicli  might  happen  to  be  in  front  of  the  said  tract.  And  as  it  is  the  Petitioner's  interest  to 
preserve  the  said  Seigniory  whicli  is  the  only  property  remaining  to  him  after  tlie  losses  he  has  ex- 
perienced by  the  misfortunes  of  the  War,  lie  lias  recourse  to  your  Excellency's  Clemency  and  asks 
of  liim  the  favor  to  be  so  good  as  to  interest  himseir  in  liis  behalf  with  His  Excellency  the  Governour 
of  New  York  wlio  has  been  so  good  as  to  admit  the  Canadians  to  represent  to  him  their  Titles  to  the 
said  grants,  in  the  Gracious  disposition  in  which  lie  is  to  do  them  Justice,  in  order  to  obtain  a  longer 
delay  than  lie  has  granted  by  his  Proclamation  of  the  20"'  August  last  to  represent  His  Most  Christian 
Majesty's  Ratification  of  said  Grant,  copy  of  which  lie  has  ordered  from  his  brother  at  Paris,  and 
which  he  will  only  receive  in  the  course  of  next  year,  that  Ratification  having  been  lost  in  the  Brig- 
autine  les  Detix  Fnres,  Capt.  Dufycharest  captured  by  the  English  in  1756 ;  and  to  be  able  also  to 
shew  that  it  was  impossible  for  Iiim  to  liave  kept  fire  &  light  there  at  the  time,  and  as  prescribed  by 
said  Deed  of  Concession,  because  being  a  Military  Man  he  left  in  the  same  year  1756  to  command  a 
Post  in  the  Upper  Country  by  tiie  orders  of  the  Governor  General,  an  absence  which  has  rendered 
him  not  only  unable  to  improve  and  establish  his  said  Seigniory  and  to  have  fii-e  and  light  kept  there 
according  to  the  terms  of  his  title  but  even  to  solicit  the  Intendant  to  apply  to  the  Court  of  France 
for  Copy  of  the  liatification  of  his  Grant  the  original  of  which  had  been  lost ;  and  he  has  not  been 
able  since  the  Definitive  Treaty  of  Peace,  to  estalilisli  said  Seigniory,  it  being  notorious  that  he  has  not 
returned  to  this  Province  until  the  month  of  August  1769.  And  in  fine  he  could  not  send  the  title 
of  his  Concession  to  New  York  to  l)e  there  enregistered  since  his  arrival  in  this  Province,  on  account 
of  the  considerable  expense  that  Envoy  would  have  occasioned  him.  He  dares  flatter  himself  tliat 
you  will  be  favorable  to  him  and  he  will  not  cease  to  ofl'er  his  prayers  to  Heaven  for  your  Excellency's 
preservation 
QuEBEcl5i''Octob'1771. 


DEED  OF  SALE  OF  TIIE  SEIGNIORY  OF  LAMANAUDIERE 

ON   THE    EAST   SIDE   OF   LAKE   CHAMPLAIN,  9,7t''   SEPTEMBER   1766 
[  From  the  lame,  ] 

Before  the  undersigned  Notaries  residing  in  the  City  of  Montreal  in  the  Province  of  Quebec,  ap- 
p^red  Sieur  Jean  Marie  Raimbault  and  Dame  Louise  De  Montigny  his  Wife  whom  he  duely  author- 
ized, and  Demoiselle  L«*  Raimbault  his  daughter  of  age,  living  at  tlie  Cote  de  la  Mmtagne  near  this 
City  of  Montreal  acting  as  well  for  themselves  as  for  Sieur  Claude  Raimbault  their  brother  absent 
from  this  Province  for  wliom  they  render  themselves  guaranty  &  security ;  Who  have  by  these  Pre- 
sents voluntarily  sold,  ceded  and  transported  from  now  and  foreVer,  promised  &  promising  jointly  as 
well  in  their  names  as  in  those  of  tlieir  Executors,  Administrators,  Heirs  and  Assigns  to  guarantee 
from  all  Troubles,  Grants,  Doweries,  Debts,  Mortgages  and  otlier  Burthens  in  general  whatsoever, 
except  solely  the  Troubles  and  Hindrances  whicli  may  be  caused  on  the  part  of  Governments,  unto 
Benjamin  Price  Esq.  Daniel  Robertson  Esq.  and  John  Livingston  Esq^  the  said  Sieurs  Robertson  & 


364 


FRENCH   SEIGNORIES   ON   LAKE  CHAMPLAIN. 


Livingston  purchasers,  present  at  and  accepting  as  well  for  thenisdves  as  for  said  Sieur  Price,  their 
Executors  Administrators  &  Assigns,  a  Seigniory  called  La  Manaudiere  situated  on  Lalce  Champlain 
on  the  East  Side,  containing  four  leagues  fi-ont  by  five  leagues  deep,  the  said  four  Leagues  commenc- 
ing in  descending  the  Lake,  from  the  Bounds  of  the  Seigniory  granted  to  Sieur  La  Pf^rvipre  on  tlie 
sixth  of  July  One  thousand  seven  hundred  and  thirty  four,  in  whiclt  is  included  tlie  iiiver  called  Jl 
la  Mouelle,  with  the  Isles,  Islets,  and  Battures  adjacent,  with  the  Privilege  of  High,  Low  and  Middle 
Justice,  Rights  of  Hunting,  Fishing  and  Indian  Trade  and  the  Rights  and  Prerogatives  u,i.i.A«.tl  to 
said  Seigniory  without  any  Exception  whatsover,  nothing  t)eing  reserved  nor  retarded  by  the  said 
Sellers  to  whom  the  said  Seigniory  belongs  as  sole  Iieirs  of  the  late  M.  Pierre  Raimbault  their  Fatlier 
in  his  life  time  Lieut:  General  fur  his  Most  Christian  Mnjesty  of  the  Jurisdiction  of  this  City,  to  which 
said  Sieur  Raimbault  the  said  Seigniory  belonged  by  Grant  to  him  made  by  His  said  Most  Christian 
Majesty  according  to  the  Patent  of  Ratification  of  the  tliirtieth  of  April  One  thousand  seven  hundred 
&  thirty  seven  duly  enregistered  at  the  Superior  Council  of  Quebec,  formal  conveyance  whereof  the 
said  Sellers  promise  to  immediately  give  tlie  said  Purchasers :  The  Present  Sale  made  on  condition 
that  the  said  Purchasers  pay  from  this  day  and  render  to  the  Domain  of  His  Majesty,  our  Most  Sov- 
ereign Lord  the  King  of  Great  Britain  all  tlie  Rights  and  Duties  for  which  the  said  Seigniory  is  bound 
to  Him  ;  and  besides  give  tlie  price  and  sum  of  Ninety  Thousand  livres  current  Money  of  this  Pro- 
vince half  of  which  in  gold  and  silver  Specie  and  the  other  lialf  in  Merchandize  at  the  prices  current 
in  this  City,  which  tlie  said  Sellers  acknowledge  and  Confess  to  liave  now  received  from  the  said 
Purcliasers ;  The  said  Sieurs  Robertson  &  Livingston  Declaring  that  three-fourths  of  the  said  Seig- 
niorj'  will  belong  to  them  and  the  other  Iburtli  will  belong  to  said  Seur  Benjamin  Price — in  conse- 
quence whereof  the  said  Sellers  consent  that  said  Purchasers  enjoy,  do  with,  and  dispose  of,  the  said 
Seigniory  and  its  Dependancies,  as  to  them  will  seem  good  and  enter  therein  in  good  Seizin  and 
infeoffment.  For  thus  &c.  Promising  &c.  Obliging  &c.  Renouncing  &c.  Done  and  Executed  in  the 
said  Montreal  in  the  Year  One  Thousand  seven  hundred  &  sixty  six,  the  twenty  seventh  of  Septem- 
ber after  noon  ;  and  the  Sellers  have  Signed  and  Sealed  these  Presents  with  the  said  Sieurs  Itobertson 
&  Livingston,  acting  for  the  said  Sieur  Price,  after  reading  being  done. 


Signed 

Signed,  Sealed  &  delivered  in  pre- 
sence of 


Signed  } 


Pre  Panet 

Fr.  Simonnet 


^■Raimbault  (ls.) 

^Louise  Montignv   Raimbault  (ls.) 

•^Louise  Ralvibault  (ls.) 

JjoHV  Livingston  (ls.) 

vDan'l  Robertson  (ls.) 


Not' 


Quebec,  27.  July  1767. 

Received/roni  Benjamin  Price,  Daniel  Robertson  and  John  Livingstone  Eriquire  the  sum  of  Twelve 
Pounds,  Lawful  Money  of  this  Province  for  the  Droit  de  Quint  or  Mutation  fine  for  the  Seigniory 
called  La  Manaudiere  situate  on  the  East  side  of  Lake  Champlain,  joining  on  a  Seigniory  granted  to 
M  La  Perriere  by  the  French  King  6  July  1764,  purchased  by  them  of  Jean  Marie  Raimt>ault,  Louise 
Montigny  his  Wife  &  Louise  Raimbault  of  Montreal  as  specified  in  the  Contract  of  Sale,  signed  by 
the  parties  the  27''"  of  September  last,  having  remitted  to  the  said  Purchasers  one  Third,  pursuant  to 
the  Ancient  Custom  of  this  Colony ,*and  by  which  I  have  put  the  same  Beiyamin  Price,  Daniel  Ro- 
bertson and  John  Livingston  Esquires  in  good  Possession  and  Seizing  of  the  said  Seigniory,  they 
having  for  that  effect  paid  the  fine  due  to  His  Majeity. 

Signed  Thomas  Mills,  R'  Gen'. 


]■ 


// 


-#' 


FRENCH   SEIGNIORIES   ON    LAKE  CHAMPLAIN. 


366 


The  above  and  foregoing  ai'e  true  Copies  of  a  Deed  of  Sale  of  tlie  Seigniory  called  LaManaudi^re* 
and  of  the  Receipt  for  the  Droit  de  Quint,  as  taken  from  the  French  Register  Letter  E.  pages  313  & 
358.  in  my  oifice. 

Given  under  my  hand  at  Quebec  this 
151^  August  1771. 

Geo.  Allsopp  D''  Reg' 
&  Glk  of  Enrolments. 


[N.  Y.  Council  Minutes,  XXVt.  ] 


At  a  Council  iield  at  Fort  George  in  the  city  of  New  York, 
on  Monday  the  sixth  day  of  January  1772. 
Present  His  Excellency  William  Tryon  Esq.  Captain  General  &ca. 
M'  Watts  M'  Morris  M'  Cruger  M»  White 

M'  Aptliorp  Mf  Smith  M'  Wallace  M'  Axtell 

Mr.  Smith  from  the  Committee  to  whom  by  Order  of  the  31st  ultimo  was  referred  the  Papers  re- 
lative to  the  French  claims  to  Lands  on  Lake  Champlain  presented  to  His  Excellency  the  Committee's 
Report  thereupon,  which  being  Read  was  on  the  Question  being  put  agreed  to  and  approved  of,  and 
Ordered  to  be  entered  in  the  Minutes  and  is  as  follows : — 


-. 


REPORT    OF    THE    COMMITTEE   ON   THE    SUBJECT    OF    THE    FRENCH    CLAIMS   TO    LANDS    ON    LAKE 

CHAMPLAIN, 

May  it  please  your  Excellency : 

The  Committee  to  whom  were  referred  the  several  Writings  lately  transmitted  (in  pursuance  of 
your  Proclamation)  from  the  Province  of  Quebec  relative  to  the  French  Claims  to  Lands  within  this 
Government  humbly  Report 

That  soon  after  his  Majesty  was  pleased  by  his  Royal  Proclamation  of  the  7"'  October  1763  to  de- 
clare the  45'^''  Degree  of  Northern  Latitude  to  be  tlie  Boundary  between  this  and  the  Province  of 
Quebec,  divers  Tracts  of  Land  were  granted  under  tlie  Great  seal  of  this  Province  to  the  Northward 
of  Crown  Point  on  both  sides  of  Lake  Champlain,  and  chieiiy  to  the  reduced  Officers  and  Soldiers 
claiming  his  Majesty's  Bounty  Graciously  promised  by  that  Proclamation. 

That  Sir  Henry  Moore  and  M'  Carlton  the  Governors  of  the  two  Provinces  fixed  the  place  of  the 
Latitude  of  45,  by  actual  observation  near  the  Nortli  end  of  the  Lake  in  the  Month  of  September 
1767,  and  that  on  the  12'''  August  1768  his  Majesty  was  pleased  to  declare  liis  Approbation  in  Privy 
Council,  and  to  direct  in  favour  of  his  New  Canadian  Subjects  that  nothing  iu  the  Order  of  that  Date 
contained  should  ailect  the  property  of  sucli  as  had  possessions  under  proper  Titles  in  Lands  on  the 
South  side  of  the  Line,  the  Dominion  of  wliich  was  not  disputed  on  the  part  of  the  Crown  ot  Great 
Britain ;  And  that  the  said  Determination  should  not  operate  wholly  to  deprive  them  of  such  Con- 
cessions on  the  South  side  of  said  Line,  whereon  tliey  had  made  actual  settlements  and  Improve- 
ments, altho'  the  said  Line  might  have  been  disputed  by  the  Crown  of  Great  Britain,  but  proportioned 
to  their  Improvements  at  the  Rate  of  50  acres  for  every  three  that  were  improved,  with  the  Provisoe 

1.  The  present  Town  of  Burlington,  Vt.,  is  situated  on  part  of  the  above  Seigniory. 


360 


FRENai    BEIQNIORIES   ON    LAKE  CILAMPLAIN. 


i 


that  Grants  should  be  sued  out  under  the  seal  of  New  York,  Subject  to  the  usual  Quit  Rents,  and 
that  a  Grant  to  one  Person  sliould  not  exceed  20,000  acres. 

The  Committee  have  examined  tlie  Council  Books  and  cannot  discover  that  the  Government  of 
Quebec  ever  gave  the  least  Intimation  to  this  Province  of  any  French  Grants  upon  LakeClianiplain, 
neither  before  nor  after  the  said  Order  of  August  17()8  until  excited  thereunto  by  your  Excellency's 
late  proclamation,  nor  is  there  an  Entry  to  be  found  of  any  Notification  of  such  Claim  by  Private 
persons,  nor  even  of  an  application  for  any  grant  or  Confirmation  under  this  Government  fur  Lands 
Granted  in  Canada  before  the  surrender  of  that  Country. 

The  Committee  therefore  conceive  that  it  was  a  natural  and  reasonable  presumption  either  tliat 
there  were  no  such  French  Grants  or  that  the  Grantees  and  their  Assigns  considered  them  as  invalid 
and  perhaps  forfeited  to  the  French  Crown  before  the  Conquest  or  that  they  declined  the  acceptance 
of  British  Confirmations  subject  to  Quit  Rents  and  new  Patent  Charges,  intending  to  set  themselves 
up  as  sufficient  under  the  Capitulation  Articles  in  the  Courts  of  Law, upon  the  supposition  tliat  they 
were  witliin  the  Ancient  Dominions  of  the  Crown  of  France,  and  agreeable  thereto  tliis  Government 
began  again  to  Grant  Lands  in  that  Quarter,  and  continued  the  practice  until  Your  Excellency  was 
pleased  to  communicate  to  the  Coimcil  his  Majestys  50""  Instruction  prohibiting  Patents  for  Lands  to 
the  Nortljward  of  Crown  Point,  claimed  under  French  Titles,  and  if  the  late  Grants  of  this  Province 
are  detrimental  to  those  Claimants,  the  Committee  are  of  Opinion  that  the  Blame  fulls  upon  them- 
selves, as  it  is  owing  to  tlieir  neglecting  to  give  the  Information  naturally  to  be  expected,  if  they 
intended  to  submit  to  and  take  advantage  of  the  Royal  order  of  the  121''  August  17C8. 

Tlie  Committee  observe  that  among  the  Papers  now  transmitted  Irom  Quebec,  there  are  no  French 
Concessions  and  Ratifications  for  any  of  the  Lands  mentioned  in  tlie  List  of  those  said  to  be  Granted 
en  Roture,  nor  for  several  of  those  in  the  List  of  the  Seigneuries,  besides  tliose  specified  in  M' 
Cramaiie's  Letter  to  your  Excellency,  nor  is  tliere  a  single  petition  sent  or  prelerred  by  either  of  those 
Claimants  for  a  Confirmation  under  this  Province  of  any  of  their  Grants,  which  is  the  more  extra- 
ordinary as  Your  Excellency's  Proclamation  required  a  full  exhibition  of  their  Titles,  and  the  Crown 
is  greatly  interested  in  the  Question  concerning  the  Validity  of  the  Frencli  Claims  in  tlie  Articles  botli 
of  Quit  Rents  and  Escheats,  their  pretentions  extending  not  only  to  a  vast  Quantity  of  Land,  but  to 
Lands  the  more  valuable  for  their  Contiguity  to  the  Forts  and  Passes,  and  the  Navigable  Waters  of 
the  Lake :  and  from  tlie  wliole  we  conjecture  that  tliis  Conduct  is  owing  to  their  adopting  an  Opinion 
whicli  deserves  a  serious  attention  to  wit : 

Tiiat  tlie  I..ands  they  Claim  are  situated  to  the  Nortliward  of  the  Antient  British  Claim,  and  that 
consequently  tliey  can  maintain  a  Title  under  tlie  Surrender  without  the  aid  of  the  Crown,  and 
free  from  tlie  usual  Reservations,  Restrictions,  Conditions,  and  Quit  Rents. 

With  respect  therefore  to  the  Lands  Southward  of  Crown  Point,  and  to  those  to  the  Northward  of 
that  Fort,  not  within  tlie  Limits  of  the  French  Grants,  we  ai-e  of  Opinion  tiiat  your  Excellency  may 
issue  Patents  lor  tliem  as  Lands  to  which  the  SO"-  Article  of  the  Royal  Instructions  has  clearly  no 
relation. 

Nor  do  we  think  that  Article  ouglit  to  be  considered  to  prohibit  the  Grant  of  those  Tracts  to  which 
no  French  Concessions  or  Ratifications  appear  to  he  transmitted  from  Quebec,  nor  any  Excuse  assigned 
for  not  laying  them  before  this  Government  pursuant  to  the  late  Proclamation,  it  ]mng  vi-ry  plain 
from  tlie  Instruction  that  it  was  intended  to  restrain  only  new  Patents  Ibr  I^nds  before  claimed  by 
Titles  derived  from  the  Frencli  King,  and  prior  to  tlie  Surrender  of  Canada  and  as  clear  that  it  was 
the  iudisj)ensable  Duty  of  all  sucli  Claimants  in  Justice  to  the  Crown  to  give  due  Notice  of  their 
Claims. 

But  in  due  deference  to  his  Majesty's  authority,  we  advise  as  to  the  Lanils  to  the  Northward  of 
Crown  Point,  and  included  by  the  Concessions  &  Ratifications  lately  notified  to  this  Government,  that 


1 


FRENCH    SEIflNIORIES  ON    LAKE  CHAMPLAIN. 


367 


all  Petitions  for  them  or  any  part  of  them  be  sent  Home,  together  with  Copies  of  the  French  Grants 
for  His  Majesty's  Royal  consideration. 

Several  points  of  Enquiry  will  arise  upon  those  Grants,  concerning  which  the  Committee  chuse 
not  to  decide,  on  account  of  their  singular  Importance  and  Delicacy. 

!»'.  Wiiether  a  Title,  if  good  under  the  French  Government  will  by  the  Surrender  be  valid  by  our 

Laws,  without  tl\e  Royal  Confirmation ;  or  in  other  Words  whether  the  Capitulation  gives  more 

to  the  French  Grantee,  than  an  Equitable  Right  to  be  preferred  before  others  in  the  Application 

lor  u  new  Grant  1 

2ndiy.  Wliether  those  Lands  were  not  forfeited  to  the  Crown  of  France  by  the  Conditions  in  the 

Grants  before  the  Surrender,  and  so  became  thereby  transferred  to  his  Majesty  ?    And 
Srdiy  Whether  they  were  not  within  the  Antient  British  Claim  and  consequently  never  Grantable 

by  tlie  Crown  of  France  ? 
And  upon  this  last  Question  the  Committee  beg  Leave  to  remark  that  the  British  Claim  of  Dominion 
before  the  last  War,  extended  to  the  Southerly  Bank  of  the  River  St.  Lawrence,  and  by  Treaty  to  all 
the  Country  of  the  Six  Nations  in  particular,  of  wliich  the  controverted  Grants  are  a  part,  and  we 
find  that  so  early  as  tlie  S"'  of  September,  1696,  a  patent  did  pass  to  Godfrey  Dellius,  under  the  Seal 
of  this  Province,  for  Lands  including  some  of  those  now  claimed  under  tlie  Canadian  Grants,  greatly 
to  the  Nortliward  of  Crown  Point,  of  which  the  French  were  not  possessed  till  nearly  forty  years 
afterwards,  to  wit  about  the  year  1 731 ,  and  whether  it  is  imputable  to  the  Consciousness  in  the  French 
of  their  want  of  Title  or  to  any  otlier  Cause,  the  Committee  cant  help  observing  to  your  Excellency 
tliat  in  Fact  very  few  Settlements  or  Improvements  were  found  upon  any  of  those  Canadian  Grants, 
except  about  the  French  Forts  at  or  since  the  Conclusion  of  the  last  Peace ;  the  Country  near  Lake 
Champlain,  but  for  tlie  late  Settlements  under  this  Colony,  being  in  general  in  a  wild  and  uncultivated 
State. 

And  as  it  may  be  of  essential  Moment  to  the  reduced  Officers  and  soldiers  and  others  who  have 
seated  themselves  in  that  District  that  his  Majesty  be  fully  informed  of  the  numerous  Patents  that 
have  passed  tlie  Seal  of  this  Colony  since  the  acquisition  of  Canada,  we  recommend  it  to  your  Excel- 
lency to  order  the  Surveyor  General  to  frame  a  Map  exhibiting  the  French  Grants  and  English 
Patents  to  the  Northward  of  Crown  Point,  to  be  laid  before  his  Majesty  with  all  convenient  speed, 
with  a  List  of  tlie  Patentees  and  an  account  of  the  Quantity  of  Land  contained  in  their  Patents  and 
tlie  Quitrcnts  they  are  cliargeablo  with.  And  for  the  security  and  satisfaction  of  the  French  Grantees, 
we  also  advise  that  in  the  Interim  the  several  papers  referred  to  us,  be  filed  in  the  Secretarys  Office, 
and  a  Copy  of  this  Report  and  the  Order  to  be  made  thereon  transmitted  to  the  Commander  in  Chief 
of  Quebec.    All  which  is  nevertheless  most  humbly  submitted  by  your  Excellency's 

Most  obed'  humble  servants. 
Council  Chamber  at  By  order  of  the  Committee, 

Fort  George,  in  New  York  W™  Smith,  Chairman. 

January  6"'  1772. 
And  thereupon  It  is  ordered  by  his  Excellency  the  Governor  with  the  advice  of  the  Council,  that 
the  Surveyor  General  of  this  Province  do  frame  a  Map  exhibiting  the  French  Grants,  and  the  Patents 
which  have  passed  tlie  seal  of  this  Colony  to  the  Northward  of  Crown  Point,  in  order  to  be  laid 
before  his  Majesty,  with  a  List  of  the  Patentees,  and  au  account  of  the  Quantity  of  Land  contained 
in  tlieir  Patents,  and  the  Quit  rents  tliey  are  chai-geable  with.  That  the  several  papers  referred  to  in 
the  Report  of  tlie  Committee  be  filed  in  tlie  Secretary's  office,  and  tliat  a  Copy  of  the  said  Report  and 
of  this  Order  be  prepared  in  order  to  be  transmitted  to  the  Commander  in  Chief  of  Quebec. 


HMMMHi 


368 


FAENCH    •EIGNIORIES   ON    LAKE   CHAMPLAIN. 


GOV«.  TRYON  TO  LORD  HILLSBOROUGH. 

[  Lond.  Doc.  XLIII.  ] 

New  York  1.  Septr.  1772. 

My  Lord— I  liave  had  tlie  honor  to  receive  your  Lonlship's  dispatches  No"  11, 12  &  13. 

It  is  matter  of  real  concern  to  nie  to  learn  the  consideration  of  the  Canada  Claims  has  not  under- 
gone a  final  decision.  Upon  a  more  strict  examination  of  the  claims  of  the  French  grantees  to  lands 
withu;  thisGover"'  I  cannot  be  persuaded  tliat  the  last  Treaty  of  peace,  or  the  articles  of  the  Capitula- 
tion at  tlie  surrender  of  Canada  gives  any  valid  title  to  such  claims.  The  territory  soutlnvards  of 
St.  Lawrence  River  has  been  always  acknowledged  tlie  property  of  tlie  Five  Nations,  subjects  or  allies 
of  Great  Brittain,  &  as  tlie  French  settlements,  as  well  as  grants  witliin  that  district  were  made,  not 
under  the  sanction  of  Cession,  purchase  or  conquest,  but  by  intrusion,  the  justice  of  the  Title  of 
those  claimants  seems  to  rest  on  His  Maj'>'  generosity  which  will  operate  no  doubt  as  powerfully  in 
the  behalf  of  those  OfTiccrs  k  Soldiers,  who  now  hold  a  great  part  of  tliose  disputed  lands  imder 
grants  fi-om  this  prov«e  in  conse<juence  of  His  Majesty's  proclamation  in  1763. 


i-OKD  DARTMOUTH  TO  (iOVR  TRYON. 

[  Lond.  Ooc.  XLIII.] 

WhitehaU  4  Novr  1772. 

The  State  of  the  Freucli  Claims  on  Lake  Cliamplain  appears  to  me,  as  far  as  I  am  at  present  in- 
formed to  be  a  consideration  of  great  dilflculty  and  delicacy,  and  by  no  means  of  a  nature  to  admit 
of  an  hasty  decision.  Tiiose  Claims  are  now  before  the  Board  of  Trade  in  consequence  of  a  refer- 
ence from  the  privy  Council,  and  I  will  not  I'ail  from  what  you  say  of  the  State  of  the  Colony,  as 
well  in  respect  to  tiiose  Claims  as  to  tlie  increasing  disorders  &  confusion  on  the  Eastern  Frontiers  in 
general,  to  press  an  immediate  attention  to  Iwth  tliese  important  considerations. 

Tlie  wliole  of  this  very  important  business  will,  I  am  persuaded,  be  discussed  by  the  Loi-ds  of 
Trade  with  that  impnrfiahty  tliat  lias  always  distinguishetl  tiieir  conduct ;  I  shall  therefore  avoid  say- 
ing any  thing  more  upon  that  subject  or  upon  tlie  Canadian  Claims  further,  tlian,  tliat  I  think  it 
proper  to  observe  that  the  proposition  in  your  letter  N"  43,  that  all  the  territory  on  the  south  side  of 
the  River  St.  Lawrence  was  tiio  jiroperty  of  the  five  Nations,  and  therelbre  tliat  every  Camulian 
Grant  on  that  side  of  tlie  River,  was  an  oiicroaclinient  on  tlie  British  possessions,  does  not  appear  to 
me,  from  any  information  I  have  been  alile  to  collect,  to  be  maintainable  on  any  lair  ground  of  argu- 
ment ;  an  observation  wliich  I  tliiiik  I  am  ciilled  upon  to  state  to  you,  lest  by  my  silence  on  that 
subject  I  should  appear  to  ac<iuiesce  in  a  pro|X)sition  that,  if  adopted  in  the  extent  you  state  it,  would 
strip  one  half  of  the  King's  new  subjects  of  tlieir  ancient  possessions  and  must  spread  an  alarm  that 
may  have  very  fatal  conseciuences  to  tlie  King's  interest. 

I  am,  ettc. 

Dartmouth. 


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FREMCH  ■KIONIOKtU  OM  LAKK  OtAMPLAIN. 


369 


MINUTE  OF  MR.  EDMUND  BURKE  ATTENDING  THE  BOARD  OF  TRADE. 

Thursday  Nov  12H>  1772 
At  a  meeting  of  Ills  Majesty's  Coram'*  for  Trade  k  Plantationi  Present,  Mr  Gascoyne,  Lord  OrevUIe 
Lord  Garlles ;  The  Earl  of  Dortnioutli,  one  of  His  Majesty's  Principal  Secretaries  of  State, 
attending 

Mr.  Edmund  Burke  attended  &  moved  their  Lordships  that  he  miglit  be  heard  by  his  Council, 
as  well  in  behalf  of  tlie  Province  of  N«w  York  oa  of  sundry  persons,  Proprietors  of  Lands  within 
the  said  Province,  under  grants  from  the  Governor  nnd  Council  thereof,  against  the  conlirmation  by 
the  Crown,  of  any  grants  made  by  tl>e  French  King  or  the  Government  of  Canada — within  the 
limits  of  the  said  Province  of  New  York. 

Their  Lordships  upon  consideration  of  M'  Durke's  motion,  agreed  that  he  should  be  heard  by  liis 
Counsel,  and  he  was  desired,  so  soon  as  his  Councel  should  be  pi-epared,  to  acquaint  the  Secretary 
therewith,  in  order  that  an  early  day  might  be  fixed  for  the  Airtlier  consideration  of  this  business. 

Ordered  that  the  Secretary  do  acquaint  Mons'  L*jtbiniere  who  now  attends  to  solicit  the  Confirma- 
tion of  two  seigneurles  on  Lake  Cliamplaiu,  of  which  )iv  claims  tlie  possession,  with  Mr.  Burke's 
application  to  |}e  beard  by  counsel,  and  that  lie  will  also  be  at  liberty  to  be  heard  by  his  Counsel  in 

support  of  his  pretensions  if  he  thinks  fit. 

Grevillx. 


GOV"  TRYON  TO  LORD  DARTMOUTH.    EXTRACT. 

New  York  5  January  1773 

The  opinion  I  presumed  to  give  your  Tx)rdHhlp  respecting  the  Canadian  Claims,  was  grounded  on 
the  following  facts,  which  if  I  am  rightly  informed  are  capable  of  satlsfkctory  proof.  I  hope  con- 
sidering the  importance  of  the  subject,  to  bo  excused  in  submitting  them  to  your  LordPi*'  consid- 
eration. 

The  Dutch,  who  iirst  settled  this  Colony,  claimed  the  whole  of  Connecticut  River  and  Lake  Cham- 
plain,  and  all  the  Country  to  the  Southward  of  the  River  St.  Lawrence  down  to  Delaware  River ;  this 
appears  from  many  ancient  Maps,  and  particularly  Oom  Blair's  and  Ogilby's,  which  I  have  had  an 
opportunity  of  seeing  In  1G64,  King  Charles  tlie  Second  granted  this  country  to  the  Duke  of  York, 
expressly  comprehending  all  the  Lands  from  the  west  side  of  Connecticut  River. 

On  a  late  actual  survey  by  Commissi  from  this  is,  Quebec  Govern^,  the  head  of  that  River  is  found  to 
lie  several  miles  to  the  Northward  of  the  Latitude  of  forty  five  degrees,  lately  established  by  his 
Majesty  as  the  boundary  between  this  Colony  and  Quebec. 

A  west  line  therefore  from  the  head  of  Connecticut  liiver  (which  will  comprehend  Lake  Cham- 
plain)  has  been  always  deemed  the  ancient  bountlary  of  New  York,  according  to  the  Royal  Grant ; 
nor  has  it  been  abridged  but  in  two  instances.  His  M)\|i)'*  proclamation  limiting  the  extent  of  Que- 
bec, and  an  agreement  confirmed  by  the  Crown  with  Connecticut.  Every  Act  and  Commission  sub- 
sequent to  King  Charles's  grant,  describes  the  Province  in  General  words — "  The  Province  of  New 
York  and  the  territories  depending  threuj^n  "  and  supposes  its  limits  to  be  notorious,  &  properly 
established  by  that  grant.    On  this  principle  the  Judicatories,  here  have  grounded  their  determina- 


[VOL.  I.] 


47 


1 


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370 


rHCNCII    tElUNlORIU   ON    LAKF   CHAMPLAIN. 


tions,  in  suits  between  the  New  York  Patentees,  und  tlie  N.  ilunipsliire  cluininnts.  Tlio  originul 
Colony  of  New  Hampshire  as  it  was  gruntetl  by  tho  Council  of  Plymouth,  L  conflnned  by  the  Crown 
about  the  year  1035,  lay  altogether  on  t!ie  East  side  uf  Connecticut  Kiver,  wliicli  It  did  not  reach  by 
20  miles.  A%  it  was  now  modelled  &  enlarged  by  tiie  Commission  to  Gov  Benninfr  Wnitwortli  in 
1742,  no  distance  from  the  sea,  or  station  is  given  :  but  It  is,  bounded  to  tlie  west  by  tiic  King's  otlier 
Govern^'  and  could  not  comprehend  tiie  Lands  on  the  west  side  of  tlie  Connecticut  Ulver  wliicli  were 
already  a  part  of  New  York,  as  estal^lislied  by  the  Grant  of  the  Crown  abovementioned  ll.  ii< .'  on 
the  footing  of  original  Riglit,  our  Courts  determined,  tliat  the  New  Hampshire  Grants  were  void  for 
want  of  a  legal  authority  in  tliat  Govern'.  They  considered  His  Mi\^'y»  order  in  I'rivy  Council  la 
17G1,  as  a  confirmation  of  a  prior  Right,  &  not  as  having  altered  or  enlarged  tl.<*  ancient  Jurisdiction. 

I  am  now  cautious  to  give  an  opinion  on  the  propriety  of  tills  decision,  but  barely  mention  the 
principles  as  they  have  been  represented  to  me  for  your  Lordj/s  information. 

Wiietiier  tiie  Dominions  of  tlie  Frencli  in  Canada  interfered  witii  the  liounds  of  this  Colony  as 
anciently  establlslied  by  King  Charles  the  Second,  remains  to  be  consldereil.  All  the  Country  to  the 
Southward  of  the  River  St.  Lawrence  originally  belonged  to  the  tlve  Nations  or  Irocjuois,  and  as 
such,  it  is  described  In  the  above  mentioneil  and  other  ancient  Maps,  &  particularly  Lake  Cliamplain 
is  tliere  called  " Mere  des  Iroquois"  Sorel  River  which  leads  from  the  Lake  into  the  River  St.  Law- 
rence "  Rivier  des  Iroquois^'  and  the  Tract  on  the  East  side  of  the  Lake,  Irocoisia. 

So  early  as  the  year  1C83,  the  Five  Nations  by  Treaty  with  tlie  Gov'  of  New  York,  submitted  to 
the  Sovereignty  &  protection  of  Great  Brlttain,  and  have  ever  since  been  considered  as  subjects,  & 
their  Country  as  part  of  the  dominions  of  the  Crown. 

By  the  Treaty  of  Utreclit,  the  French  King  expressly  recognized  the  Sovereignty  of  Great  Brlttain 
over  those  Nations. 

Godfrey  Dellius's  purchase  from  the  Mohocks,  &  grant  under  the  Seal  of  New  York  in  the  year 
1C96,  Is  esteemed  a  memorable  proof  of  the  Riglit  of  this  Province,  under  the  Crown,  to  the  Lands 
on  Lake  Cliamplain.  It  comprehends  a  large  Tract  extending  from  Soraghtoga  along  Hudson^s  River, 
the  Wood  Creek,  &  Lake  Champlain,  on  the  East  side  upwards  of  twenty  miles,  to  the  northward  of 
Crown  Point ;  &  it  is  thought  a  circumstance  of  no  small  Importance,  tliat  this  Grant  was  repealed 
by  the  Legislature  in  the  year  1609,  as  an  extravagant  favour  to  one  subject ;  wlilch  act  would  liave 
been  a  nullity  if  that  territory  had  not  been  within  the  Jurisdiction  of  this  Province. 

Altho'  the  Canadians  by  their  Savage  depredations  had  long  obstructed  the  settlement  of  this 
Frontier  part  of  the  Colony,  it  was  not  till  the  year  1731,  that,  ui  profound  peace,  they  took  posses- 
sion of  Lake  Cliamplain  &  ordered  Fort  St.  Frederick  at  Crown  [pointj ;  &  afterwards  another  Fort 
at  Tlconderoga.  This  was  regarded  as  an  act  of  hostility,  and  as  such  complained  of  &  resented  ; 
and  the  Colonies  before  the  late  war,  to  disappoint  so  dangerous  a  project,  raised  money  and  Troops 
to  erect  Fortifications  on  His  Majesty's  lanils,  at,  or  near  Crown  Point.  The  operations  became  more 
general,  and  the  success  of  his  MaJ'»  arms,  rendered  It  unnecessary. 

The  French  had  endeavored  to  fortify  their  encroachments  by  Negociatlons ;  in  1756  their  Am- 
bassador insisted  as  a  condition  of  the  Convention  then  proposed  that  Great  Brlttain  should  relinquish 
her  claim  to  the  south  side  of  the  River  St.  Lawrence,  and  the  lakes  which  discharge  themselves  into 
that  River ;  a  demand  which  was  peremptorily  rejected,  &  put  an  end  to  the  conference.  I  depend, 
My  Lord  on  Entiv's  history  of  the  late  war  for  the  truth  of  this  Fact.  If  it  is  well  founded, it  seemi 
to  show  lu  a  strong  point  of  light  the  sense  of  the  Crown  at  that  crisis,  respecting  tlie  territory  under 
consideration. 

If  it  was  necessary,  My  Ixttd,  to  add  prior  instances  of  the  encroachments  of  the  Canadians,  I 
would  beg  leave  to  reler  your  Lordp  to  Governor  Burnet's  Speeches  to  the  General  Assembly  of  this 
Province  in  1725, 1726  &  1727,  and  the  resolutions  of  that  house,  stated  in  their  Journals,  deposited 


1 


ritCNCII    IKIUNIOHIUI   UN   LAKR  CIIAMPLAIN. 


871 


lu  tlie  Phntotloi)  Office,  on  tlic  subject  of  tlwsc  cncroacliments.  Tliut  Gov  in  liin  speech  of  the  30«i< 
Sept'  1727,  has  thcjo  rrninrkahle  words :  "  I  \\n\v.  the  sntlsfhctlon  to  iuform  you,  tliiit  your  Anent  has 
b«en  very  active  in  Mollicitiiig  the  aflairs  of  tlii.i  i'roV",  k  particularly  tliat  he  has  ■urcenled  in  ob- 
taining, tliat  pressiuK  instances  might  hv  made  at  the  (.'uiut  of  France,  against  the  Stone  House  built 
at  Niagara,"  ettc.  Tliis  sliows  tliat  the  Oovern*  at  lutine  so  <arly  as  that  perio<l  viewed  tills  ineasuie 
of  the  French  as  an  encroachment  on  the  limits  of  this  Colony. 

I  assure  your  Lordn  that  I  liad  no  idea  that  the  decision  of  this  controversy  could  allect  the  ancient 
]K)HseNMions  of  any  of  Ids  Mat>'  new  subjects.  Unacquainted  with  their  settlements  on,  and  near  the 
•outh  side  of  the  Uiver  St.  Lawrence,  I  carriwl  my  views  no  furtlicr  than  the  Province  over  which  I 
preside :  and  which,  as  it  is  now  litnlted  does  not  include  the  whole  of  Lake  Champlain.  I  have 
freciucntly  been  informed,  by  those  on  whom  I  thought  I  could  depend,  that  when  the  French, on  the 
approach  o(  Sir  Jeffry  Amherst  In  175f>,  abandoned  Crown  I'oint,  there  were  Ibund  no  ancient  pos- 
sessions, nor  any  improvements,  w(  thy  of  considerutici  on  either  siilo  of  the  Lake.  The  Clilef 
were  in  the  environs  of  the  Fort,  anu  seemed  interled  mccrly  for  the  accommodation  of  the  fJarrl- 
sons,  and  I  liuve  reason  to  believe,  that  even  at  this  day,  there  are  very  few, If  any,  to  the  Southward 
of  the  latitude  forty  live,  except  what  have  been  n.ade  since  the  peace,  by  British  subjects  under  the 
grants  of  this  Colony.  I  had  the  honoi-  of  tran;  ..Ittlng  to  ''  e  Eaii  of  Hillsborough  a  paper  on  this 
subject  drawn  up  by  Council  here,  at  the  re(juest  of  the  !■  'uced  ofllcers,  to  whom  &  tlie  disbanded 
Soitliers  a  very  considerable  part  of  the  Country  on  t  •  ''Jast  side  of  Lake  Cliaiiiplain,  hatii  been 
granted  In  obedience  to  his  Mt^^y*  Royal  proclamation.  The  proof  .f  several  material  facts,  which 
influenced  my  opinion,  arc  tlicre  stated,  and  t    v>  lucli  I  beg  leave  i.,  ^efer  your  Lordr. 


LORD  DARTMOUTH  TO  GOV".  TRYON. 

WhltehaU  3  March  1773. 

With  regard  to  tlie  grants  heretofore  made  by  the  Governors  of  Canada  adjacent  to  Lake  Cham- 
plain,  &  by  the  Gov  of  New  Hampshire  to  the  west  of  Connecticut  River,  I  do  not  conceive  that  the 
titles  of  the  present  claimants  or  possessors  ought  to  have  been  discussed  or  determined  upon  any 
argument  or  reason  drawn  from  a  consideration  of  what  were  or  were  not  the  ancient  Limits  of  the 
Colony  of  New  York.  Had  the  soil  and  jurisdiction  within  tlie  Prov"  of  New  York  been  vested  in 
proprietaries  as  in  Maryland,  7  vnsylvania,  Massachusets  Ray,  or  other  Charter  Govern'*,  It  would 
have  been  a  different  questiou  '  ;  ■-  when  both,  the  soil  and  jurisdiction  arc  In  the  Crown,  it  is  I  con- 
ceive, entirely  in  the  breast  of  the  Crown,  to  limit  that  jurisdiction  and  to  dispose  of  tlie  property  in 
the  soil  in  such  manner  as  shall  be  thought  most  fit :  and  after  what  had  passed,  and  tlie  restrictions 
which  had  been  given  iCL.pecting  the  claims,  as  well  on  Lake  Champlain,  as  in  the  district  to  the 
westward  of  the  Connecticut  River,  by  which  the  King  had  reserved  to  himself  the  consideration  of 
those  claims,  I  must  still  have  the  nusfortune  to  th'ink  tliat  no  steps  ought  to  have  been  taken  to  the 
prejudice  of  the  claimants  under  the  original  Titles.  At  tlie  same  time  confident  of  your  integrity 
and  impressed  with  the  most  favorable  sentiments  of  yo'ir  conduct,  so  far  as  rests  upon  the  Intention, 
I  will  not  fail  to  do  the  fullest  justice  to  the  explanation  of  it,  contained  in  your  letters  upon  this 
subject,  and  there  is  no  one  of  your  friends,  that  will  be  more  forward  than  myself  to  bear  testimony 
of  the  sense  of  your  zeal  for  the  King's  service,or  more  ready  to  concur  in  any  proposition,  that  may 
induce  the  conferring  or  you  such  marks  of  the  King's  Favour,  as  shall  be  judged  adequate  to  your 
great  merit 

I  am  Sir  your  most  obed'  humble  serv' 

Dartmouth. 


372 


nmcai  luomoaixs  on  lakx  champlaik. 


EDMUND  BURKE  ESQ* 

TO  THE  SECRETARY — 15  JUNB  1773. 

Sir— I  am  honoured  with  your  letter  of  the  14<*  wishing  to  be  informed,  on  whose  behalf,  and  on 
what  question,  I  desire  to  liave  Counsel  licard  against  the  Canadian  Grants  on  Lake  Champlain.  You 
will  be  so  good  as  to  acquaint  their  LordpP*  that  I  would  have  Counsel  heard  on  behalf  of  the  grantees 
under  New  York  Govern'  who  are  composed  in  a  great  measure  of  half-pay  Officers,  that  have  received 
grants,  agreeably  to  his  Majesty's  proclamation.  And  I  am  instructed  to  take  care  of  the  interests 
of  these  Grantees,  not  OLly  so  far  as  they  are  concerned,  but  also  so  far  as  the  territorial  rights  of 
the  Province  may  be  affected  by  the  French  claims. 

I  beg  leave  to  be  heard  by  Counsel  (if  their  Lordpp*  should  not  expressly  confine  the  Counsel)  to 
all  such  matters,  as  they,  or  the  parties  shall  advise  as  proper  and  cfiectual  towards  invalidating  the 
said  French  Grants,  and  establishing  the  rights  of  the  New  York  Grantees. 

I  am  with  great  regard  Sir 

Your  most  obed*  &  humble  serv* 

Eom:  Burke. 


EXTRACT  FROM  A  REPORT 


:1 


OF  A  COMMITTEE  OF  COUNCIL  OF  THE  PROTINCE  OK   QUEBEC   RELATIVE  TO  COMPLETING    THE   BOUNDARY   LINE 
BETWEEN  THAT  PROVINCE  &  NEW  YORK,  DATED  QUEBEC,  AUG^  4.  1773. 

[  Council  Minute*  XXVI.  ] 

We  think  .  .  .  Your  Honour  may  safely  give  the  necessary  Directions  for  going  on  with  the 
service  immediately  imder  the  following  Reservations,  which  we  consider  as  the  only  expedient  for 
Resolvinjj  the  many  Difficulties  which  have  occurred,  and  without  which  we  must  find  ourselves 
imder  the  necessity  of  deferring  the  Proceedings  till  another  year. 

That  every  thing  shall  remain  between  the  two  Provinces  exactly  in  the  same  situation  as  well 
with  regard  to  Jurisdiction  as  Property  after  the  Line  is  run,  as  it  does  now  until  his  Majesty's  Plea- 
sure upon  that  subject  shall  be  known. 

That  his  Excellency  the  Governor  of  New  York  will  engage  not  to  pass  any  new  Grant  or  Grants 
of  Land  to  the  southward  of  the  Line,  the  property  of  wliich  is  now  or  has  at  any  Time  been  claimed 
imder  any  Title  from  the  Crown  of  France. 

That  wc  do  not  by  our  Consent  to  tlie  running  of  the  Line  give  up  or  in  any  manner  recede  or 
depart  from  any  Right  or  Claim  to  Lands  to  the  Southward  oi'  the  Line  whicli  have  at  any  time  been 
or  now  are  disputed  between  the  two  Provinces,  but  that  the  whole  shall  be  submitted  to  his  Ma- 
jesty's Pleasure  without  Prejudice  or  advantage  of  any  kind  to  be  taken  cf  this  Instance,  which  we 
are  willine  to  show,  tho'  at  some  Hazard,  of  our  Desire  of  a  good  Correspondence  at  all  times  with 
the  Province  of  New  Yotli. 


f  rc*£a:3:;.rsr-vt-T  ifMa 


FRENCH   SEIGNIORIES  ON    I<AKE  CHAMPLAIN. 


378 


GOV.  TRYON  TO  LT.  GOV.  CRAMAHE. 

Quebec  4th  August  1773. 

Sir,  I  am  honoured  with  your  Letter  of  this  Day  with  the  Report  of  the  Council  of  your  Govern- 
ment on  the  subject  Matter  of  my  Letters  to  you  of  the  Sth  and  25'«»  July. 

It  is  with  singular  pleasure  I  can  inform  you  I  accept  of  and  assent  to  the  Terms  contained  in  the 
Reservations  of  the  said  Report ;  at  the  same  time  I  assure  you  it  never  has  been  nor  is  my  Wish  or 
Design  to  take  any  Advantage  either  over  the  Jurisdiction  of  the  Government  of  Quebec,  or  of 
French  claims  lying  witliin  the  Government  of  New  Yorlr ;  but  am  determined  to  wait  the  declaration 
of  tlie  Royal  Mind  concerning  the  Premises :  I  own  I  do  not  apprehend  Hazard  in  paying  Obedience 
to  the  King's  Proclamation  of  1763,  and  carrying  into  execution  the  reciprocal  obligations  of  both 
governments. 


THE  BOARD  OF  TRADE  TO  THE  COMMITTEE  OF  THE  PRIVY  COUNCIL.     25  MAY,  1775. 


[Loml.  Doc.  XLV.] 

My  Lords ;  Pursuant  to  your  Lordsliips  order  dated  the  17«'>  day  of  June  1772,  we  have  taken  into 
our  consideration  the  Petition  of  Micliel  Chartier  de  Lotbiniere,  Chevalier  and  styling  himself  Seigneur 
de  Alainville  and  d'Hocquart,  setting  forth  amongst  other  things  that  he  has  been  deprived  and  dis- 
possessed of  liis  two  Lordships  of  d' Alainville  and  d'Hocquart  situated  at  the  head  of  Lake  Champlain 
in  a  most  advantageous  position  and  consisting  of  the  best  and  richest  land  in  the  Province  of  New 
York  to  which  they  were  annexed  eighteen  months  after  the  Treaty  of  Peace  and  humbly  praying 
for  the  reasons  therein  contained  that  they  [he  t]  may  be  reinstated  in  the  full  enjoyment  of  his  said 
two  Lordships  in  the  same  manner  as  when  under  the  Government  of  France  and  that  he  may  be 
reimbursed  the  expense  he  has  been  at  in  endeavoring  to  obtain  redress  therein  and  to  be  indemnified 
for  having  been  kept  oixt  of  his  Estate  and  property  for  so  long  a  time  as  well  as  for  the  damage  his 
said  Estates  may  have  sustained.     Wlierenpon  we  beg  leave  to  Iteport  to  yoiu*  Lordships : — 

That  the  Petition  of  Mons'  de  Lotbiniere  refers  to  two  Tracts  of  Land  under  very  difterent  circum- 
stances. 

With  regard  to  that  Tract  which  is  claimed  by  the  Petitioner  under  a  Title  derived  from  a  purchase 
made  by  him  of  Mons""  d'Hoc<iuurt  in  April  1763  after  the  conclusion  of  the  Peace  with  France,  it 
consists  of  two  Seigneurles  which  amongst  several  other  Seigneuries  were  granted  by  the  Most 
Chi'istian  King,  or  under  his  authority  by  the  Governor  of  Canada  upon  Lake  Champlain  after  France 
had  in  violation  of  tlie  Rights  of  the  Crown  of  Great  Britain  usurped  the  possession  of  the  lake  and 
the  circumjacent  Country  and  Ibrcibly  maintained  that  possession  by  erecting  in  the  yeai-  1731  a 
Fortress  at  Crown  Point. 

It  appears  by  the  most  authentic  evidence  upon  the  Books  of  our  office  that  Lake  Champlaiu  and 
the  circumjacent  Country  were  at  all  times  claimed  by  the  Five  Nations  of  Indians  as  part  of  their 
Possessions  and  that  by  agreement  with  them  the  Land  on  both  sides  the  Lake  to  a  very  great  extent 
was  grantetl  by  tlie  Gov'  of  New  York  to  British  Subjects  long  before  any  possession  appears  to  have 
been  taken  by  the  Crown  of  France  which  having  by  the  express  Stipulation  of  the  fifteenth  Article 


I  i  \ 

:  I 

i 
t 

S 


I    h 


^     f 


374 


FRENCH    SEIGNIORIES   ON    LAKE  CHAMPLAIN. 


of  the  Treaty  of  Utreclit  acknowledged  tlie  Sovereignty  of  the  Crown  of  Great  Britain  over  the  Five 
Nations  had  upon  every  principle  of  Justice  and  Equity  pi-ecluded  itself  from  any  claim  to  the  pos- 
session of  any  part  of  their  Territory. 

Upon  these  Grounds  it  was  that  erecting  a  Fort  at  Crown  Point  in  1731  was  then,  and  ever  after 
complained  of  as  an  Incroachment  on  the  British  Territories  and  a  Violation  of  Our  liiglils  and  so 
carefull  were  the  Ministers  of  this  Country  to  preserve  those  Kights  that  when  in  consequence  of  the 
Treaty  of  Aix  la  ChapeUe  Commissaries  were  in  the  Year  1750  appointed  to  settle  with  Commissaries 
on  the  part  of  France  the  limits  of  each  others  possessions  in  North  America,  they  were  instructed 
to  insist  that  France  had  no  right  to  any  possession  on  the  South  side  of  the  River  St.  Lawrence. 

Under  these  circumstances  therefore  and  for  as  much  as  we  are  clearly  of  opinion  that  the  Stipula- 
tions of  the  Treaty  of  Paris,  by  which  Canadian  property  is  reserved  doth  both  in  the  letter  and 
spirit  of  them  refer  only  to  the  property  and  possession  of  the  Canadians  in  Canada  of  which  we 
insist  that  the  Country  upon  Lake  Champlain  was  no  part,  we  cannot  recommend  to  Your  Lordships 
to  advise  his  Majesty  to  Comply  with  what  is  requested  by  the  Petitioner  or  to  do  any  Act  which 
may  in  any  respect  admit  a  right  in  the  Crown  of  France  to  have  made  those  Grants  under  which 
the  possessions  upon  Lake  Champlain  are  now  claimed  either  by  Canadian  Subjects  or  others  deriving 
that  Claim  under  purchases  from  them :  We  do  not,  however,  mean  by  any  opinion  of  Ours  to  preju- 
dice their  Claims  in  any  suit  t)iey  may  bring  for  establishing  those  claims  by  due  course  of  Law  and 
we  submit  under  any  circumstances  of  the  Case  the  question  in  dispute  between  these  Claimants  and 
the  possessors  under  New  York  Grants  cannot  be  properly  decided  by  his  Majesty  in  Coimcil,  unless 
upon  any  appeal  from  such  Courts  as  have  constitutionaUy  the  cognizance  of  such  matters. 

On  the  other  hand  when  we  consider  that  many  of  his  Majesty's  subjects  trusting  to  the  validity 
of  the  Canadian  Titles  have  become  proprietors  of  those  Seigneuries  under  purchases  for  valuable 
considerations  We  cannot  but  be  of  opinion  that  the  making  Grants  under  the  Seal  of  New  York  of 
any  part  of  those  Seigniories  was  an  unjust  and  unwarrantable  proceeding.  That  the  claimants  there- 
fore otight  to  be  quieted  in  the  possession  of  at  least  those  parts  which  remain  yet  ungranted  by  such 
order  as  his  Majesty's  liaw  Servants  shall  think  more  etfectual  for  that  purpose  that  the  Grovernor  of 
New  York  should  receive  the  most  positive  orders  not  to  make  any  further  Grants  whatever  of  any 
part  of  the  Lands  within  the  limits  of  any  of  those  Seigneuries  and  that  a  suitable  compensation 
should  be  made  to  the  Claimants  for  what  has  already  been  taken. away  by  givmg  them  gratuitous 
Grants,  equivalent  in  quantity,  in  other  parts  of  his  Majesty's  Provinces  of  Quebec  or  New  York. 

With  regard  to  the  other  Tract  claimed  by  the  petitioner  under  the  description  of  the  concession 
of  d'Alainville,  when  we  consider  its  situation  to  the  South  of  Crown  Point,  that  it  is  stated  to  liave 
been  Granted  to  him  at  a  time  when  his  Majesty's  armies  had  penetrated  into,  and  (occasionally  pos- 
sessed themselves  of  the  Country  and  that  independent  of  these  objections  tliere  is  no  evidence  of  the 
Grants  having  been  ratified  by  the  Crown  of  France,  or  registered  within  the  Colony,  we  cannot 
recommend  to  Your  Lordships  to  advise  His  Majesty  to  give  any  countenance  thereto ;  But  the 
Petitioner,  if  he  thinks  he  has  a  goo<l  title,  slumkl  be  ieft  to  establisli  that  Title  by  due  course  of  law 
in  such  mode  as  he  shall  be  advised  to  pursue  for  that  purpose. 

Having  said  thus  much  upon  the  merits  of  the  Petition  itself,  in  so  far  as  it  regards  tlie  validity  of 
the  Petitioner's  title  to  the  Lands  he  claims  we  think  it  necessary  in  Justice  to  the  Noble  Lord,  tliat 
presided  at  this  Board  in  the  year  1764  to  take  some  notice  of  what  is  allcdged  therein,  in  respect  to 
the  declaration  said  U)  have  Ijeen  made  by  his  I^ordsliij)  to  the  efl'tct  of  what  is  stated  by  the  petitioner ; 
and  to  observe  that  admitting  that  his  Lordship  had,  in  conversation  with  the  petitioner  made  use  of 
the  expressions  he  states,  they  could  only  refer  to  possessions  and  property  in  general  any  where,  to 
which  lie  could  shew  a  legal  title ;  and  as  an  evidence  of  tliis  meaning  wc  beg  leave  to  lay  before 
your  Lordships  the  annexed  Extract  of  a  Letter  to  the  Lieutenant  Governor  of  New  York  written  in 


rtt£E=:::'::=.r3ae:jn^iir«-lji=3:;s*.iiii6>.«-:.--^  i 


..L^SLi.liMiil'1'l  I- 


FRENCH    SKIOMIOaiES   ON  LAKE  CHAIfPLAIM. 


375 


consequence  of  the  petitioners  application  and  subscribed  by  the  Earl  of  Hillsborough  which  is  so 
far  from  admitting  a  Title  in  the  petitioner  to  those  Lands  which  he  claims  in  particular  that  it  ex- 
pressly reserves  any  discussion  upon  that  question  until  the  evidence  of  the  legality  of  the  Title 
should  be  more  authentically  adduced  and  in  the  mean  time  with  equal  J  ustice  &  humanity  forbids 
any  further  Grants  being  made  within  the  limits  of  the  Seigneuries  clauned  by  the  Petitioner. 

We  are  my  Lords 

Your  Lordships  Most  Obedient  &.\C. 

Most  humble  Servants 
Dartmouth 
SoAHE  Jenyns 
Bamber  Gascoyne 
Whitehall  Whitsheo  Keene 

May  25.  1775.  Greville 


THE  BOAKD  OF  TRADE  TO  THE  COMMITTEE  OF  THE  PRIVY  COUNCIL  FEB.  13™  1776. 

[  liond.  JDoe.  XL VI.  ] 

My  Lords — Pursuant  to  your  Lordships  Order  of  the  21»*.  Dec.  last  We  have  taken  into  our  con- 
sideration the  Matters  therein  contained  respecting  the  case  of  Michel  Chartiere  de  Lotbiniere  stiling 
himself  Signeur  d'AlIainville  and  de  Hocquart  and  the  reasonableness  of  making  some  adequate 
compensation  to  him  tor  his  pretensions  to  the  said  Lordships  of  Alainville  and  de  Hocquart  by  recom 
mending  him  to  His  Majesty  for  a  Grant  of  Land  in  some  one  of  his  Majesty's  American  Provinces 
in  consideration  of  his  said  pretensions  as  well  as  of  the  losses  and  expenses  in  which  he  has  been 
involved  by  tlie  proceedings  of  His  Majesty's  Governors  of  New  York  in  Granting  away  Lands  within 
the  aforementioned  Lordships  in  express  disobedience  to  orders  received  from  hence  whereupon  we 
beg  leave  to  Report  to  your  Lordships. 

That  beforo  we  state  Our  opinion  of  what  may  be  a  reasonable  compensation  to  M.  Lotbiniere  in 
the  matter  referred  We  must  observe  that  although  his  claims  extend  to  both  the  Lordships  of  Alain- 
ville and  Hocquart  yet  upon  a  review  of  our  proceeding  in  his  Case  we  cannot  for  the  reasons  set 
forth  in  Our  report  to  your  Lordships  of  the  25">  of  May  last  see  any  such  foundation  in  his  preten- 
sions to  Alainville  as  can  warrant  the  advising  any  compensation  whatever  to  be  made  to  him  tor  his 
interest  in  that  Lordship  so  that  whatever  we  have  to  recommend  will  be  grounded  solely  on  his 
claim  to  the  Lordship  of  Hocquart  and  the  consideration  of  the  losses  and  expenses  in  which  [he] 
has  been  involved  by  the  proceedings  of  the  Governor  of  New  York. 

The  Lordship  of  Hocquart  is  described  as  lying  on  the  East  side  of  Lake  Champlain  extending 
four  leagues  in  front  and  five  leagues  in  Depth  and  may  be  computed  to  contain  about  115,000  acres 
of  Land. 

By  tlie  proceedings  of  the  Council  of  New  York  on  the  2'"i  day  of  Sepf.  1771  it  appears  that 
almost  the  whole  of  this  Lordship  was  granted  away  under  the  Seal  of  New  York  principally  to 
officers  and  soldiers  according  to  His  Majesty's  proclamation  of  tht  7"'  Oct.  1773  [1763?] 

As  the  greatest  part  therefore  and  probably  the  best  in  quality  of  those  lands  has  been  thus  granted 

,  awfly  we  think  that  the  most  equitable  way  of  making  compensation  to  M.  Lotbiniere  will  [be]  for 

his  Majesty  to  direct  tlie  Governor  of  Quebec  to  make  a  new  Grant  to  M.  Lotbiniere  of  other  Lands 


i-i 


f 


i 


376 


FRENCH   SEIGNIORIES  ON    LAKE  CHAMPLAIN. 


within  that  Colony  equivalent  as  nearly  as  may  be  in  point  of  extent  and  in  the  advantages  of  Soil 
and  Situation  to  that  of  Hocquart  to  he  iield  upon  the  like  terms  and  considerations  as  Lands  are 
now  held  by  His  Majesty's  other  Canadian  Subjects ;  provided  that  upon  his  Ijeing  put  in  possession 
of  this  Grant  he  shall  cause  a  full  and  ample  surrender  to  be  made  of  all  his  right  and  title  to  the 
aforesaid  Lo^ship  of  Hocquart  so  that  the  present  occupants  wlio  chiefly  consist  of  Officers  and 
Soldiers  disbanded  at  the  conclusion  of  the  last  war  may  be  quieted  &  secured  in  their  possessions. 

At  tlie  same  time  that  we  state  this  as  what  we  think  will  be  a  liberal  compensation  to  M.  Lot- 
biniere,  we  should  have  been  glad  to  have  informed  your  Lordships  that  he  had  acquiesced  in  the 
same  sentiments  but  as  he  has  declined  giving  his  attendance  at  Our  Board  thougli  invited  thereto 
we  submit  the  whole  to  your  Lordships  with  this  observation  that  if  M.  Lotbiniere  shall  not  think 
proper  to  accept  the  proposed  compensation  it  will  then  remain  for  him  to  pursue  his  claim  or  Claims 
by  due  Course  of  Law  in  such  manner  as  he  shall  be  advised. 

We  are  my  Lords  your  Lordships 

Most  obedient  and  humble  servants 

SoAME  Jenyns 
W.  Jalliffe 
Whitshed  Keene 
C.  F.  Greville. 
Whitehall  Feb.  13, 1770 


111 


n$* 


■••"■"f 


V  I  R  C  I  lyi  A 


r/'/hr     !f^:iRO.y'r!'l  ifli JH  ^    r/'fhr 

lit  hnrn  i/t( nt  (ttuf  Hit  fiKlhrns  dt  fin   Tirnir 
Ik  Ifl  by  S  il'/ll .Ichnscn  ttl  I''! Sfrinwi.r  in.  \r>i  ' 

1 7  as 

('rm  I  /,  rt  II  ll)t  /til/tli'rtr/  fir'iii     /'!l  >i  ii  .\  .Mn/' 

Hv  fSmJfhn.ti'H   Ptf.h/'ofln/l.  Il'fnirs 


fosmmt 


.:«    . 


376 

within  that  Oi 
aod  Situation 
now  held  by  1 
of  this  Grant 
aforesaid  Lon 
Soldiers  disbaj 
At  the  san 
biniere,  we  sh 
same  sentime 
we  submit  tht 
proper  to  acci 
by  due  Courst 


WHITXHALb 


fi 


XX 


jBotinlrara  lint  btlwttn  ll)e  toljitcs  an&  JuMana. 


i7a5. 


5 


[Vol.  1.) 


4d 


1 


■f 


-atH  i-^j  j»  ■  vJtiiliMt  -Jiiiin^-^ 


DEED  EXECUTED  AT  FORT  STANWIX  NOV.  6.  17dH. 


ESTABLIBHINa  A  COUNUAHY  LINK  HEI'WKm  TIIK  WIIITEH  AKU  INDIAN!,  OV  TIIK  NORTIIEHN  CULUMES. 

[  Lontl.  Doe.  XLI.  ] 

To  all  to  whom,  These  prescntd  shall  come  or  may  ooncern.    We  the  Sachonis  &  Cliicfs  of  the  Six 
Confederate  Nations,  &  of  the  Shawanecse,  Delnwaros,  Mingoes  of  Olilo  &  other  Dependtiiit  Tribes  on 
behalf  of  ourselves  &  of  the  rest  ol  onr  Several  Nations  tlio  Chiefs  &  Warriors  of  wlioin  are  now  liere 
convened,  by  Sir  William  Johnson  Baronet  His  Mi^esty's  Superintendent  of  our  affairs  send  Greeting, 
Whereas  His  M^esty  was  graciously  pleased  to  propose  to  us  in  the  year  one  thousand  seven  hundred 
&  sixty  five  that  a  Boundary  Line  sliould  he  fixed  In'tween  the  Knglish  &  Us  to  ascertain  &  establish 
our  Limitts  and  prevent  those  iutruslonM  Ik  encroncliments  of  whicli  we  had  so  long  &  loudly  com- 
plained &  to  put  u  stop  to  the  many  fraudulent  luivantagc^s  which  liad  been  so  often  taken  of  us  in 
Land  affairs,  wliich  Boundary  api)earlng  to  us  a  wise  and  good  measure  we  did  then  agree  to  a  part 
of  a  Line  &  promised  to  settle  the  whole  Anally  when  so  ever  Sir  William  Johnson  should  be  fully 
empowered  to  treat  with  us  for  that  purpose    And  Wliereas  his  said  Majesty  has  at  length  given  Sir 
William  Johnson  orders  to  compleat  the  said  Bfumdary  Line  between  tlie  Provinces  &  Indians  in 
conformity  to  which  orders  Sir  William  Johnson  lias  convened  tlie  Chiefs  &  Warriors  of  our  respec- 
tive Nations  who  are  tlie  true  &  obsolutc  Proprietors  of  the  Lands  in  question  and  who  are  here  now 
to  a  very  considerable  Number.    And  Whewws  many  uneasynesses  &  doubts  have  arisen  amongst  us 
which  have  given  rise  to  an  apprehension  that  the  Line  may  not  be  strictly  observed  on  the  part  of 
the  English  in  which  case  matters  may  be  worse  than  before  which  apprehension  together  with  the 
dependant  state  of  some  of  our  Tribes  &  other  circumstances  which  retarded  the  Settlement  &  became 
the  subject  of  some  Debate  Sir  Wllllum  Johnson  has  at  length  so  far  satisfied  us  upon,  as  to  induce 
us  to  come  to  an  agreement  concerning  the  Tiinc  wliich  Is  now  brought  to  a  conclusion  the  whole 
being  fully  explained  to  us  in  a  large  Assembly  of  our  People  before  Sir  William  Johnson  and  in  the 
presence  of  His  Excellency  the  Governor  of  New  Jersey  the  Commissioners  from  the  Provinces  of 
Virginia  and  Pensilvania  &  sundry  other  Gentlemen  by  which  Line  so  agreed  upon,  a  considerable 
Tract  of  Country  along  several  Provliiccs  la  by  us  ceded  to  His  said  Majesty  which  we  are  induced 
to  &  do  hereby  ratify  &  confirm  to  His  said  Majesty  from  the  expectation  &  confidence  we  place  in 
His  royal  Goodness  that  ho  will  graciously  ctjmply  with  our  humble  requests  as  the  same  are  ex- 
pressed in  the  speech  of  the  several  Nations  addressed  to  His  Majesty  through  Sir  William  Johnson 
on  Tuesday  the  first  of  the  Present  Month  of  November  wherein  we  have  declared  our  expectation 
of  the  continuance  of  His  Majesty's  favour  &  our  desire  that  our  ancient  Engagements  be  observed 
&  our  affairs  attended  to  by  the  ofllccr  who  has  the  management  thereof  enabling  him  to  discharge  all 
^ll^e  matters  properly  for  our  Interest,     That  the  I^nds  occupied  by  the  Mohocks  around  their  vil- 
lages as  well  as  by  any  other  Nation  affecteil  by  tliis  our  cession  may  effecutually  remain  to  them  & 
to  their  Posterity  &  that  any  engagements  regarding  property  which  they  may  now  be  under  may  be 
prosecuted  &  our  present  Grants  deemed  Valid  on  our  parts  with  the  several  other  liumble  requests 
contained  in  oui-  said  speech  And  Whereas  at  the  settling  of  the  said  Line  it  appeared  that  the  Line 


■OUNDAHT    LINE    BETWEEN    THE    WIIITU    AND    INDIANH. 


jU'srrlbfd  by  His  M^jt'Sty'n  order  was  not  cxtt-nded  to  th<'  Northward  oC  Osw^ny  or  totlH'iM.uthwnrd 
of  (tP'nt  Kanbawa  rlvrr  We  havr  a^n't'd  to  &  rontiriiiiil  th«<  l,iri«<  to  the  Northward  ott  a  »iipfK)sltioD 
that  it  wax  omitted  by  rranon  of  our  not  having  roinn  to  any  determination  ronrerning  itN  course  at 
t'le  CouKrojis  lield  in  one  tiiouMind  ^even  hundred  k  nixty  Ave  and  in  an  niurh  m  the  Line  to  the 
Nortliward  became  tlie  most  necessary  of  any  for  iireventinn  encroaclimentf*  at  our  very  Towns  &, 
Residences  Wi'  have  niveii  the  line  more  favorably  to  I'ensylvania  tor  tlu'  reasons  &  consideralions 
mentioned  in  the  Treaty,  we  have  likewise  continued  it  Smtli  to  Cherokee  River  Iweause  the  same 
is  &  we  do  declare  it  to  l)e  uur  true  U«)und8  with  the  Southern  Indians  &  that  we  have  nn  undoubted 
rlftht  to  the  Country  as  ftir  South  as  that  Klver  which  makes  the  cession  to  His  Majesty  much  more 
advantageous  than  that  projMjsed.     Nt)W  therefore  Know  Ve  that  we  tlie  Sichenis  &  Chiefs  aforemen- 
tionetl  Native  Indians  or  Proprietors  of  the  Lands  herein  after  described  lor  &  in  behalf  of  ourselves 
&  the  whole  of  our  Confederacy  for  the  considerations  hereinlx'fore  mentioned  and  also  for  and  in 
consideration  of  a  valuable  Present  of  the  several  Articles  in  use  amongst  Indians  whicli  together 
with  a  large  sum  of  money  amount  In  the  wiiolu  to  the  sum  of  Ten  thousand  four  Hundred  and  sixty 
pounds  seven  shillings  &  three  pence  sterling  to  I's  now  delivered  &.  paid  by  Sir  William  Johnson 
Itoronet  His  Mi^esty's  sole  agent  and  8Ui)erlnteudeut  of  Indians  aflairs  for  the  Northern  department 
of  America  in  the  name  and  on  behalf  of  our  Sovereign  Lord  George  the  third  by  the  Grace  of  God 
(if  Great  Britain  France  &  Ireland  King  Defender  of  the  Faith  tlie  receipt  whereof  wo  do  hereby 
acknowledge.     We  the  said  Indians  Have  for  us  and  our  Heirs  &  Successors  granted  bargained  sold 
released  &  confirmed  &  by  these  presents  no  grant  bargain  sell  release  and  confirm  unto  our  said 
Sovereign  Lord  King  George  tlic  Third  all  tliat  Troct  of  Land  situate  In  North  America  at  the  Back 
of  the  British  Settlements  bounded  by  a  Line  which  we  have  now  agreed  upon  &  do  hereby  establish 
as  tlie  Boundary  between  us  &  the  British  Colonics  in  America  beginning  at  the  Mouth  of  Cherokee 
or  Ilogohege  River  where  it  emptys  into  the  River  Ohio  &  running  from  thence  upwards  along  the 
South  side  of  said  River  to  Kittanning  which  Is  above  Fort  Pitt  from  thence  by  a  direct  Line  to  the 
nearest  Fork  of  tlie  west  branch  of  Susquehanna  thence  through  the  Allegany  Mountains  along  the 
south  side  of  the  said  West  Branch  until  it  comes  opposite  to  the  mouth  of  a  creek  called  Tiadoghton 
thence  across  the  West  Branch  along  the  South  Side  of  that  Creek  &  along  the  North  Side  of  Burnetts 
Hills  to  a  Creek  called  Awandae  thence  down  the  same  to  the  East  Branch  of  Sasquehanna  &  across 
t'le  same  and  up  the  East  side  of  tliat  River  to  Oswegy  from  thence  East  to  Delawar  River  and  up 
that  River  to  opposite  where  Tianaderha  falls  into  Sas(;[uehanna  thence  to  Tianaderha  &  up  the  West 
side  of  the  West  Branch  to  the  head  thereof  &  thence  by  a  direct  Line  to  Canada  Creek  where  it 
emptys  into  the  Wood  Creek  at  the  West  of  the  Carrying  Place  beyond  Fort  Stanwix  &  extending 
Eastward  Irom  every  port  of  the  said  Line  as  far  as  the  I^nds  formerly  purchased  so  as  to  compre- 
hend the  whole  of  the  Lands  between  the  said  Line  &  the  purchased  Lands  or  settlements,  except 
what  is  within  the  Province  of  Pennsylvania, together  with  all  the  Hereditaments  and  appurtenances 
to  the  same  belonging  or  appertaining  in  the  fullest  and  most  ample  manner  and  all  the  Estate  Right 
Title  Interest  Property  Possession  Benefit  claim  and  Demand  either  in  I^w  or  Equity  of  each  oud 
every  of  us  of  in  or  to  the  same  or  any  part  thereof  To  have  and  to  hold  the  whole  Lands  and  Pre- 
mises hereby  granted  bargained  sold  released  and  confirmed  as  aforesaid  with  the  Hereditaments  and 
appurtenances  thereunto  belonging  under  the  Reservations  made  in  the  Treaty  unto  our  said  Sove- 
reign I^rd  King  George  the  third  his  Heirs  &  Successors  to  and  for  his  and  their  own  proper  use  & 
behoof  for  ever.     In  Witness  whereof  We  the  Chiefs  of  the  Conlederacy  have  hereunto  set^r 
marks  and  Seals  at  Fort  Stanwix  the  fifth  day  of  November  one  thousand  seven  hundred  and  sifiy 
eight  in  the  ninth  year  of  His  Majesty's  Reign. 

for  the  Mohawks. 


4 


- 


Tyorhanserc  als  Abraham 


[L8l 


■OUMDARY    LIME   BETWKKM   THE   WHITU   AMD   IMDtANI. 


381 


Canaghaguleson 
Seguareesera 
Otslnoghiyata  ala  fiunt 

Tegaaia 


^i; 


for  the  Oneldaa. 


f^ ^  '"1 

for  the  TuiM«roras. 
for  tlie  Onondagan. 

fur  the  Cayugas. 

for  the  Senecaa. 


QaustTHX 

Sealed  and  delivered  aud  the  consideration  paid  in  the  presence  of 

W™  Franklin  Governor  of  New  Jersey 

Fbe.  Smyth  Chief  Justice  of  New  Jersey 

Thomas  Walker  Commissioner  lor  Virginia 

Richard  Peters  )  of  the  Council 

James  Tilghman  )  of  Pensylvania. 
The  above  Deed  was  executed,  in  my  presence  at  Fort  Stanwix  the  day  and  year  above  Written 

W.  Johnson. 


U 


XXL 


PAPERS 


RELATING  TO 


®l)t  Citg  of  Nen)-||ork. 


fi 


"f- 


M 


FIRST  APPLICATION  FOR  A  MUNICIPAL  FORM  OF  GOVERNMENT. 

[  HoUaniJ  Doc.  Vol.  IV.  ] 

To  the  ,N'ohle,  High  and  .Mighty  Lords 
the  Lords  States  General  of  the  (Jnited  JVetherlands, 
our  Most  Illustrious  Sovereipis. 
Gracious  I^ords, — Tliis  Province  of  New  Netherlaml  having  been  reduced,  in  tlie  course  of  time 
to  a  very  sad  and  utterly  ruinous  condition,  in  consequence,  as  we  presume,  of  firstly.  An  unsuitable 
government ;  secondly,  Scantiness  of  privilcfrcs  and  exempticms  ;  thirdly.  Heavy  burthens  of  imposts, 
exactions  and  suoli  like  ;  fourthly,  Long  continued  war  ;  fifthly,  Tlie  wreck  of  the  Princess  ;  sixthly. 
The  multitude  of  Traders  and  lewness  of  Boors  and  farm  servants ;  seventhly,  Great  scarcity  in 
general  ;  eigh;1y  and  lastly,  The  insuflorable  arrogance  of  the  Natives  and  Indians  arising  from  th(» 
paucity  of  our  numljers  etc.  and  liaving  long  waited  in  vain,  though  we  have  petitioned  and  scjught 
for  aid  redress  and  assistance  from  the  Lord:*  Directors,  in  tlie  highest  degree  necessary  lor  them  and 
for  us  ;  We,  therefore,  unable  to  delay  any  longer,  being  reduced  to  the  lowest  ebb,  have  determined 
U)  fly  for  refuge  to  their  Higli  Miglitinesses,  our  gracious  S(»vereigns  and  tlie  Fathers  of  this  Province, 
most  humbly  praying  and  beseeching  them  to  look  with  merciful  eyes  on  this  tlieir  Province  and 
that  tiieir  High  Mightinesses  would  be  pleased  to  order  and  correct  matters  so  that  dangers  may  lie 
removed,  troubles  terminated,  and  population  and  prosperity  promoted,  as  their  High  Mightinesses 
in  tlieir  renowned  wisdom  sliall  be  determined,  We,  with  humble  reverence  only  deeming  it  good 
and  necessary  to  petition  tlieir  High  Mightinesses  I'or  tlie  Jbllowing  Points  as  of  advantage  for  this 
Province  : — 

Firstly:  We  supplicate  and  beseech  their  Higlv  Mightinesses  to  people  New  Netlierland  so  tliat  it 
may  support  sustain  ann  h  ^Mid  itself  against  Indians  and  others  who  might  trouble  and  invade  it ; 
for  if  this  sliould  fail,  thai  ;  uuutry  vrill  not  only  lall  into  tlie  uttermost  ruin,  but  also  become  easily 
appropriated  by  our  Nei(i;.ibois  ;  and  those  who  already  dwell  there  will  be  forced  to  use  all  possible 
means  to  return  and  sive  themselves  from  misery,  or  to  submit  to  foreign  Nations.  All  wliicli,  ac- 
cording to  our  huml)iri  under^'tamiing,  is  to  be  remedied 

1".  When  thei  ■  iiigh  Mightinesses  shall  be  pleased  to  take  this  Province  under  their  own  gracious 
safeguard,  and  to  allow  their  Fatherly  affection  lor  this  Land  to  be  promulgated  and  made 
manifest,  throughout  the  United  Netherlands,  by  their  own  accorded  privileges.      Many 
would,  then,  be  attracted  towards  this  country,  whilst,  on  the  contrary  every  one  is  dis- 
couraged by  the  Company's  harsh  proceedings  and  want  of  means. 
2"''.  Were  their  Higli^ Mightinesses  pleased  to  equip  some  ships  for  a  few  years,  for  lae  free  con- 
veyance and  transportation  jf  people  principally  Boors  and  tarm  servants  with  their  poverty 
hither,  together  with  some  ncf-ssary  maintenance  until  the  poor  people  had  obtained  some- 
thing in  esse,  their  Higli  Miglitinesses  would  not  only  relieve  many  incumbered  men,  but  also 
expect  from  God,  through  theii  intercession,  luck,  blessing  and  prosperity. 
3"i.  If  their  Higli  Mightinesses  wc'iid  please  to  order  all  vessels  proceeding  and  trading  toward 
these  nortliern  parts  of  America,  to  call  fir.  1  at  the  Manhattans  in  New  Netlierland,  and  bring 
with  them  as  many  persons  as  they  can  seasonably  procure  and  conveniently  carry,  at  suita- 
I  Vol.  1.1  49 


T 

1 

;  ! 


PAPERS    RELATING    TO    THE   CITY    OF    NEW-YORK. 

bly  fixed  rates,  many  pro{)rietors  would,  no  duubt,  emigrate  within  a  short  time  to  New 
Netiierland. 
Secondly,  We  iiunibly  solicit  permanent  i)rivileges  and  exemptions  which  promote  population  and 
jmjsperity  &  which  in  our  opinion  consist  in 

1«'.  Suitable  Borgher  (loverinnent,  such  as  thoir  lligli  Mightinesses  shall  consider  adapted  to  this 

Province  and  roseini)liiig  suniewliat  the  l^audable  government  of  uur  Fatherland. 
'2 "'I.  Freedom  from  duties,  tenths  and  imposts  which  at  the  first  beginning  are  useless  and  op- 

jiressive,  luitil  the  country  is  peopled  and  somewhat  firmly  established. 
3"'.  Tiiat  the  Keturns  in  Tobacco  sliipped  hence,  be  free  from  all  duties,  wliich  would  not  only 
aftbrd  great  encouragement  to  tlie  j)lanters  wlio  convert  the  Ibrest  into  farms  but  be  better 
also  li»r  their  servants  who  could  tlius  be  accommodated  with  all  sorts  of  necessaries. 
4'''.  Also,  permission  to  export,  sell,  &  barter  grain,  timber  work,  and  all  other  wares  and  mer- 
chandize tiie  ]iroduce  of  tiie  aiuntry  every  way  and  every  where  tiieir  High  Mightinesses 
have  allies  and  iiave  granted  to  the  Netherlanders  the  privilege  of  resort  and  trade. 
5'h.  That  their  Higii  Mightinesses  wouUl  be  pleased  to  accord  privileges  and  freedoms  for  the  en- 
couragement of  tlic  Inhabitants  in  favor  of  the  fisheries,  which  many  suppose  were  good 
and  profitable  lieretofore,  and  Avould  hereafter  be  of  great  consequence. 
Thirdly,  We  humbly  beseech  their  High  Mightinesses  to  be  pleased  to  determine  and  so  to  estab- 
lish and  order  tlie  IJoundarics  of  this  Province,  tliat  all  causes  of  difference,  disunion  and  trouble 
may  be  cut  oft"  and  i)reveuted  ;  tliat  their  High  Mightinesses  subjects  may  live  and  dwell  in  peace 
and  quietness,  and  enjoy  tlieir  liberty  as  well  in  trade  and  commerce  as  in  intercourse  and  settled 
limits.    2*1.  Tliat  their  High  Mightinesses  woidd  be  pleased  to  preserve  us  in  peace  with  tlie  neigh- 
bouring Rei)ublicks,  Colonies  and  others  tlieir  High  Mightinesses  allies,  so  that  we  may  pursue  with- 
out let  or  liindrance,  under  pro])er  regulations  from  their  Higli  Mightinesses,  the  trade  of  our  country 
as  well  along  the  coasi  from  Terra  Nova  to  Cape  Florida  as  to  the  West  Indies  and  to  Europe  when- 
ever our  Lord  Goo  shall  be  pleased  to  permit ;  and  3''.  to  make  manifest  to  the  incredulous  their 
High  Mightinesses  eirnest  support  of  tliis  Province,  we  respectfully  request  that  their  H.  M.  would 
br  ))leas«l  to  quarter  here  a  company  or  two  of  soldiers,  lor  tlie  defence  of  tiiose  residing  at  a  dis- 
tance and  the  establishment  of  New  Plantations  and  Colonies,  \mtil  by  our  progress,  we  sliall  dread 
neitlier  Indians  or  other  enemies,  but  even  shall  be  able  to  prevent  tlieir  mischievious  designs. 

All  tliis  have  vve  concluded  with  humble  reverence  to  propose  according  to  our  limited  knowledge 
and  understanding,  earnestly  supj)Ucating  their  High  Mightinesses,  tiir  tlie  love  of  New  Netiierland 
which  now  lies  at  its  extremity,  as  is  to  be  seen  at  lengtii  in  our  annexed  Kemonstrance,  to  be  pleased 
to  direct  their  attention  thereto  according  to  their  wise  and  provident  council,  and  to  interpret  most 
favorably  this  oiu-  presumption. 

We  pray  and  hope  tliat  the  name  of  New  Nethcrland  and  the  con\  ersion  of  the  Heathen  which 
ought  to  be  hastened,  shall  move  their  H.  M.  hereunto.  Expecting,  therefore,  a  happy  deliverance 
we  commend  tlieir  H.  M"s  persons  and  deliberations  to  the  piotcction  of  the  Almighty,  and  remain 
their  H.  M.'s  humble  and  obedient  servants.  Written  in  the  name  and  on  the  behalf  of  tiir  Com- 
monalty of  New  »theiland,  tlie  Six  and  Twentieth  of  July,  in  the  Year  of  Our  Lord  Jksi  s  Christ, 
One  Thousand,  Six  hundred.  Nine  &  Forty,  in  New  Amsterdam  on  the  Island  Manhattans  in  New 


Netherland.  (Signed,) 

AuRiAEN  Van  der  Donck, 

AuGusTiN  Herman, 

AKNOLOtrs  Van  Hardknukrch, 

Jacob  Van  C'orwKNnovr,\, 

(loVEIlT    LoOCKEKMANS, 

Hendrick  Henukicksen  Kip. 


Olokk  Stevens, 
MiniAEL  Jansen, 
Thomas  Hai.l, 
Elbert  PiLiiERTZEN, 
Jan   Evektsen  Uout, 


•^ 


fi 


I 


11    i 


PAPERS  RELATING  TO  THE  CITY  OF  NEW-YORK. 


387 


PROVISIOiNAL  ORDER 

FOR   THE   GOVERNMENT,    PRESERVATION    AND   PEOPLINa    OF    NEW    NETHERLAND.        ANNO.    1650. [ExtrttCt.] 

[HollamI  Doc.  V.] 

Art.  X.  Tlie  request  for  freedoms  and  exemptions  shall  be  more  fully  examined,  together  with  the 
considerations  moved  thereupon. 

XVII.  And  within  the  city  of  New  Amsterdam  shall  be  erected  a  Burgher  Government,  consist- 
ing of  a  Sheriff,  two  Burgomasters,  and  live  Schepens. 

XVIII.  In  the  meanwhile  shall  the  Nine  men  continue  for  three  years  longer,  and  have  Jurisdic- 
tion over  Small  Causes  arising  between  Man  and  Man,  to  decide  definitively  such  as  do  not  exceed 
the  sum  of  Fifty  Guilders,  and  on  higher,  with  the  privilege  of  appeal.' 


THE  DIRECTORS  OF  THE  WEST  INDIA  COMPANY 

TO   THE    DIRECTOR   AND   COUNCIL    OF    NEW    NETHERLAND;    DATED   AMSTERDAM,   THE   4"'    APRIL    1652. 

[  Dutch  Rcconis,  Letter  Q.  1648—1664.  ] 

^'-  We  have  already  connived  as  much  as  possible  at  the  many  Impertinences  of  some  Restless  spirits 
in  tlie  hope  that  tliey  might  be  shamed  by  our  discreetness  and  benevolence,  but  perceiving  that  all 
Kindnesses  do  not  avail,  we  must,  therefore,  have  recourse  to  God,  to  Nature  and  the  Law.  We 
accordingly  hereby  charge  and  command  your  Honors,  whenever  you  shall  certainly  discover  any 
Clandestine  Meetings,  Conventicles  or  machinations  against  our  States'  government  or  that  of  our 
Country,  that  you  procet  1  against  sucii  riialignants  in  proportion  to  their  crimes,  witli  tiiis  precaution 
liowever,  tluit  we  in  no  wise  require  that  any  one  should  liavc  it  in  his  power  to  complain,  with 
reason  or  .cause,  that  ho  was  injured  througli  private  malice,  wliich  is  tar  from  our  intention. 

"We  remark  in  many  Representations,  though  of  Malvers.uits  that  some  hide  themselves  under 
this  cloak,  though  we  must  believe  .and  even  see,  tliat  tliey  l:ave  not,  in  reality,  so  suffered;  yet  to 
stop  the  iiiduth  of  all  tlie  world,  we  have  resolved,  on  your  Honors'  proposition,  to  permit  you  here- 
by, to  erect  tliere  a  Comt  of  Justice  {ecu  bancic  van  Jusiiiie)  formed,  as  much  as  possible,  after  tlie 
custom  of  this  City :  to  whicli  end  printed  copies  relati\e  to  all  the  Law  Courts  and  tlieir  wliole 
government  are  sent  herewith.  And  we  presume  that  it  will  be  sulHcient  at  first  to  choose  one 
Sheriff,'^  two  Burgomasters  and  five  Schepens,  from  all  of  wliose  judgments  an  appeal  shall  lie  to  the 
Supreme  Council,  wliere  definite  judgment  shall  be  decreed. 

"  In  *]\e  Election  of  the  aforesaid  persons  every  attention  must  be  paid  to  honest  and  respectable 
individii.ils  who  we  hope  can  be  found  among  the  Burghers  ;  and  especially  do  we  wish  that  tliose 
promoted  tlicreto  be,  as  iiiudi  as  possible,  persons  of  this  Nation,  who  we  suppose  will  give  the  most 
satisfaction  to  the  Burgher.s  and  Inhabitants. 

1  The  above  "order"  wHl  be  found  entire  in  O'CaUaghan's  Hi»t.  of  N.  Netherland.  Vol.  2.  p.  I'Si,  bui  ''o  much  of  it 
only  is  given  here  aa  applies  to  the  first  establishment  of  a  Municipal  form  of  government,  in  the  present  ci'y  ol  New  Yor  :. 

2  In  a  Duplicate  of  the  above  Dcspatcli,  the  words  '<  een  Schout"  (a  Shcrifl',)  are  crossed  over  with  ink,  tho'  not  of  the 
same  color  as  that  in  whlea  the  original  was  written.     New  Amsterdam  did  not  have  a  City  Sheriff  until  161)0- 


li 


i\ 


188 


PAPERS    RELATING   TO   THE   CITY   OF   NEW- YORK. 


INSTRUCTION  FOR  THE  SHERIFF  OF  NEW  AMSTERDAM. 

[  Dutch  Reoorili;  Letter  V.  lbS2— 1663.  J 

I.  In  tlie  first  place,  the  Slierift'  sliall,  as  the  Director  General  and  Councirs  guardinn  of  the  law 
in  the  district  of  the  city  of  New  Amsterdam,  preserve,  protect  and  maintain,  to  i  r  best  of  his 
knowledge  and  ability,  the  preeminences  and  immunities  of  the  privileged  West  India  Company,  in 
as  far  as  these  have  l>een  delegated  by  previous  Instruction  to  tlie  Board  of  Btirgomasters  ium  Sche- 
j)ens ;  without  any  dissiniulution,  or  regard  for  any  private  favor  or  displeasure. 

'2.  In  the  quality  aloresaid,  lie  shall  convoke  the  meetings  of  Burgomasters  and  Schepens  and  pre- 
side thereat,  also  propose  all  matters  whicli  sliall  be  brought  there  for  deliberation,  collect  the  Votes, 
and  resolve  according  to  the  plurality  thereof. 

3.  He  fh-dW,  ex  ufiicio,  prosecute  all  oontraveners,  ilefrauders  and  transgressors,  of  any  Placards, 
I.^W8,  Stauitcs  ujiil  Ordinances  which  are  alieady  made  and  published  or  sluill  liereafter  be  enacted 
and  mu  «  public,  ap  far  as  tiiose  are  amenable  betbre  tlie  Court  of  Bur^^i'iuastcrs  and  Schepens,  and 
with  ♦:  i>  1  Jerstauding  that,  having  entered  his  suit  against  tlm  aloresaid  Contraveners,  he  shall 
immediaU'l.  rise,  and  await  tlie  judgment  of  Burgomasters  and  Scliepens  who  being  [uepared  shall 
also,  til  hh  iiiotion,  pronounce  tlie  same. 

t.  And  ui  order  that  lie  may  .veil  and  recularlj  institute  his  complaint,  the  Slierill',  betbre  entering 
his  actiO)!  r  arresting  any  person,  sliall  iiertinently  iufurm  him.self  of  the  crime  of  wiiicli  he  sliall. 
accuse  in  -.>ithout  his  being  empowered  tn  arrest  any  one,  on  the  aforesaid  information,  unless  the 
ortence  be  committed  in  his  jnesence. 

5.  He  shall  take  all  his  intltrmutions  in  the  presence  of  two  meml^ers  of  the  Board  of  Burgomasters 
and  Schepens  if  the  case  shall  permit  it,  or  otherwise  in  the  presence  of  two  discreet  persons  who, 
with  tlie  Secretary  or  his  deputy  siiall  sign  the  aloresaid  intbrmations. 

<j.  Wiiich  aloresaid  Secretary  witli  the  Court  Messenger  are  expressly  commanded  to  assist  and  be 
serving  mito  the  Slierifl"  in  whatever  relates  to  tlieir  respective  oHices. 

7.  He  sliall  take  caiv  in  collecting  and  preparing  inlbrmations  to  act  impartially,  and  to  bring  Die 
truth  as  clear  and  naked  as  iMtssii)le  to  light,  niiting  to  that  end,  all  circumstances  which  in  any  way 
deserve  consideration,  and  ai)pertain  to  the  '■use. 

8.  Item,  liie  aforesaid  Siierilf,  on  learning  or  being  inlL;rmed  that  any  persons  have  injured  each 
other  or  quarrellv^d,  shall  have  power  to  command  the  said  individuals,  either  personally  or  by  the 
court  mes.seiiger,  i>r  his  dejmty  to  observe  the  peace,  and  to  forbid  them  committing  any  assault,  on 
jtain  of  arbitrary  ctrre*  tion  at  the  discretion  of  the  Burgomasters  and  Schepens. 

9.  He  shall  not  have  power  to  compound  with  any  person  Ibr  their  committed  otteuces  except  witli 
the  knjwledge  of  the  Burgomasters  and  Schepe'is. 

10.  He  shall  take  care  that  all  Judg:  ts  j  Auounced  by  tlie  Burgomasters  and  Scliepens,  and 
which  are  not  appealed  from,  sliall  be  executed  contbrniabl"  t  tlie  above  mentioned  Instruction  given 
to  the  same,  according  to  tlie  stile  antj  .  iistom  of  Fatherland  and  especially  the  cit,v  of  Amsterdam. 

II.  In  like  manner,  that  authentic  copies  of  all  tlie  Judgments  Orders,  Actes  and  Hesolutions  to 
be  adopted  by  the  aforesaid  Burgomasters  and  Schepens  shall  be  communicated  once  every  year,  to 
the  I)ireet<jr  General  and  Council  of  New  Netherland. 

1'2.  And  in  case  he  receive  any  information  or  statement  of  any  otteuces  which  from  their  nature, 
or  on  account  (jf  the  (jtt'ending  person  are  not  subject  to  his  complaint,  lie  shall  be  boinul  forthwith 
to  communicate  the  same  to  the  Fiscal  (Attorney  Genl.)  without  taking  any  iiititrmation  liiraself, 
much  less  arresting  the  ot!'ender,  unless  in  actual  aggression  to  prevent  griater  mischief,  or  hinder 
flight  in  consequence  of  the  enormity  of  the  crime. 


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PAPERS   RCLATIMO  TO  THE  CITY  OF   MEW-YOKK. 


369 


13.  Which  being  done,  he  shall,  as  before,  surrender  without  any  delay  the  apprehended  person 
with  the  information  taken  to  the  Fiscal,  to  bo  proreeiled  aRalnst  by  hlra  in  due  form  iis  circum- 
stances demand. 

14.  In  order  that  the  aforesaid  Slierift'  shall  bo  the  more  encouraged  hereunto,  he  shall  enjoy  &c. 
This  must  be  flxed  in  the  country  yonder,  witli  advice. 

15.  Should  the  sheritt'  violate  any  of  tliese  Articles  he  hIihU  be  i)ro8ecuted  on  the  complaint  of  the 
Fiscal  before  the  Director  and  Council,  to  be  punished  according  to  the  nature  of  the  case. 


NICOLLS'  CHARTER     ItiGft. 

[  Book  of  Qenernl  Entrie*  1.  ] 

The  Governo'"'  Revocation  of  y"  ft'orme  of  (iovernnicnt  of  New  Yorke  und""  y«>  style  of  Burgomastr 

&  Scliepeiis. 
By  virtue  of  his  Ma''«»  Letters  Pattents  bearina;  diite  the  12"'  day  of  March  in  the  16"'  year  of  his 
Ma""^"  Reigne,  Granted  toHisRoyall  Highnesse,Jniiie9  Duke  of  Yorke  wlicreiii  full  &  absolute  power 
is  given  and  granted  to  liis  Royall  Higliiiesso  or  his  Deptitjes  to  Constitute,  appoint,  revoke  &  dis- 
charge all  Officers  both  Civill  k  military,  as  iilso  to  alter  &  eliange  all  Names  &,  styles  tlbrmes  or 
Ceremonyes  of  Governra':  To  the  End  tliat  His  Mat""'  iioyull  Pleasure  may  be  observed  &  for  the 
more  Orderly  establishment  of  his  Ma<"«  U(>ya!l  authority,  as  near  as  may  bee  Agreeable  to  the 
Lawes  and  Customes  of  liis  Ma''**  Realme  of  Kiigliiiid  ;  ujmhi  Mature  deliberacion  &  advice,  I  have 
thouglit  it  necessary  to  Revoke  &  discharge,  and  by  tliese  l'"senlH  in  Ids  Ma""  Name,  do  revoke  and 
discliarge  tlie  ftorme  and  Ceremony  of  Government  of  tliis  liis  Ma'"'"  Towne  of  New  Yorke,  under 
tiie  name  or  names,  style  or  styles  of  Scout,  Burgoiuaslcrs  k  Seliepens ;  As  also,  that  lor  tlie  future 
Administracon  of  Justice  by  the  Lawes  establislieil  in  tlu'sc  the  Territoryes  of  liis  Royall  Highnesse 
wlierein  the  welfares  of  all  the  Inliabitants  anil  tlie  rirs('i'\  aeon  of  all  their  due  Rights  and  Privi- 
ledges,  Graunted  by  tlie  Articles  of  tliis  Tuwiie  ujion  Sun'  niicr  luider  his  Miii'*'  Obedience  are  con- 
cluded ;  I  do  further  declare,  Tiiat  by  a  particular  (.'oiiiniissloii,  sueii  jiersons  sliall  be  authorized  to 
putt  the  Lawes  ia  Execucon,  in  whose  uhilityis  }iiii(lenc('  &  good  atleetion  to  liis  Ma'ic»  Service  and 
y«  Peace  and  liappiuesse  of  tliis  Governni'  J  have  (.'Sjiecial  reason  to  put  Conlidence,  wliicii  persons 
so  constituted  and  apjminted,  shall  be  knowne  and  cull'd  l)y  tiie  Name  &  Style  of  Mayor  Aldermen  & 
Slierriffe,  according  to  the  Custoiue  of  England  in  other  Ills  Mai"'"  Coriioracons :  Given  under  my 
hand  &  Seale  at  flbrt  James  in  New  Yorke,  this  12"'  day  of  June  1G05. 

Richard  Nicolls. 


The  Mayor  ^'  ,ildennen\t  Co7)imission. 

Whereas  upon  mature  deliberaeoii  ah:\  advice,  I  liuv<'  found  it  necessary  to  discharge  the  fforme  of 
Governni'  late  in  practice  w"'in  iliis  his  Ma'"'"  TcnMU"  of  New  Voike,  under  the  name  and  style  of 
Scout,  Burgomasters  and  Sohepens,  wliich  are  not  knowne  or  customary  in  any  of  his  Ma>'i«  Do- 
minions; To  tlio  end  tliat  the  course  of  Justice  li)r  the  (Allure  may  lie  legally,  equally  and  impartially 
administered  to  ail  his  Ma*"'  Sulijects  as  well  Iidiabitants  as  Strangers ;  Know  all  Men  by  I'^ese 


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PAPCR8    RELATINU   TO  THE  CITY  OP  NEW-YORK. 


Presents,  That  I  Richard  NicoIIs,  Doputy  (Jovern'  to  his  lioyall  Highnesse,  the  Duke  of  York,  by 
virtue  of  his  Mat''"  Li'tters  I'nttt'iits,  heurinu;  iliite  the  la""  day  of  Marcli  in  y  IG'h  yeare  of  his 
Ma''"  lieigne,  Uoorduine,  constitute  ami  lU'cIart',  that  tlie  Inhabitants  of  New  "Yorke,  New  Harlem, 
w«*>  all  other  his  Ma»'««  Subjects  Inhabitants  ui«)n  tills  Island,  commonly  called  &  knowne  by  the 
Name  of  tlie  Maniuittans  Island,  are  ami  siiall  bee  lor  ever  accounted,  nominated  and  Established,  as 
one  Body  Politique  and  Corporate  undei'  the  (lovernni'  of  a  Mayor,  Aldermen  and  Sheriffe,  and  I  do 
by  these  P'sents  constitute  and  appDlnt  11  ir  one  whole  year,  commencing  from  the  date  hereof,  and 
ending  the  12'»>  day  of  June  w^''  sliall  !«<  in  the  yearo  of  our  Lord  16()(J;  M'  Tiionias  Willett  to  bee 
Mayor,  M'  Thomas  Delavall,  M'  Ololle  !Stuy vesant,  M'  John  Brugges,  M'  Cornelius  Van  Ruyven  & 
M"^  John  Lawrence  to  bee  Aldermen,  &  M  Allard  Anthony  to  be  Sherilfe ;  Giving  &  Granting  to  them 
the  said  Mayor  and  Aldermen,  or  any  lour  of  them,  wliereof  tlie  said  Mayor  or  his  Deputy,  shall  bee 
alwayes  one,  and  upon  Kijuall  divl8it)n  of  voyces,  to  liave  always  the  casting  and  decisive  voyce,  full 
power  and  authoritye  to  Rule  &  Governe  ns  well  all  tlie  Inliabitants  of  this  Corporacon,  as  any  Stran- 
gers, according  to  tlie  Generall  Lawes  of  tliis  Governm'  and  such  peculiar  Lawes  as  are,  or  shall  be 
thought  convenient  &  necessary  for  tlie  gond  anil  Welfare  of  this  his  Ma'i«»  Corporacon ;  as  also  to 
appoint  such  under  officers,  as  they  siiall  judge  necessary,  for  the  orderly  exccuti  n  of  Justice;  and 
I  do  hereby  strictly  clinrge  and  coiuinunil  all  persons  to  obey  &  execute,  from  Time  >  Time,  all  such 
warrants,  orders  &  Constitutions  as  shall  be  matle  by  the  said  Mayor  and  Aldermen  as  they  will 
answer  the  Contrary  at  their  utmost  P«'rills ;  And  f()r  tlie  due  administracon  of  Justice,  according  to 
the  fibrme  and  manner  prescribed  in  this  Commission,  by  the  Mayor,  Aldermen  &  Sheriffe,  These 
Presents  shall  bee  to  them,  &  i'Very  of  them,  a  sulhcient  Warrant  and  discharge  in  that  behalfe ; 
Given  under  mv  hand  and  scale  at  iVort  James  in  New  Yorke  this  12">  day  of  June  1(305. 

Rich  Nicolls 


BENCKES  AND  EVERTSEN'S  (JHARTER.  1673. 

[  Nsw  Orange.  Rcc.  ] 

The  Commanders  and  Ilonble  Coiiik-II  of  War  in  the  service  of  Their  High  Mightinesses  the  Lords 
States  General  of  the  I'liited  Netlicrlaiids  iiiid  ills  Serene  Highness  tlie  Lord  Prince  of  Orange,  etc. 

Hkaltu  ! 

Whereas  We  have  deemed  it  necessary,  liir  (he  advantage  and  prosperity  of  Our  City  New  Orange, 
recently  restored  to  tlie  Obeilieiiee  of  the  said  lli^li  anti  Mighty  Lord  States  General  of  the  United 
Netlierlands  and  liis  Serene  Highness  tlio  Lord  Prince  of  Orange,  to  Ueduce'tlie  form  of  Government 
of  this  City  to  its  previous  eliaracter  of  Sellout,  Burgomasters  and  Scliepens  as  is  practised  in  all  the 
Cities  of  our  Fatherland,  to  the  end  tliatJiistice  may  be  maintained  and  administered  to  all  good 
Inhabitants  without  Respeet  or  UeKard  to  Persons  ;  Thehkfohk  We,  by  virtue  of  our  Commission,  in 
the  names  and  on  Ijehair  of  the  lllnh  a....  Miy;lity  Lords  States  General  of  the  United  Netlierlands 
and  his  Serene  Highness  the  Lord  Prince  of  Orange,  have  elected  from  the  Nomination  exhibited  by 
those  in  office  as  Regents  oi'  tills  City  for  the  teiin  of  one  iiirrent  year, 

Anthony  de  Mlllt. 

Johannes  Van  Brugen, 


As  Sellout 

As  Burgomasters 


As  Schejiens 


Johannes  de  Peyster, 

Egedius  Luyck. 

Willem  Beecknian, 
I  Jeronimus  Ebbyng, 

Jacob  Kip, 
'  Louwereus  Vander  Spiegel, 

Geleyn  Verplanck. 


PAPERS    RELATING    TO    THE   CITV    OF    NEW-YORK. 


391 


Which  abovenamcd  Schout  Burgomasters  and  Schcpeus  are  hereby  authorized  and  empowered  to 
govern  the  Inhabitants  of  this  City,  l)oth  Burghers  &  Strangers,  cunlormably  to  tlie  Laws  and  Statutes 
of  o!U'  Fatherland,  and  inalce  tlierein  sucli  orders  as  tiiey  shall  find  advantageous  and  proju-r  to  this 
VAty  \lkrc  the  impcr  is  deslroyed.\  And  the  Iniiabitants  ot*  tliis  City  are  well  and  strictly  ordered 
un<l  enjoined  to  respect  &  honour  tlie  above  named  Kegents  in  tlieir  respective  (jualities,  as  all  Loyal 
and  Faithful  Subjects  are  bound  to  do.     Done  flbrtress  Willem  Hendrick,  this  17">  August  A"  1673. 

(Was  Signed) 
Jacob  Hf.nckeh  Cornelius  Evebsten,  the  Younger 

NiCOLAAS  BOES  A.  COLVE. 

A  F.  Van  Zevll. 


1 

I 


INSTRUCTIONS  FOR  THE  UNDER  SHERIFF  AND  SCHEPENS 

OK   the   suburbs    (aUYTEN     IATUEn)    BETWEEN     IIAEULEM   AND   THE    IKESH    WATER;    DATED   THE    14">    OF 

NOVEMBER,    1(573. 

[  New  Orange  Record.  ] 

Firstly.  The  Under  Sheriff  shall  preside  at  all  the  meetings  but  when  lie  olHciates  for  himself  as  u 
l>arty,  or  on  behalf  of  justice,  he  shall  on  sucii  occasions  rise  uj)  and  absent  himself  from  the  Bench, 
and  in  tliis  case  liave  neitlier  an  advisory  much  less  a  casting  vote,  but  tlie  oldest  Schepen  sliall  preside 
in  his  itlace. 

2'"'.  The  Under  Sheriff  and  Scliepeus  are  authorized  to  pronounce  definitive  judgment,  without 
appeal,  iu  suits  Ibr  debt  between  man  and  man  &c.  arising  witliin  their  District  to  tlie  amount  of 
11.  100  Seawan  currency;  al«o  in  minor  criminal  cases  sucii  as  ligliting,  striking,  scolding  &  such  like, 
hut  in  all  cases  exceeding  said  sum  of  tl.  100,  the  aggrieveil  person  may  appeal  to  the  Honble  Court 
here. 

3iiiy.  Whenever  any  cases  come  before  the  court  in  which  any  of  tlie  Schepens  are  interested  as 
))arties,  in  such  cases  tliey  shall  rise  up  and  absent  themselves  from  the  Beuch  as  iz  hereinbefore 
tlirected  in  the  first  article  of  the  Under  sheriff. 

4'hiy.  AH  Inhabitants  within  the  aforesaid  District  shall  be  citable  before  the  said  Undo-  Sheriff  and 
Schepens  who  shall  hold  tlieir  court  as  often  as  necessary. 

5"'iy.  The  said  Under  Sheriff  and  Scliepens  shall  be  obliged  strictly  to  observe  and  punctually  to 
execute  all  such  placards  and  orders  as  shall  from  time  to  time  be  directed  to  them  from  the  Worship- 
ful Coiirt  here. 

Oiii'>.  Whereas  We  are  informed  of  the  great  ravages  the  Wolf  commits  on  the  small  cattle,  there- 
fore to  animate  antl  encourage  the  proprietors  who  will  go  out  and  shoot  the  same.  We  have  resolved 
to  authorize  the  Under  Sliej'ilf  and  Schepens  to  give  public  notice  that  wlioever  sliall  exhibit  a  W^olf 
to  them  which  hatli  Iwen  shot  on  this  Island  on  this  side  Haarlem  shall  be  promptly  paid  therefor  by 
them;  Vor  a  Wolf  ll,  '20.  and  fur  a  She  Wolf  ii.  30  Seawan  or  the  value  thereof  whicli  said  Under 
SheritV  and  Schepens  shall  by  their  messenger  levy  Irom  those  wiio  keej)  any  cattle,  lai-ge  or  small, 
witliin  their  tlistvict,  on  said  Island,  each  of  whom  shall,  according  to  the  number  of  cattle,  be  bound 
to  contributed,  pay  thereto  whatever  he  sliall  be  taxed  thereupon  by  the  Under  Slieritt'and  Scliepens. 

'/''''>.  Whoever  shall  liiil  to  pay  his  fine  on  the  first,  second  and  third  notice  in  the  name  of  the 
Under  Sheritf  ai  d  Schejieus,  shall  be  proceeded  against  with  prompt  execution  by  the  Under  Sheriff. 


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PAPERS    RCLATINO   TO   THE  CITY   OF   NCW-YORK. 


gii'ir.  vviuiever  slmll  nllow  execution  to  issue,  umst  piiy  in  addition  Ave  stivers  on  each  guilder 
which  lie  owes  lor  tlio  l)i'iio(»t'  of  tlie  Under  SlierilV  tor  the  troul)h'  of  tlie  Kxeeution 

9"''>.  Whereas  'lis  iieeessary  tiint  tlie  i'uiuid  shall  he  iirojierly  kept,  the  I'nder  SheritV  &  Sehejieus 
are  therefore  authorized  and  ordercil  to  attend  tliat  the  same  be  maintained  eoiijointly  by  those  who 
have  lands  there  ;  and  further  nialie  su«li  onlers  ret;ardini;  the  inipoundinj^  (/i  cattle  as  they  shall 
lind  for  the  advantage  of  AKiieulture,  wliieh  orders  eaeh  and  every  are  rtijuired  j>ronij)tly  to 
observe  as  if  they  wen-  made  l>y  ()ursel\es. 

lU'hi.v.  Said  Under  Slierilf  .ind  Seliepeiis  shall  take  good  heed  in  the  suits  brought  before  them 
strict  justice  to  administer  arcording  to  tlie  best  of  their  knowledge,  without  distinction  or  resjiect  of 
jwrsons,  or  any  partiality  ;  and  further,  the  I'nder  Sherilf  sliall  as  much  as  possible  prevent  and 
check  all  disputes  and  (juarrels  that  may  arise  within  his  District. 

ll'hiy.  The  Under  Sheriff  and  Sehepens  shall,  as  often  as  they  deem  necessary,  give  publiek  Notice 
that  any  person  who  causes  or  allows  trees  to  lall  in  a  eummon  wagon  road  shall  a;aiiii  remove  the 
same,  brunches  anil  all,  fn)m  the  r'lad,  belore  the  going  down  of  the  Sun  subseijuent  to  the  lldliug  of 
the  tree,  and  make  the  road  passable — i;r  in  deliiult  thereof  and  in  ease  a  fine  be  imposed  therefor  by 
the  Under  Slieriff  or  iiis  order,  iu^  shall  pay  Ibr  each  tree  louiul  across  the  highwaj ,  a  line  of  ll.'JO. 
to  be  api)lied,  one  half  li>r  the  Under  Slurilf  &  tlie  otlier  half  lor  the  inlormer  ;  and  the  pers(m  lined 
shall,  notwithstanding,  lliis  be  bound  to  remove  tlie  tree  nstantly  from  the  road. 

12Uiiy.  If  any  one  exhibit  any  indisjiosition  towards  the  onler  of  tlie  Under  Sherilf  and  Sehepens, 
and  come  before  the  Court  here,  and  the  matter  be  discovered  well  founded,  he  shall  pay  double  the 
imjxjsed  tine. 

j3ihi)  'fhe  choice  of  all  Inlerior  oflieers  (the  Secretary  alone  excepted)  shall  be  hencelbrward 
made  by  the  said  Under  Sherilf  and  Sehepens,  &  they  shall  be  confirmed  in  their  respective  Qualities 
after  being  approved  by  the  Worship'  Court  here. 

IJihi) .  If  any  thing  further  !>••  ;j(e«ss;iry  lor  .\griculture,  or  shoukl  there  be  any  obscurity  or 
omission  or  want  of  clearness  in  'litii  Instructions,  the  Under  Sheriff" and  Sehepens  shall  on  occasion, 
communicate  tlie  iavi  to  tlie  Ben*  !i. 

And  finally,  said  Uiu'tr  Sjuiilf  i^  Schepen-  ^hall,  II  days  belbre  the  Expiration  of  their  Year, 
apply  to  the  Hon'''"-"  Court  here  to  receive  its  onler  regarding  the  new  Nomination  of  the  Under 
Sheriff  &  Sehepens.  Tin  s  done  in  the  City  Hall  of  this  City,  at  the  Court  of  the  Sellout,  Burgo- 
masters &  Sehepens. 


COLVES  ClIAflTER,  1674. 

[  New  Orange  Rcc.  | 

Provisional  Instruction  for  the  Sc/ioiit,  Biirgoiaastcrs  and  Schcpms  of  t/ic  Cilj/  of  JYew  Orange. 

!»'.  The  Schout  and  Magistrates,  each  in  his  quality  shall  take  care  that  the  Keformed  Christian 
Religion  conlbrmable  to  the  .Synod  of  Dordrecht  shall  be  maintained,  without  suffering  any  other 
Sects  attempting  any  thing  contrary  thereto. 

2.  The  Sellout  shall  be  juesent  at  all  Meetings  and  preside  there,  unless  the  Honble.  Heer  Gover- 
nour  or  some  person  apjiointed  by  him  be  present  wlio  then  shall  jireside,  when  the  Schout  shall  rank 
next  below  the  youngest  actin,'  Hurgomaster.  IJiit  whensoever  the  Schout  acts  as  Prosecutor  (m 
behalf  of  Justice  or  otherwise,  having  made  his  complaint,  he  shall  then  rise  up  and  absent  himself 
from  the  Bench  during  the  deciding  of  the  case. 


I-APKHH    HKI.ATIN(i    TO   TIIK   CITV   Or    NCW-VORK. 


noa 


3.  All  niiitti-rs  ap|><M'taiiilni{  to  tlic  I'dllrc,  Scciirit)',  mitl  IViicc  of  tho  ItilmhitantM,  nltto  to  JuHtlr«< 
l)ot\v«Tti  mail  ami  man,  nIwiII  Ii<>  ilt-trrmliii'il  liy  filial  Judgment  by  the  Sellout,  Itiirgoinnsters  iiiul 
Seliepens  at<)resal(l  to  tlie  amount  of  ni'ly  lleaveriH  and  under,  but  in  ail  eases  exeeedin^^  that  sum, 
eaeh  one  sliall  bo  at  liluity  U)  apja'al  to  llie  lleer  (Joveriiniir  (ieneral  &,  Coiineil  here. 

I.  All  Criminal  olVeiiees  whieli  hIiiiII  be  eommiited  within  this  City  and  llie  Jurisdietion  flieredf 
sliall  be  amenable  tn  tlie  Jiulieaturt*  of  said  .Sellout,  niirgomasters  and  Srhe]tens  who  shall  have 
power  to  Jud^'e  and  seiiteiiee  thi'  same  even  unto  Di.Arii  ineliisive  ;  provided  and  oil  eoiiditioii,  tliat 
no  senteiK-e  ol' eorponil  piiiiishiiieiil  shall  In-  exeeuted  unless  the  ajiproval  of  the  llcer  (Jovernour 
(jeneral  and  Coiiiieil  slinll  In-  tlrst  soii^lit  and  obt  lined  tliereliir. 

T).  Tlie  Court  shall  be  <'uiivoked  by  the  I'lesideiit  IJiiiKoiuaster  who  shall,  the  uight  belbre,  make 
the  same  known  to  ('apt.  Willeiu  Ivii.nIV,  (wIio  is  hereby  provisionally  (jii.'!:'  ■•'  and  authorized  to  be 
jireseiit  at  and  pTOHidi  ver  the  Court  In  thmianie  and  on  the  belialf  cf  v; .  !!'  luveniour,)  and  so 
fbrtli  t<i  tiie  reiiiiiiiii"    Scln'Ut,  iliiriroiiiaslers  and  Mehepeiis. 

0.  All  motions  s  ..i  'e  pi  '  by  tlie  llrst  lliii'Koinaster,  whose  jiroposidin  hp\).i.:,  luaile  and  submitted 
for  eonsideratinn,tb<  uinsloner  there  presiding  in  the  name  of  tlie  II  (Jovernour, siiall  first  vote 

there,  and  s('  at'K'rwai.-.  tiie  remaining  .Ma«lstrates  <'aeli  aeeonUii},'  to  his  rank  ;  and  the  votes  being 
colleeted,  it  sliall  then  be  eoiieliided  aeeordliiK  to  plurality  ;  lliit  if  it  happen  that  the  votes  are  e(|ual, 
the  President  shall  tiien  liave  power  to  deeide  liy  his  vote,  in  whiehcase  tlioseof  the  eontrary  opinion 
as  well  as  those  of  the  minority  may  Hegisler  their  opinions  on  the  Minutes,  but  not  jiublish  the  same 
in  any  manner  out  of  tlie  ('oiirt  on  jiain  of  arliitrary  (Jorreetion. 

7.  The  HurKomiister  shall  eliaiiKi'  Wank  every  lialf  year,  wlierein  tlie  oldest  slinll  first  oceuj)y  tlie 
plaee  of  President  and  the  next  sliall  lidlow  him  ;  but  diiriin;  this  eurrent  Year  the  eliange  shall  fake 
place  every  I  months,  since  tlirei"  UiirKomasters  are  appointed  for  tliis  year. 

H.  The  Sellout,  niirgoinasfers  an<l  Sehepeiis  sliall  Imld  their  Session  and  Court  Meeting  as  often  as 
the  same  shall  be  necessary,  on  eonditioii  of  previously  ai)pointiiig  regular  days  therefor. 

9.  The  Schont,  llurgoiiiasters  and  Nehepeiis  shall  have  power  to  enact, and  with  the  approbation  of 
the  U'  (iovernour  to  imblish  and  allix  some  Statutes,  Ordinances  and  Placards  for  the  Peace,  Quiet 
and  Advantage  of  tliis  City  and  the  inliiibifants  thereof  witliin  their  district,  provided  that  the  same 
do  not  in  any  wise  eonlliet,  but  agree,  as  niiicli  as  p(tssii)le,  w  itli  tlte  Lawsand  Statutes  of  our  Fatlierland. 

1(».  Said  Sellout,  Hurgomastei's  and  Schepens  shall  be  bound  rigidly  to  observe  and  cause  to  i.e 
observed  the  Placard-  and  Ordinances  of  fix?  Cliief  Magistracy,  and  not  to  sutler  any  thing  to  be 
done  cdiitrnry  thereto,  but  proceed  against  the  (,'ontraveners  according  to  the  tenor  thereof;  and 
further  promptly  execute  such  orders  as  the  lleer  (i(jvernour  General  shall  send  them  from  time  to 
time. 

II.  The  Sellout,  Burgomasters  k  Schepens  shall  be  also  bound  to  acknowledge  their  High  Mighti- 
nesses the  Lords  States  (jeiietal  of  the  Inlted  .Netherlands  and  his  Serene  Highness  tlie  Lord  Prince 
of  Orange  as  their  Sovereign  Rulers,  and  to  maintain  their  High  lurisdiction,  Kight  and  Domain  in 
this  Country. 

1'2.  The  ('lection  of  all  inferior  ollicers  and  servants  in  (he  employ  of  said  Schont,  Burgomasters 
and  Schepens  shall,  witli  the  sole  exception  of  the  Secretary,  be  made  and  confirmed  by  themselves. 

13.  The  Sellout  shall  execute  all  Judgments  of  the  JJurg( minsters  and  Schepens,  without  relaxing 
any,  unless  with  the  advice  of  tlietJoiirf,  also  fake  good  care  that  the  jurisdiction  under  his  authority 
shall  be  cleansed  of  all  VagahoiidM,  Whorehouses,  (iambling  houses  and  sucli  impurities. 

If.  The  Sellout  shall  receive  all  llni'S  imposed  during  his  time,  jirovided  they  do  not  exceed  yearly 
the  sum  of  Twelve  hundred  (iiiilders  Seawant  value,  which  having  received  he  shall  enjoy  the  just 
half  of  all  tiie  otlier  fines,  on  condition  that  he  presume  neither  directly  nor  indirectly  to  compound 
with  any  criminiils,  but  leave  them  to  the  judgment  of  the  Magistrates, 

[Vol.  L  I  f.O 


^, 


IMAGE  EVALUATION 
TEST  TARGET  (MT-3) 


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ta  Bii   12.2 

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33  WtST  MAIN  STREET 

WBSSTBR.N.Y.  14580 

(716)872-4503 


394 


PAPEBS  RELATING  TO  THE  CITY  OF  NEW-YORK. 


15.  The  Schout,  Burgomasters  and  Schepens  aforesaid  shall  convoke  an  Assembly  on  the  llth  day 
of  the  month  of  August,  being  eight  days  before  the  Election  of  new  Magistrates,  and  in  presence  of 
the  Commissioner  to  be  qualified  for  that  purpose  by  the  Honble  Govern'  General,  nominate  a  double 
number  of  the  best  qualified  honorable  and  wealthy  persons,  and  only  such  as  are  of  the  Reformed 
Christian  Religion,  or  at  least  well  affected  towards  it,  as  Schout,  Burgomasters  and  Schepens  afore- 
said, which  nomination  shall  be  handed  and  presented  folded  &  sealed,  on  the  same  day,  to  Ills  Honor ; 
from  which  nomination  the  Election  shall  then  be  made  by  his  Honor  on  the  17">  day  of  the  Month 
of  August,  with  continuation  of  some  of  the  old  Magistrates,  in  case  his  Honor  shall  deem  the  same 
necessary.    Done,  Ffort  Willem  Hendrick  the  1 5»t>  January  1674. 

By  Order  of  the  Honble  Heer 

Govern'  Genera]  of 

New  Netherland, 
(Was  Signed)  N.  Bayard,  Secret? 


1^    • 


CENSUS  OF  MXW-TORK  CITY. 


395 


CENSUS  OF  THE  CITY  OF  NEW-YORK. 

[ABOUT  THE  YEAR  17(U.] 


EAST  WARD. 

• 

MASTER?  OF  FAMILY8. 

I 

a 

1 

s 

S 

d 
1 

V 

« 

1 
1 

S 

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Us 

1" 

s 

tl 

1 

3 

Ebenezr  Wilton    

3 

i      4 
1 

;    2 

i    1 

;       1 
....... 

!    I 

1     1 

1 

:    3 

1 

2 
1 
1 

1 
4 
2 

1 

2 

1 

3 
2 

ll 

i 

1 
...... 

1 
1 

Mr  Leuis 

Mr  Everson  .','"..'.*.'"".'.'.'.'.'.' 

Mrs  Vantyle ... 

MrHari«. '.'.'.'...'.'.'........'.'.'.'. 

Thorns  Dyer 

MrsSmlth .                             

2 
1 

2 

3 

1 
1 

Garot  Haier ,'.'   ,     •■••"••  JJ'JJJ 

2 

1 

Frances  Coderos 

3 

1 

! 

John  Lasly .',".'.'..'            

1 
1 
1 
2 
2 

'..'.'.'.X'. '.'.'.' 

Thorns  Evens '"               

1 

', 

Hendriclr '"".. 

Peter  Vantilbry 

1 
2 

1 
...... 

Frances  WesselU ,' .' 

Mrs  Basset 

6 
2 

1 

6 



t 

Capt  Novered 

1 
1 
1 
1 
1 
1 
1 
2 
1 
1 
1 
2 
2 
1 
1 

Beverly  Latham  .... 

1 

!       2 

1 

3 

!      1 

1 
i      5 
:       2 

3 

1 
1 
1 

1 

2 

1 

...L 
...... 

1 

2 

1 
1 
1 

1 
2 

1 

3 

2 

...... 

2 
2 
2 
1 
...... 

U 

1 

Mrs  Rabi '.'.'.'. ".     .                 

CaptMoiris .',...' 

3 

1 

2 

I 

Peter  Mountu 

Hendrick  Mayr .• 

John  Stephens '.','.'.'., 

3 
4 
3 

1 
1 

...... 

'.'.'...'. 

...... 

...... 

Capt  Tudor 

iitucn  Volo 

Fanv  ve  Doctr 

Mr  SInkeler '..'. 

Mr  Lees 

1 

1 
2 

1 

1 

1 



Capt  Forkell 

1 

1 
1 

3 
1 

Peter  Thouet 

2 

Marerett  Bribes 

Doctr  Defany 

1 

1 

...... 

1 
2 

2 


Mr  Sellwooif 

Widd  Brown           



Mr  Choi  well.. '..'.'." .".*.'.'.'.' 

1 
1 
1 
1 
1 
2 
1 

1 
3 

■"2 

i'" 

John  Leilham.            

Andrew  Gravenrod 

1 

I 

William  Apell    

John  VanderRneviFel 

1 
■■■3" 

3 
1 
1 

1 

*" 

John   Bures ••■•.*••••• • 

""2" 

1 

1 
2 

1 

t    •  • 

2 


1 
I 

2 
1 
I 
2 
1 
1 
1 
2 
1 
1 
4 
1 
1 

Doctr  Peters 

'"2" 

3 
...... 

1 
2 

1 
3 
2 
1 

John  Devi 

■"2" 

1 
1 



Mr  Burjfer • • ■.••*< 

John  Baton • • s  • 

1 

Cant  Borilitt .'. 

1 

Caut  Baker 

I 

James  Emmett  •■■• ••■■■..> • 

2 

""l" 

1 

2 

1 
...... 

1 
...... 

1 

3 
2 

...... 

I 

1 

1 

James  Bouloro •••• ••  •.. 



Evert  Pelts 

3 

Joseph  Isacks 

John  Theobalds *•..>•. ■ 

1 
1 
1 

1 
2 

"■3  ■ 

1 
2 
2 

3 
3 

I 

•••2" 
...... 

1 
2 
1 
1 

1 
1 

1 

1 

■  "■ 

Witlil  Smith 

X<eentl  Hewsen  •  ••■ ••■•••••••••••■•••••••••• •••■•••• 

1 
3 

1 

1 
1 
2 

Hani  Druelpf *. •■■■■■. >■■• *•••••**•• 

1 

Mr  Water 

1 

"\\ 


'1 


11 


39G 


CENSUS  OF   NEW-YORK   CITY. 


I 

I:  i 
I) 


MASTERS  OF  FAMILV8 


rs 


B 
& 


Mr  Ly 8oner |  1 

Mr  Hanlinburg :  1 

Paul  Myler I  1 

Capt  Vancrougcr , |  1 

Mrs  Clobery. 


John  Marterii 

OeoTg  Stanton 

Daniel  Janden 

Abraham  Vanhorn.... 
Abraham  Abranson... 
Andries  Abrahamse . . . 

Dorick  Adolph 

John  Manbruitts 

Uarott  Van  Caver 

Hogland 

Mr  Read 

Mr  Monsett 

Thorns  Caroll 

W  idd  Peteraebants .  ■ . . 

Aaron  Bloom 

Mr  Toy 

Geor^  Maynard 

Abraham  Wandell.... 

John  Tomson 

BenJ  Barns 

Capt  Cragi  or 

Wm  Nasrosci 

WmShickles 

Nicholas  Dauly 1 

Caston  Lusen 1 

Johnas  Longstrauts , j      1 

Abraham  Molts '. 1 

Capt  Trevett '      1 

Georg  Elesworth 1 

Colonl  Depyster i      1 

Geori;  Uunlcen i      1 

Widd  Decay >....< 

Meyer  Merett 1 

Capt  Shelly ,       ] 

Peter  Morrayn 1 

Thorns  Adams i      1 

WiddKidd 

Widd  Vanbroug 

AVidd  Proost j.... 

Jacobus  Vanderspegle 1 

DoctStets  I      1 

Elyes  Now i      1 

Widd  Van  Vous 

John  Davi 

Abraham  Johns 

Simon  Bonan 

Widil  Vanbusing  .... 

Widd  Adolph 

Thorns  Child 

SamI  Phillips 

Amon  Bonan 

Johanes  D.  Wandler. 

Joseph  Smith 

Johanes  Dohneare  .. 

John  Godfry 

Barnardus  Smith  .... 

Klyes  Rambert 

Jacob  Bratt 

Peter  Rous 

Widd  Jordan 

Thorns  Sanderson.... 
Michell. 


Denes  Rishey 

Andrew  Larrance, 
Agustous  Loukes  . 
Cornelius  Joussos. 

John  Poulee 

Mr  Funnell 

Mr  D  Romer 

Capt  Peneson  .... 

JameiTurse 

James  Tune 


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3 

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1  i    1 


2    I      1 


CENSUS  OF   NEW-YORK   CITY. 


397 


MASTERS  OF  PAMILYS. 


a 

h 

V3  S 


a 


Michael  Slevett 2 

Peter  Baunt 1 

Wliia  Ell  worth  

Capt  Wilion :      1 

Boult  Leire 1 

Benj  Bill..' I 

Danl  Fargoe 1 

Danl  De voua 1 

Arthr  Williams 1 

Georg  Brass i 

Wm  KIcwo.-th 1 

Joshuah  Ouvid 1 

WidU  Vande water 
Cornelius  Bolson  . 

Danl  Mynard 

John  Alambroits.. 

Mr  Cronilin 

Lucas  Tinhovcn.- 
Johanes  Urielant . 
Pete  Newcurlc... 
Oabriell  L'ldloir. 


1 

1 

1 

1 

1 

1 

1 

1 

Canny  Flower 1 

Mr  Slay |  1 

Wm  Bikman i  U 

James  Dcbross 1 

Wm  An>!erson 1 

Peter  Rightman '  1 

Capt  Tuder 1 

Wm  Fardnandus I 

Hendrick  Carkman 1 

John  Lastly i  1 

Widd  Vontylborough 0 


1 
2 
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1 
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1 
1 
Johanes  D  payster |      1 


Wm  Pell. 

Thoms  Huck 

Widd  Peterow.... 
Robert  Pudenton. 
Wm  Shackerly  ... 
Mr  Huldleston  ... 
Nichol  Debower. 


Wm  White  . 

WiddNanclaft 

Abraham  Moll 

Levcnus  Deuind 

RichdSackett 

Elener  Eleworth 

Soffell  See  worth 

Isaac  Dinell 

Isaac  Forbergin 

Johanes  Jooston 

Widd  Lees 

Mrs  Mussett 

Wm  Naseros 

Loud  Leiiis 

Thoms  Roberts 

Roger  Britt 

Thoms  Hams 

Robt  Walls 

Giddeon  Vergeren 

Evert  Dicken 

John  Nanfan 

Claud  Bouden  

Hendrick  Vandespegle. 

MrGleencross 

Dan  Thwaictes 

WiddPetrer  Bond 

Charl  Bakeman 

Johanes  Banker 

Harma  Louricar  .  • 

Jos  Carlsee 


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Simeon  Shumoinc 


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OXiraU*  OF  NSW-YOBK  CITY. 
SOUTH  WARD. 


MASTERS  OF  FAMILYS 


Danill  Roberts...; 

Mr  Line 

Johu  &  Kliai  Petram  . ... 

Henilriek  KelUiun 

Archibald  MorrU 

Juriaa  Bush 

Victor  Bicker 

Elizabeth  Kliot , 

Harah  CJcouton ,, 

tiaml  Sokane 

Jacobus  Coruelius , 

Peter  Wesels 

Jacobus  Morrisgreen  .... 

'William  Syms 

John  Watts«n 

William  Haywooil 

John  Uanoon  

Thomas  Elison 

WiiUlow  Bush 

William  Kago 

WldUow  Wessells 

William  JackHUn < 

Johannes  Van  Ueser 

Willelmus  Neueahousen . . 

\v  illiam  Taylor 

Michael  Hardin 

Thomas  Hardin 

Anna  Sm  ith 

Mr  Shaepass 

Capi  Oebrouts 

Madam  Dubuise 

Cornelius  Depcysler 

Widdow  ffruuse 

Thomas  Uobeita 

John  Elison 

Isaac  Depeyster 

Widdovr  Howard 

Nicholas  Tinoven 

Mr  Davenport 

Giles  Gaudenoa 

Widdow  Stokes 

Robert  Elison 

Andreas  Maer 

Benjamin  Winecope 

Widdow  Stukey 

Madm  Weaver 

Thomas  Ives 

Derick  Ten  Eyck 

John  Pe'.  oe 

Thos  Gleaves 

Pasco 

Mr  Oosens 

Andrew  Law 

Widdow  Bassett 

William  Lloyd 

Adrian  Man 

W  id  low  Lysenner 

Mr  Van  Dam.... 

Widdow  CInper 

John  Pitt 

Robert  Delntant 

Widdow  Dikey 

Widdow  van  Scarck 

Capt  Corbutt 

Detancena  Jew 

Anthony  Farmer 

Gilbert  Vanimbrough 

Abraham  Vanderell 

Lawrence  Heading 

Widdow  Symonse  Janson. 

Widdow  Hallgrave 

Widdow  Phillips 

Stephen  Richards 

Mr  Rossoll 

Widdaw  Sailer 


a 

Is 


i 


I 


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a 


1 


S 


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3 
2 
2 
1 
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1 
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1 
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2 
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1 
1 
1 
3 
1 
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2 
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3 
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1 
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2 
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1 
1 
2 
1 
1 


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1 
1 

12 


CEMBUS  OF   NEW-YOHK  CITY. 


af09 


MASTERS  OF  FAMILYS 


John  Waniart , 

Herman  Autgeie 

WiaUowNeauot 

AVidUuMT  Deforest 

Juitui  Jay , 

Widilow  Brown 

Peter  Myir 

WidUow  Doweher 

John  Kingstone 

NiehoUi  Lorteen 

Capt  Matthews 

Johannes  Johnson 

John  Petraaslot 

James  Many 

Samll  Burges 

Mr  Cooper 

Johannes  Vanrost 

Mr  Vangoaon 

Mr  Vangoson 

Capt  Tinoven 

Christophr  Hoglanil .... 

Wkldowvan  plank 

Johannes  Vandorhield.. 

Widdow  Keisted 

Andreas  Breestad 

Widdow  Deshamp 

Mr  Antill 

Wilellmua  Navensusen 

Francis  Vincent 

Peter  Kip 

Ore  Robertson 

Jacob  Maurice < 

Oarrett  Vesey 

Widdow  Bush 

Johannes  Craft 

Samll  Beekman 

Mr  Honan 

Widdow  Cortland 

Widdow  Keisteed 

Hendrick  Mester 

Abraham  Webrana 

Edward  Blagg 

Capt  flinch 


I 


laaae  Stoutenbrough... 

Lydiah  Rose 

Johannes  Veekden.... 

Oerrard  Grans 

Jeemz  Lie 

Freerick  Bloom 

Wm  Oekton 

Oerret  De  Boogh 

Mangell  Ransen 

Danl  Domskon 

Jacob  Van  Direse 

Eleazer  Bogert 

Joriz  Breger 

Jasbuz  Boz 

Johannes  Bogert 

Wm  Waderson 

Johannes  Proovoos... 
Joseph  Waderson  . . . . 

Henry  Coleman 

Philip  Bellenz 

Joseph  Bresser 

Ratie  Vanderbeeck... 
Johannes  Bant ....... 

Jacob  Balck 

Baml  Marten 

Jo  Dicker 

John  Terree 

Kuljbert  Vandenberg  . 

John  Bentell 

Joseph  Paling 

Mr  Evert 

Jacob  Bwart 


NORTH  WARD. 

1 
U 
1 
1 
1 
1 
1 
1 
1 
1 
1 
1 
1 
1 
1 
1 
1 
1 
1 
1 
1 


'ja 
u 
« 

I 


SB 

■3 

S 


|s  Is 


3 

I 


2 
1 

1 
4 

'"•z" 

U 

] 

2 

1 

I 

1 



1 
2 
1 
1 
4 
2 
2 

2 

1 
3 

2 

1 

'"o" 

» 

...„. 

...„. 

2 
U 

1 
3 
1 
1 
1 



1 

1 

2 
1 
3 



1 
0 
2 

3 
3 
1 

1 

1 

1 

..•#•  1  ••.•■ 

400 


CENSUS   OF   NEW-VOHK   CITY. 


MASTERS  OF  FAMIL.Y8 

lO 

h 

females 

t 
ftlale  Children 

1 

w 

1 

■2 

3 

1 

1 

Male  Negro            1 
Children              | 

female  Negro 
Children              ! 

3 

1 

5 

Bartholemew  Vonol 

1  i  i 

Edwil  I-ock ■■" 

I 

Marre  Quick ',",[ 

**•••• 

Ixaac  Juter  

...!.. 

Mr  Floran ] " 

...... 

u 
1 

Danl  Travore 

•••■■• 

MrBilvire 

Henderick  Drimiez 

1 
1 

2 

'"6" 

3 
...„. 

2 
0 

...„. 

2 

1 

1 
2 

1 
1 
2 

I 

1 

2 

...... 

Oerick  Ritenbogert ".!!!,... 

Abraham  Vanaren !.'.'.'.'  i ... . 

Jan  Karelie ] 

1 

1 

1 

1 

1 

Janetie  defftaut 

Harmendegrau 

1 

***** 

Andrew  Dou we 

AijsVan  Velten 

Yochem  Lotyer "... 

Mr  Hooper | .' \ 

■■ 

Hendrick  Ooatrom '," 

Yan  Heilook 

•••#.. 

Jan  Beadre ....!.".' 



***** 

Christian  Lowrier .....'.".' .'.",*.".".' 

Annette  Lowrier 

.... 

Wm  Viuer ' 

2 
...„. 

2 

••"a" 

...„. 
2 

4 

'"ii" 
2 
2 

1 
5 

1 
...... 

Robt  Milre Willi... ]ll '." 

Stoffel  Pelz 

Aijmo  Vandyck 

...... 

...... 



..L 

Peter  Van  Waggele 

Susanna  Tocter 

1 







Evert  Bfcssen .'.'.'.'.*.*.'.'.' 

Johannes  P  Cavice 



Hanz  Kierstede .... 

Direck  Slick 

Enoch  Kill 

1      j         1 

Danl   Barteloo...* 

1 

i 



2 

1 
2 

2 
2 
4 
3 

'"2" 
1 

2 
3 

"*6 " 
""2  " 

2 

■■'2'" 

1 







Danl  Waldernn 



Morott 

...... 

Tam  Pell 

Wm  Attell             

Mrs  Ameker 

Peter  Burner .... 





1 

Wm  Manitriese ••• • » 

Onerre  Ohi>A. 

Catherine  Kip 

4 
3 
5 
1 
4 
1 
...... 

3 
2 

4 

1 
1 

2 

2 

1 

Wm  Vaneelct 

laaack  KiD     

2 

2 

1 
2 

l 

0 

1 

2 



1 

RntrlpfPA  Mnl              .... 



' 

2 

i 

..:::: 

Johannei  Kennc 

Nicholas  Delaplync 

I'.'.'.'.'.  .        . 

1 

1 

1 
2 
5 

3 
2 

...... 

3 

! 

1 
1 
6 

I 

1 
1 
1 

Garret  Lansen 

Abraham  Kip 

ffrans  Vandvck  

1 

1 

1 

1 

Rohert  Pod  vpnton 



""4" 

...... 

....... 





Hathman  VVeitseli 

Peter  Yaaokse 

Matty z  Boeckout 

Peter  Saryo 

...„. 

1 
1 

1 

1 

1 

1 



CKNiva  or  mw-YORK  city. 


401 


I 


MASTERS  OF  FAMILYB. 

C 
1 

1 

1 

1 

t 

i 

1 

K 

1 

-^1 

s 
1 

1 

1 
1 

1       1 

Yan  HlUe 

a 

it 

3 

1 

Yan  Yoni 

BtUntle  Yorli    

I 
1 
I 
1 
1 
1 
1 
1 
1 
1 

'"i" 

1 

2 
1 
1 

1 
1 

AnanazTlebout •• 

1 
1 

1 

» 

a 

2 
7 

2 
2 
2 
1 

Wm  Yoritai- 

Wm  Proovooat 

Mr  KInnlnar 

(•  t . . . 

,,,..,1 

Fillet  Swear 

Wm  Pell 

1 

1 
1 
1 
1 
1 
1 

...... 

"■3" 



Cornelia  Vandervoera 

1        

Yan  Meet 

4 

I 

u 
..... 

...y. 

2 
1 
2 
2 
...... 

3 

.  * .. 

i*       

Barent  Vantllburgh 

Wm  Stenton 

Loo  Wltten 

Nieste  Viene 

'"i" 
...... 

t* • ( •  1 

...... 

I 

' 

a  *  ■     •  » 

DOrAIUftn    StOr •>.... a...> •■aaaei****«aai**a 

1 

•  ■  *  (  a  a 

...... 

1 
3 
2 

2 

1 

Dftviil  Hneiaert •>.......>... ■■■•>■•■•■■•• 

1 
1 
1 
3 
2 
2 
1 
...... 

1 

1 
1 
1 
1 
4 
2 
2 
2 
1 
1 
1 
1 
1 
1 
1 
1 
1 
1 
1 
1 

2 

3 

"'\" 

2 

1 



'"3" 
3 
2 

? 

5 

1 

Ante  Burgeri 

Yiack  Brat 

' 

1 

2 

1 
1 
1 

1 
1 

... 

' 

4 

1 

•  •.. 

1 

Oarret  Hallaer t • • 

1 

Ilardmen  Holduz 

Solomon  Vanderboogh 

Allebertuz  Ringo 

2 
3 

1 
2 
1 
1 

... 

Hfilter    MontlLinA  .■■■■... .........■■■■....  ....aaaaa 

David  Chri8tea.enie    ...                .>■■>....■•■>•>. .aaae.eeaiaCBoaaaeeaeea 

2 
1 

1 

Yan  Keoeck 

1 

1 

4 

1 

2 

AnderieZ     MaraPhalnClr  .....■••.......■....■■■aaaaaaaaaaaaaaaaaaaae 

1 
1 
1 
1 
1 
1 

S 
3 
1 

'     } 

I 

..... 

Ya.COb    Bennett  .  ..a ....•••. ■■•■•aaaaaaaaaaaaaaaaaa • 

* 

W  m  Bogaert • .  • 

' 

a* • •  •  • 

2 

1 
2 
J 
2 

"i" 

J 

4 

1 
2 

i 

...y. 

1 

Oarret  Wouterse 

Martie  Vandeheyden 

0 

1 
1 
1 
1 

1 



Yannez  Laegerau 

1 

Ya.n  Vantilburffh ...• r-   

Saml     Lockeripjlt. a.......aa*a«aaaaaaaa«aaeaea       •«...... 

3 
U 

...... 

1 

1 

1 

1 

BarnardUZ     8mit      .aaaa.aa •■■■ • ^••••a** 

Yan  Pieter se  Boz 

2 
I 

BarnardUS    HardebrOer.  .....■•«•« a«*ae«««aaa*««aa«aaaa«aaaa*a 

1 
1 
1 

...... 

1 
1 

1 
1 
1 
1 
1 
1 
1 
1 
1 
1 

'"i" 

1 

2 

1 
4 
1 

2 

U 

2 

4 

...y. 

1 

Cornel  iz    Loria.  .■aaaa**a....eaaaaa*ea*i«a**aaa**ata **• 

Peter  Boz. *.*** • ••• aaaa- 

Mrs    MonVel a a eaa** a*a.> 

2 

1 

1 
1 

...... 

J 

'"i" 
3 



Sijmon  Breette 

Yannetre  Wande  Watte 

1 

1 

AmReijt 

1 
1 
1 
1 
1 

1 
2 
1 

2 

...!., 

'.".'.'.'. 

Yohannez  Vantiburgh 

YanKonce 

M  ri  Bnaei t *. 

.... 





XVeiSell   GverSee  a •• ..•aaaaa aa 

1 

2 
1 

2 

' 

Bettie  Rammeien 



J 


•'n 

m 


[Vol.  I.] 


51 


m\ 


403 


CKNSITH  OF  MXW-TORK  CITY. 
WEST  WARD. 


I 


MABTERS  OF  FAMILYS 

1 

S    :  6 

II 

U 
ti 

I 

K 
73 

I 

1 
1 

l| 

i 

> 

1" 

V 

1 

Palar  Bayard , , 

,  1  1 

2 

1 
1 

1       .... 

Uarret  Vantrirht 

Corneliut  LoiigA  ..••••••• , 

0 

1 
1 

4 
2 
1 

2 

1      1 

2 
1 
1 

1 

Wm  Hmlth    Aldcrmn 

2 
1 

1 
1 

•1 

3 

...... 

2 
1 

Hall:  Bayard 

MattiD*  Mart 

1 

1 

2 

Catherine  Rolegoms 

1 



i 

1 
2 
I 
it 
2 
1 

1 
2 

1 
1 
3 

Robt  Darlcini 

Dcrut  Vandinbroufh 

1 

1 
•i 
3 

1 
2 
u 
u 

Bar  t  Laroox 

John  Barbarie 

Jamef  Colett 

John  Dublatt 



... 

...... 

1 

Ptier  Munvil 

1 
1 
2 

Isaac  Da  Boor h  

Peter  Pleret 

Mri  Rumbiill , 

2 

u 

1 
1 

1 
0 

1 

2 

■"o"' 

Evert  Van  Howie 

1 
1 

2 
2 

1 
2 

Robt  White 

Margrett  HuUion • 

Catherine  White 

Wm  Waleh 

1 
1 
1 

1 

Johans  Van  Oelder 

laaao  Anderson 

2 

1 

...... 

2 

1 



Suiannah  Wellt 

1 
I 
2 

1 

Corneliui  Clopper 

i    1  1 

And :  Faucout 

1 

1 
1 
1 
1 



...... 

"2"' 

Jaeobui  Berry 

Colli  Peartiee  ....i 

Urian  Blank 

2 
...... 

2 

1 

"2" 

1 
1 

1 

Marv  Blank 

Robt  Edwards 

I 

•*•'*• 

Rebekah  Adami .••• 

Oeorae  Williams 

1 

1 
1 

2 

Wm  Stoks 

1 
2 

"2" 

Francis  Bocketts • 

***** 

Tobias  Stoutenbrough 

Ames  Davis •■■.•*■« •*•.* ■ 

1 

1 

Daniel  Bbbetts 

2 

Eliz:  Plumlev 

1 

BamD  :  Shiltnn  Rratiirhton ■■ 

2 

1 

Han  :  Ten  ijck 

Robt  Anderion • eaies * 

1 

1 
1 

2 
2 
2 

1 

1 

1 

David  MackdugcU 

Isaac  Garners.  •>••*•*• • 

Will :  Shiillirood 

1 
2 
4 
1 

2 



1 

Archibald  Reed * ••••••■■•t.«B*. ••■...■.... 

Hanna  Tinbrook. • •..*• ••.aaa.a....*... 

1 
1 



Michael  Harring 

Edwd  Hurley 

...  * 

1 
...... 

...... 

1 

4 

1 
1 
1 

1 

Waltffp  n  nniae • 

1 

Alberts  Laynderta 

Piial  Tiilf     ••• • 



1 

1 

Pa^ap  MarVa > 

Armanua  Van  Geldr 

Phtll  •  Tlnlov ....••*••• ^ -    .... 



2 

1 
3 
1 

3 

Jno  D.  Lefibuntaine 

Jacob  KnwDinc 

2 
2 

1       i 

...... 

CENSUS   or   MEW-YOMC   CITY. 


4V3 


MASTERS  OF  rAMILYB 


Joieph  Wright 

Pater  Willir»i»  Hoomo..., 

W  ID  Mom 

NIchulaa  BUchroril 

WillsKoblnson 

Mary  Culluni 

Garret  Blank 

Marguret  Van  Oi  tjchuyer  . 

Pater  Da , 

John  Kreneh 

Mary  Hark* 

UilmunU  Thomai 

FranoU  Cowenhoaf ....,,., 

Margratt  Markner 

John  ttwore 

Elizi  Collier 

Cor :  Oarretta  . , , . , 

John  Harrii 

Alford  Huerti 

Will!  HaKeis 

Walter  Hagers 

Johannes  £bon  

Oarret  Ketteltaii 

Jamea  Beard t 

Cornellui  (juicic 

Jacob  Naomi 

John  Winilefort 

Bernard  Bush 

Jooiim  Kobeson 

John  Vantlerbeclc 

Conrailua    Do: 

William  Pearce 

Robt  Crannell 

Anne  Marie 

John  Thorn i  .. 

Richard  Fleming 

Margt :  ffordiz 

John  Williami  Romiere  ..■ 

ies  I>olie  

Jacob  liases 

John  Peake 

John  Leathing 

Edwd  Anderson 

Petar  Low 

Alida  Wright 

Oriffln  Jones 

Powels  Turke  Junr 

Hendrick  Johnson 

Eliz:  Wackham 

Thomas  Coburn 

Richard  Oreen 

John  Lucas 

Sergeant  Smith 

John  Bowring 

Peter  Fauconnier 


I 


8l 


DOCK  WARD. 


Phillip  ffrench 

Mrs  Mogon.... 

Zacharie  Angeura . . 

Anthony  Davis 

Elias  Budinot 

Johan  Hardenbrok  . 

John  Parmiter 

Samuel  Bayard 

Nicholas  Jamin  .... 

Jno  Casall 

Johannes  Hoglandt . 
Widow  Alkfleld  .... 

Oarret  Dykinc  

Catharin  Potter.... 
David  Jameson  ..... 

Moses  Levey 

Robert  Lurting 

8  amuel  Veach 

Widdow  Taylor. . . . 
David  Villat 


I 


I 

M 

u 

« 


V 

•3 


1  ^ 

£     a 


0 

ll 

ll 

♦l-a 

MO 

S2 

a 

A 

'f^l 


1 

2 
...J.. 

...... 

I 
1 

2 
2 
3 

1 
1 
2 
1 
2 

3 

2 

1 

1  { 

1 

.!!... 

1 
1 

1 
1 

1 

1 

1 
5 
2 
1 

1 

1 

1 

1 

2 

...... 

1 
3 

'"2" 
1 

...... 

2 
2 

2 
1 
3 

1 
1 

1 

1 

1 
...... 

1 
1 
2 

T 

1 

1 

1 

1 
1 

2 
2 

1 

1 

m 


404 


CtMUl  or  NBW-YOMC  CITY. 


ii 


MASTERS  OF  rAMILYS 

a 

1^ 

i 

1 

T 
i 

i 

1 

a 

1 

• 

1 

11 

i 

8 

« 

1 
i 

MraAIII* 

1 
1 
1 
2 
2 

2 
1 

I 
3 

1 

1 
1 

1 

1 

David  Lofall ',.'. 

1 
1 

3 
1 

1 
1 
I 
1 

3 
2 
1 
1 

...... 

1 
1 

2 
"3  "■ 

Thoi  Burroufh 

Capieimai 

RobtHkalton 

1 

Charlei  WooUy 

(iarri>t  Vanhorna 

...... 

1 
3 

1 
1 
3 
1 
3 
1 
1 
1 
1 
2 
3 
1 
3 
2 

"s" 

I 
4 
4 

3 

1 
2 
1 
3 
2 
2 
1 
1 
1 
2 

2 
3 

1 
1 

...... 

2 
3 
•i 

•'a'"* 

4 
2  ■ 

...... 

2 

1 
2 

1 



Paul  DruldU , 

he tv  li  Ukrrca 

1 
1 

Stephen  U'lancey 

Jno  Jamei  Vanveala 

1 
1 

WIUUow  Okget 

...... 

"2" 

I 

2 

1 

...... 

1 
1 
2 

...... 

...... 

Ul 

3 

1 

...... 

1 

HanUriek  Vandi  Hull ." 

John  Shaokmapla 

Peter  Ilemolmt 

1 

I 
2 
1 
1 
1 
1 
3 
1 



John  Van  borne ', 

Jaoobui  vanoourilandt •  > > 

3 
2 

4 
1 

Ul 

2 
3 

1 

1 
1 

Jaeobua  Decay 

MraCuylar 

Jacob  Ten  Eyck 

1 



1 

" 

1 

Knitliih  Smith ,','.' .'•  i.'.'.' 

1 

Corneliu*  Jaeobi ..', 

3 

..^... 

I 
1 
1 
1 

1 
1 
1 

1 

David  Provoit  Junr  .■•• ,,..>,      , 

1 

WIddow  Bandera '. , 

3 

AflVy  Tuder 

1 
3 
1 

WiddoNT  D  Roblui,            

1 
6 



Wiiidow  Dilliei  It  Nathaniel  Uauton'ln  Ditto 

3 

1 
1 
1 
1 
I 
1 
1 

1 

WitltloMr  VanhornA 

* ' 

Abraham  Hanford 

William  Walton 

Chriilopher  Oillin 

WilliLm  Chambera 

3 
1 

1 
3 

1 
1 
3 

..!... 
...... 

1" 
2 

2 
"2" 

...... 

...... 

1 
1 

...... 

Johannei  outman 

Itaan  D  Markryi 

Wlddow  Lawrenm 

2 

1 

P^ter  Lakcrman**.* • • ••  • 

1 
1 

1 

1 
1 

■'2"' 
2 

■"2'  ■ 

1 
1 

•••••• 

J 

1 

John  Ourney , , • 

Widiiow  Sowalls  



"i'i' 

Coll.  Nlrh:  Bayard    

ITranris  Oarrabrant        .  aaeei. 

1 
1 
1 
1 
1 
1 
2 
1 

William  nark^ly    

1 
...... 

Nicholas   fflelllOn •i«*«e«ee*«*.ii*. •eea« 

Bartholomew  Hart 

Overln....                   

Thomas  Wenham 

1 
1 
2 
2 

2 
1 

1 
3 
1 
1 

1 
1 

1 
1 
4 
1 
2 
1 
3 

1 


1 
...... 

...... 

2 

2 

1 

3 

Hibon 

...... 

John  Scott  

1 

Widdow  D.  Pyster     

1 
...... 

1 
2 
0 

1 



Nicholas Uarrettv....   ••• 



i 

Abraham  V  :  D :  waters 

1 

1 
1 
1 
3 
1 
1 
2 
2 

Ifarmanes  llurgcr • *•,•,*,, 

1 
1 
1 
1 
1 
2 



Andrts  Tcnbrook • 

Riif^ert  Waldron 

2 

1 

I 
2 

1 
1 

1 

2 

Widdow  Buddinot -» 

Richard  Will  it 

1 

...... 

•              vis  Gnmas ....•>•■• * • 

3 

1 

1 

1 

Avert  Elberseve..* • ....■• •• >■> 

1 
2 
1 
I 
2 
2 
2 
2 
...... 

1 

1 
1 
2 
2 

4 

1 

1 
1 
1 
2 
I 
1 
...... 

1 
1 

1 
1 
1 
3 

1 

■■3"" 
2 
1 
S 

...... 

...... 

1 

2 

1 

1 

1  . 

1 

John  Lansing 

■PvPrt    Van     D.      iratr..  .eaaaaaa ...•■•aaaaaa. 

...... 

William  KchplAii      • 

2 

1 

1 

2 

1 
2 

William   Rraiirnrd     

3 

1 

2 

Conrad  TenEyke 

cBMtut  OP  mw-TomK  axY. 


405 


MAtTEM  or  VAMILYI. 

* 

1 

1 

s 

1 

T 

1 

J! 

I 

H 

F 

• 

1 

1 

•         rd  ProTott  HMr 

1 
1 

2 
1 
1 

1 
1 
U 

2 

1 

...... 

I 

John  Bvarli 

'.'.'.','.' \"  "-'.'. 

0««i)«  tan  E|«i •  •  •  ■ , < 

1 

...... 

HufhCrow  

Anthony  Rutffra 

JohnWliUt 

Mr  L^ffruid 

1 
1 

1 
1 
1 
1 
il 

1 

2 
1 

» 

3 





NlehoUi  MtUrb 

temll  Ii«v«rl(lr 

1 
3 
1 

4 
1 

""*" 

••'a ' 

...... 

.... 

Wlllltm  Whiu  Junr 

M»ry  Wakham 

...... 

Hanry  Monty 

John  BtaDhsnf 

2 
9 

1 
9 
1 
I 

I 
2 

Richd  Orcan ••••.. « *  •  • 

1 

8 
1 

1 
2 

•••••* 

•          n  VariekbookhouM  • 

1 
2 
1 

3 
2 

*       r«no«  VmuIIi 

3 
3 

1 
2 

•       aham  Lawkarman 

Evardai  Bonarilui 

William  Bloklay 

Jannsllfl  Vaii  brialcAlAii aii*.. aa** 

1 

1 

1 

1 

,..,,, 

a 

1 
1 

'"2" 

...„. 



Abraham  Splinter 

Oabrll  Thlabod 

W  lildo w  Colle 

2 
1 
3 

,..,,, 

Mrs  Maahfltt a 

1 

2 

1 
4 

Johannea  Burger 

i 

•**§•• 

OUT  WARD 


•  Rltman 

•  Kip 

•  alui  Bak 

•  Ida  Wlild 

Peter  Bokho 

John  Barr 

— ^—  Solomon 

•  hn  Peter 

•  nl  Carpenter  . . . . 

Abraham  Brimer 

— —  Ounoaon 

John  Dikman 

Tunaedei 

John  Devor 

Cornellui  Drk 

Oorneliua  Aker 

Tuna  Cornellua 

Oranout  Waber 

WoIfordWaber 

■  Solomon 

Will  Da 

Hendriok  Bordia 

•  Moor 

•  Or\gg* 

•  Thomaa 

•  Oraeklin 

Sam'l  Mountalne 

Capt  SIdmen 

John  Bronod 

Rebeeeah  VanScyock.. 

Waaea  Peterson 

Thoma  Akerion 

Solomon  W  Iildo w 

Amanuel  Franaon 

Jacob  Cornellua < 

Thomaa  Sekia 

John  Clapp • 

Abraham  Bolt ' 

Capt  Loek 

Hendnck  Van  Seoyock. 
Philip  Minthorne 

•  ou 

•  eabor 

•  way 

•  noute 

•  Thomas 

Walter  Lamas 

David  Minvel 

•  tin  Pierson < 

Agar  Harman 

Jacob  Conant 


•••••• 


•  These  names  cannot  be  made  ont  on  account  of  the  MS.  being  torn. 


'•  i  J 


406 


MINISTBHI  OF  THE  DUTCH  KEFOBMXD  CHURCHES. 


til 


IMI 


:# 


NAMES  OF  THE  BANISTERS  OF  THE  DUTCH  REFORMED  CHURCHES  IN  NEW-YORK 

AND  NEW  JERSEY. 

[  NaunrcKiitcr  der  PrMHkantan;  Te  Leiden  lio.  ] 


JVeio  York 


1758. 
Johannes  Ritzema 
Lambertus  de  Ronde 
Reinhard  Eriohson    Freehold      ....... 

Fridericus  Muzelius    Tappan    Emeritus  -  -  -  -  '         - 

Creratd  Haaghoort    Second  River  ...... 

Georgius  Wilhelmus  Mancius,    Kings  Toume      .        •  - 

Johannes  Schuiler    Hakkingsack,  8fc       -----  . 

Johannes  Casparus  Fryenmoet,    Menissink,  Machakomich,  Walpek  and  Smitsfield 
Benjamin  Meinema,  Pakeepsie  &  Fishkil  ..... 

Theodoras  Frielinghausen,  Theod.  Jac.  fll.,  JVew  Albany 

Ulpianus  Van  Sinderin,  Ulp.  fil.     Long  Island    .  .  .  .  . 

Johannes  Henricus  (roetschlus,  Hakkingsak  and  Schralenburg 

Johannes  Lyecht,    Brunswick     ....... 

Benjamin  Van  der  Linden,    Paremes      ...... 

Samuel  Verbryk,    Tappan  ....... 

David  Marinus,    Achquechnouck  ...... 

Barent  Vromans,    Schmegtade   ....... 

Thomas  Romein,    (Queens  County,  Oyster  bay      ..... 

Johan.  Caspar  Rubel,  Joh.  Gasp,  fll.,    Rhynbeck  .... 

Johannes  Schenema,  Kats-KU  fy  Cogsackie  ..... 

William  Jackson,  Bergen  4*  Staten  Island  ..... 

New  Paltz  1|  t  Kinderhook 

Schoggarie  >  Vacant  }  Klaverack 
Manor  of  Livingston  )  ^  Kings  County 

1796. 
Johannes  Ritzema    J^ew  York    Emeritus,  1784  .... 

Ulpianus  Van  Sinderen,  Ulp.  fil.  Kings  Co.  Long  Island,  Emer.  1784 

Johannes  Lyecht,    Brunswick     -  - 

Benjamin  Van  der  Linden,    Paremes      ...... 

Samuel  Verbryck,     Tappan         ....... 

Lambertus  de  Ronde,    JVew  York    Emeritus  1784         .... 

Barent  Vrooman,  1752    Schonectade       ...... 

Thomas  Romein,  1753    Menissinck         ...... 

Joh.  Schenema,    Kats-KU  tf  Cogsackie    ...... 

William  Jackson,  A.  L.  M.  Bergen  Sf  Staten  Island  ..... 

Jacob  Rutsen  Hardenberg    Old  Raritans  -  -  -  -       '     - 

Eilardus  Westerloo,  Is.  fll.    JVew  Albany  ..... 

Johannes  Martinus  Van  Harlingen,  Millston  ^  JVeto  Schonnick    -  -  - 

Gerardus  Daniel  Cock,    Camp  Sr  Rhinebeck         ..... 


1744 
1751 
1736 
1726 
1736 
1732 
1756 
1744 
1745 
1746 
1746 
1748 
1748 
1748 
1748 
1752 
1756 
1753 
1755 
1753 
1757 


1744 
1746 
1748 
1748 
1750 
1750 
1756 
1761 
1753 
1757 
1758 
1760 
1761 
1762 


MINISTERS  OF  THE  DUTCH  REFORMED  CHURCHES. 

Hermanus  Meyer,  1763    P<nntan  fy  Totoa  .... 

Isaacus  Rysdyk,    JVew  Hakkingsack  tf  Hojnoel    -  .  .  . 

Warmoldus  Kuypere,  1769    Hakkingsack  Ir  Schralenburg 

Johannes  Levingston,  Th.  Doct.    Xfew  York,  Eng  Lang. 

Johan  Daniel  Gross,    Kings-Toum  .  .  .  .  . 

Christianas  Fredericus  Fuhring,  1770  J^ew-York,  German  Lang. 

Joh.  Gabriel  Gebhard,  1772  JSTew-York,  German  Lang. 

Martinus  Sohoemaker,    JWm)  Haarlem  tr  Gravesend 

[Dirck]  Romein,  Thom.  fr.    Marhletmtm  ^  Mmnbach. 

[Willn'.]  Linn,    JVew  York,  Eng.  Lang. 

.    .     .    Kuypers,  Warm.  111.    JVew  York       .  .  .  . 

Some  Places,  Vacant. 


407 

1775 
1766 
1771 
1770 
1773 
1778 


1784 
1784 


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PAPERS 


BELATINS  TO 


£0n0    3  s I  a  n  i . 


tVOL.  I.l 


52 


DIRECTOR  KIEFTS  PATENT  TO  THE  TOWN  OF  GRAVESEND.    ANNO  1645. 

[  OniTeiend  Reeordi.  ] 

Whereas  it  hath  pleased  the  High  &  M  ighty  Lords  the  Estates  Genl  of  the  United  Belglck  Prov<='« — 
His  Highness  Fredrick  Hendrick  by  y*  grace  of  God  Prince  of  Orange,  &c.  and  the  Rt  Honourable 
y«  Lords  Bewint  Hebbers  of  the  W.  L  Company  by  theyr  several  Commissions  under  theyr  hands 
and  scales  to  give  and  grant  unto  me  W">  Kieft  sufficient  power  and  authorities  for  the  general  rule 
&  gouvernment  of  this  Prouince  <!&\led  the  New  Netherlands,  &  likewise  for  y«  settling  of  townes, 
coUonies,  plantations,  disposing  of  y  land  within  this  prouince,  as  by  y"  said  Commissions  more  att 
large  doth  and  maye  appeare.  Now  Know  yee  wljomsoever  these  Presents  may  any  ways  concerne 
that  I,  William  Kieft,  Gouvernor  Generall  of  this  Prouince  by  vertue  of  y*  authoritie  abovesaid  & 
with  y*  aduice  &  consent  of  y«  Councell  of  State  heere  established  have  given  and  graunted  &  by 
virtue  of  these  presents  doe  give  grant  &  conflrme  unto  y"  Honoured  Lady  Deborah  Moody,  S' 
Hennry  Moody  Barronett,  Ensign  George  Baxter  &  Sergeant  James  Hubbard  theyr  associates,  heyres, 
executors,  administrators,  successours,  assignes,  or  any  they  shall  join  in  association  with  them,  a 
certaine,  quantitie  or  p'cel  of  Land,  together  with  all  y«  hauens,  harbours,  rivers,  creeks,  woodland, 
marshes,  and  all  other  uppurtenances  thereunto  belonging,  lyeing  &  being  uppon  &  about  y«  Western- 
most parte  of  Longe  Island  &  beginning  at  the  mouth  of  a  Creeke  adjacent  to  Coneyne  Island  &  being 
bounded  one  y"  westwards  parte  thereof  with  y^  land  appertaining  to  Anthony  Johnson  &  Rob*  Pe- 
noyer  &  soe  to  run  as  farre  as  the  westernmost  part  of  a  certain  pond  in  an  ould  Indian  field  on  the 
North  side  of  y*  plantation  of  y"  said  Robbert  Pennoyer  &  from  thence  to  runne  direct  East  as  farre 
as  a  valley  begginning  att  y^  head  of  a  ilye  or  Marshe  sometimes  belonging  to  y«  land  of  Hughe  Gar- 
rettson  &  being  bounded  one  the  said  side  with  the  Maine  Ocean,  for  them  the  s^  pattentees,  theyr 
associates  heyres,  executors,  adminis",  successours,  assigns,  actuallie  reallie  &  perpetuallie  to  injoye 
&  pocesse  as  theyr  owne  free  land  of  inheritance  and  it  to  improve  &  manure  according  to  their  owne 
discretions,  with  libertie  likewise  for  them  the  s"*  pattentees,  theyr  associates,  heyres,  and  successours 
and  assignes  to  put  what  cattle  they  shall  think  fitting  to  feed  or  graze  upon  the  afores^  Conyne 
Island,  forther  giving  granting  &  by  vertue  of  these  presents  Wee  doe  give  &  graunt  unto  the  s<i 
Patentees  theeir  associates  heyrs  &  successours  full  power  &  authoritie  uppon  the  said  land  to  build 
a  towne  or  townes  with  such  necessarie  fortifications  as  to  them  shall  seem  expedient  &  to  haue  and 
injoye  the  free  libertie  of  conscience  according  to  the  costome  and  manner  of  Holland,  without  mo- 
lestation or  disturbance  from  any  Madgistrate  or  Madgistrates  or  any  other  Ecclesiasticall  Minister 
that  may  p'tend  iurisdiction  over  them,  with  libertie  likewise  for  them,  the  s*  pattentees,  theyr  asso- 
ciates heyres  &c  to  erect  a  bodye  pollitique  and  ciuill  combination  amongst  themselves,  as  free  men 
of  this  Province  &  of  the  Towne  of  Grauesend  &  to  make  such  civill  ordinances  as  the  Maior  part 
of  ye  Inhabitants  ffree  of  the  Towne  shall  thinke  fitting  for  theyr  quiett  and  peaceable  subsisting  & 
to  Nominate  elect  &  choose  three  of  yo  Ablest  approued  honest  men  &  them  to  present  annuallie  to 
y«  Gouernor  Generall  of  this  Prouince  for  the  tyme  being,  for  him  y"  said  Gouern'  to  establish  and 


412 


PAPERS   RELATING  TO   LONG   ISLAND. 


I     .! 


J  I 
I 


iij 


i! 


confirme  to  w''  8«>  three  men  soe  chosen  &  confirmed,  wee  doe  hereby  give  &  graunt  ftill  power  & 
authoritie,  absolutelle  &  definitiuely  to  determine  (w'l'out  appeal  to  any  superior  Court)  for  debt  or 
trespasse  not  exceeding  ffiAie  Holland  Guilders  (Tor  all  such  act"*  as  shall  happen  wt'iJn  ye  iurisdict" 
of  the  above  said  limitt  with  power  likewise  for  any  one  of  the  said  three  to  examine  uppon  oath  all 
witnesses  in  cases  depending  before  them  &  in  case  any  shall  refuse  to  stand  to  the  award  of  what 
tlie  Maior  part  of  the  a*  three  sliall  agree  unto,  in  such  cases  wee  doe  hereby  give  and  graunt  full 
power  and  authoritie  to  any  two  of  y"  s*"  three,  to  attache  &  ceise  uppon  y«  lands  goods,  catties  & 
chatties  of  y"  parties  condemned  by  their  said  sentence  &  fourteen  days  after  the  s^  ceizure  (if  y« 
partie  soe  condemned  agree  not  in  tlie  interim  &  submitte  himself  unto  ye  sentence  of  the  s^  three 
men)  the  said  three  or  three  appointed  men  as  aifors*'  to  take  or  ioyen  to  themselves  two  more  of 
theyre  neighbours  discreete  honest  men,  and  w'h  the  advice  of  them  to  apprise  the  lauds,  goods  cat- 
ties &  chatties  w^iin  the  above  s**  jurisdict"  &  belongs  to  the  partie  condemned  as  afores**  to  y"  full 
v^Ueu  &  then  to  sell  them  to  any  that  will  paye,  that  sattisfaction  &  paiement  may  be  made  according 
to  the  sentence  of  y*  appointed  men ;  Likewise  gluing  &  graunting  &  by  virtue  hereof  wee  doe  give 
&  graunt  unto  y«  said  Pattentees,  theyre  associates  heyres,  successours  &c  full  power  &  authoritie  to 
Elect  &  nominate  a  certaine  officer  amongst  themselves  to  execute  the  place  of  a  Scoute  &  him  like- 
wise to  present  annuallle  to  the  Gouernor  Generall  of  this  Province  to  bee  established  and  confirmed 
to  w<:'»  s*!  oflicer  soe  chosene  confirmed.  Wee  doe  hereby  give  &  graunt  as  large  &  ample  power  as  is 
usuallie  given  to  y*  Scoutes  of  any  ViUage  in  Holland  for  the  suppression  or  prevention  of  any  dis- 
orders that  maye  theyr  arise,  or  to  arrest  and  app'hend  the  body  of  any  Criminall,  Malefactouer  or 
of  anye  that  shall  by  worde  or  act  disturbe  the  publick  tranquilletie  of  this  Province  or  civill  peace 
of  the  inhabitants  w'^^in  the  above  s^  jurisdict"  k  liim,  them  &  her  so  arrested  or  appreliended  to 
bring  or  case  to  be  brought  before  the  Gouernor  Gen"  of  this  Province  &  theyre  by  way  of  Processe 
declare  against  the  P'tie  soe  offending ;  farther  Wee  doe  give  &  graunt  unto  the  P'tentees  tlieyr  asso- 
ciates lieyres  &c  free  libertie  of  hawking,  hunting,  fishing,  fowling  within  the  above  s^  limitts ;  &  to 
use  or  exercise  all  manner  of  trade  &  commerce  according  as  the  Inhabitants  of  this  Province  may 
or  can  by  Virtue  of  any  Priviledge  or  graunt  made  unto  them,  inducing  all  and  singular  ye  s"*  patt«e» 
tlieyr  associates,  heyres  &c  with  all  &  singular  the  immunities  &  priueledges  allready  graunted  to  y« 
Inhabitants  of  this  Prov**  or  hereafter  to  be  graunted,  as  if  they  were  natives  of  the  United  Belgick 
Provinces,  allways  prouided  the  s*"  patten'«»  y'  associates  heyres  &c  shall  faithfully  acknowledge  & 
reverently  respect  the  above  named  High  Mightie  Lords  &c.  for  they'  Superiour  Lords  &  patrons  & 
in  all  loialtie  &  fidellitie  demeane  themselves  towards  tliem  &  theyr  successours  accord'g  as  the  In- 
habitants of  this  prouince  in  dutye  are  bound,  soe  long  as  they  shall  [bej  within  this  iurisdict"  &  att 
tlie  experat"  of  ten  yeares  to  beginne  from  the  daye  of  the  date  hereof  to  paye  or  cause  to  bee  paid 
to  an  officer  thereunto  deputed  by  the  Gouern'^Gen'  of  this  Prov«*  for  the  time  being,  the  tenth  parte 
of  the  reueneew  tliat  shall  arise  by  the  ground  manured  by  the  plough  or  howe,  in  case  it  bee  de- 
manded to  be  paid  to  the  sii  officer  in  the  ffield  before  it  bee  housed,  gardens  or  orchards  not  exceed- 
ing one  Hollands  acre  being  excepted,  and  in  case  anye  of  the  s**  pattentees  theyr  associates  heyres 
&c  shall  only  improue  theyr  stocks  in  grasing  or  breeding  of  cattle,  then  the  partie  soe  doing  shall 
att  the  end  of  tlie  ten  yeares  afibresaid  paye  or  cause  to  be  paid  to  an  officer  deputed  as  afores<*  such 
reasonable  sattisfact"  in  butter  and  clieese  as  other  Inhabbat*  of  other  townes  shall  doe  in  tlie  like 
cases :  Likewise  injoyning  the  said  pattentees  theyre  associates  heyres  &c  in  the  dating  of  all  public 
instruments  to  use  the  New  Style  w""  the  w**  &  measure  of  this  place.  Given  under  my  hand  & 
Scale  of  this  Prouince  tliis  19'«>  of  December  in  the  fort  Amsterdam  in  New  Nctherland.     1645. 

Signed  Wilhem  Kieft. 

Endorsed, — Ter  ordonnantie  van  de  H'  Direct'  Generael  &  Raden  van  Nieuw  Nederlandt. 

CoRNELis  Van  Tienhouen,  Secret/ . 


PAPERS    HELATINO    TO    LONO    ISLAND. 


413 


In  the  name  of  the  LORD — Amen. 
Description  of  the  Founding  or  Beginning  of  New  Utrecht, 
for  the  information  of  us  and  our  successors.    Together  with 
their  Grants  and  Privileges  likewise  the  names  of  their 
officers  and  magistrates  thereunto  added  and  that 
from  the  year  Sixteen  hundred  seven  and  fifty, 
also  the  names  of  the  first  Patentees  and 
farmers,  for  the  encouragement  and 
information  of  their   posterity. 
A.D.  1657 
1658 
1659 
1660 
The  beginning  and  progress  of  JVew  Utrecht. 
This  land  was  originally  granted  to  the  Heer  Cornelis  Van  Werckhoven,  who  was  born  in  Utrecht 
in  the  Netherlands,  and  who  here  personally  undertook  to  plant  a  colonie.     After  some  years  he 
returned  to  his  Fatherland,  where  he  died.    On  his  return  to  the  Netherlands  he  left  in  his  place  as 
his  agent  one  Jacques  Cortelliau.    After  the  death  of  his  late  Lord,  Cortelliau  having  no  means  in 
his  hands  to  prociure  settlers  to  plant  and  found  the  colonie,  was  advised  not  to  allow  the  beautiful 
land  to  lie  unfruitful  and  without  inhabitants,  and  as  he  was  assured  that  such  a  course  was  in  direct 
opposition  to  the  orders  and  placards  of  the  Noble  and  Right  Honorable  Lords  Directors  of  the  West 
India  Company  at  Amsterdam,  our  Patrons,  as  also  of  the  Noble  Lord  Director  General  Petrus 
Stuyvesant  and  the  Counsellors  Nicasius  DeSille,and  Johan  MontagneSenor.,  he  concluded  to  present 
to  the  Director  General  and  Counsellors  the  following  Petition : — 

To  the  Noble  and  Right  Honorable  Lord  Director  General  and  Council  of  New  Netherland : 
Whereas  no  lands  here  can  be  laid  out  and  settled  except  with  your  Honors'  approbation  and  con- 
sent, therefore  the  petitioner  addresses  himself  to  your  Honors  for  consent  to  found  a  Town  on  Long- 
Island  on  the  Bay  of  the  North  River. 

was  signed  Ja.  Coktelliau. 

Agent  for  the  heirs  of  the  deceased  Cornelis  Van  Werckhoven. 

In  the  margin  stood  "  let  the  petition  be  granted,  provided  that  they  deliver  by  the  first  oppor- 
tunity, a  map  thereof,  to  the  Director  General  and  Council.  Dated  forti-ess  Araterdam  in  New 
Netherland,  this  16th  January  A.  D.  1657. 

Underneath  which  was  written.  By  Order  of  the  Bight  Honorable  Director  General  and  Council  of 
New  Netherland.  Subscribed  by  C.  V.  Ruyven,  Secretary. 

Liberty  being  thus  given  to  commence  the  settlement,  Jacques  Cortelliau  laid  out  and  surveyed  the 
place,  and  divided  it  into  20  lots  containing  25  morgen  (50  acres)  each,  which  lots  were  granted  to 
the  following  patentees  who  were  desirous  of  making  a  settlement  ;- 


Jacques  Cortelliau 

The  Lord  Councillor  &  Fiscal  Nicasius  de  Sille 

Pieter  Buys 

Jacob  Hellickers  alias  Swart 

Joncker  Jacobus  Corlaer 

Johan  Tomasse 

Rutgert  Joosten 

Pieter  Roeloffse 

Cornelis  Beeckman 

Johan  Zeelen 


Albert  Albertsen 
WilUam  Willenisen 
Huybert  Hoock 
Pieter  Jansen 
Jan  Jacobson 
Jacobus  Backer 
Jacob  Pietersen, 
Claes  Claesseu, 
Teunis  Joosten. 


Ei.  I 


414 


PAPERS    RELATING    TO   LON*    ISLAND. 


The  above  named  Individuals  liaving  received  their  lota,  came  together  so  as  speedily  to  advance 
the  place  by  sowing,  planting  and  building  on  their  lots.  Whereof  tlie  first  was  Jacob  Hellekeers 
Swart,  he  having  a  small  square  house  made  of  clapboards  standing  in  Gravesend  wliich  he  tore 
down  and  removed  to  the  town.  On  tliis  because  they  could  not  begin  altogether  and  alike  and  for 
the  purpose  of  setting  a  good  example  to  the  common  people  and  for  their  encouragement,  the  Lord 
Councillor  and  Fiscal  (Attorney  General)  Nicasius  De  Sille,  Peter  Buys  and  Rutgert  Joosten  on  the 
a""  of  November  1657  sent  lor  the  above  nametl  Jacob  Swart,  who  was  a  master  builder,  for  the  pur- 
pose of  having  each  a  house  built,  and  warranted  completed  in  May  1658.  Tliis  could  not  be  accom- 
plished, because  the  house  of  the  Heer  de  Sille  was  designed  to  be  36  feet  in  length,  but  afterwards 
on  the  SI*  of  May  1658,  he  directed  6  feet  to  be  added,  making  it  42  feet,  and  this  was  the  first 
house  in  the  town  wliich  was  covered  with  red  tiles.  It  was,  including  the  garden,  enclosed  with 
high  palisades  set  close  together.  After  the  above  3  houses,  Johnckeer  Jacob  Corlaer  also  erected  a 
house,  and  then  Cornells  Beeckman  with  his  companion  Willem  Willemse  erected  one  which  shortly 
after  was  burnt. 

"  Some  of  the  above  named  20  settlers  abandoned  their  lots,  and  others  came  in  their  places  by  whom 
the  cultivating  and  building  were  iindertaken. 

In  1659  it  was  evident  that  the  village  did  not  prosper  iu  its  buildings  and  agriculture;  this 
induced  the  wellwishers  of  the  same  to  employ  Jacques  Cortelliau,  the  surveyor,  to  carry  to  the 
Director  General  and  his  council,  in  the  name  of  all  of  them,  the  following  petition : 

Petition. 

To  the  Noble  and  Right  Honorable  Lord  and  Director  General  and  Council  of  New  Netherland : 

1 .  The  town  of  New  Utrecht,  with  your  consent,  at  the  great  cost  and  expense  of  some,  having  been 
begun  and  founded,  we  therefore  hiunbly  desire  that  those  who  as  yet  have  only  gone  to  the  ex- 
pense of  fencing  their  lots,  may  be  warned  also  to  build  on  the  same,  on  pain  of  forfeiture  of  said 
lots. 

2.  That  those  who  have  sold  their  lots  for  considerable  money,  without  having  been  subject  to  any 
cost  except  the  simple  fencing,  may  be  ordered  to  restore  the  money  received  over  and  above  the 
cost  of  same. 

3.  That  every  lot  should  be  bound  to  have  a  man  who  shall  keep  the  front  of  the  lot  in  repair  and 
remove  whatever  falls,  so  that  men  should  not  be  bound  to  look  after  absentees,  which  cannot  be 
done  without  incurring  expense. 

4.  That  Antony  Jansen  Van  Sale  may  be  warned  to  drive  in  the  woods  his  horses,  hogs,  and  ca  tie, 
the  same  as  is  practised  by  others,  so  as  to  prevent  their  spoiling  and  eating  the  pasture  froi  *  the 
meadows,  by  which  the  whole  Town  is  injured,  and  we  ask  for  jwwer  to  place  them  in  the  poi  nd 
when  found  in  said  meadows. 

5.  That  Antony  Jansen,  maintaining  the  meadows  to  be  his  which  he  had  bought  of  the  Indians 
which  could  not  be  done  without  the  approbation  of  you  noble  and  right  Honorable  Lords,  and  he 

•  not  having  this,  may  be  ordered  to  allow  us  the  peaceable  use  of  said  meadows  commenced  by  us 
with  your  consent,  and  peaceable  possession  of  which  was  promised  to  the  inhabitants  of  the  town : 
tjie  said  Antony  however,  having  dwelt  many  years  in  the  place,  to  enjoy  his  lots  and  portion  as 
well  as  others,  but  at  the  same  time  to  be  liable  to  bear  his  share  of  tlie  costs  and  expenses. 

6.  That  the  meadow  we  have  commenced  using  when  divided  in  23  or  24  lots,  is  not  half  enough  to 
keep  the  cattle ;  we  tlierefore  petition  you,  noble  and  right  Honorable  Lords,  for  another  piece  to 
be  given  us  at  Canarisy  and  immediately  used. 

7.  That  the  inhabitants  of  the  Town  may  have  the  benefit  of  the  same  exeniptions  and  freedom  that 
other  new  towns  have. 

Waiting  hereupon  for  a  favorable  answer  from  you,  noble  and  right  Honorable  Lords,  I  remain 
your  humble  servant  Jacques  Cortelliau ;  and  this  the  community  seek. 


PAPCRB   KELATIMO   TO  LON«    IILAMD. 


415 


■'1 


On  this  petition  to  the  Noble  and  right  Honorable  Lord  Director  General  Petruii  Stuyvesant  and 
Council,  Nicasius  de  Sille  tirst  councillor,  and  Petrus  Tonneuiun  and  Julian  de  Decker  on  the  12th  of 
May  1050  gave  tlie  following  unsy^er : 

On  the  above  request  being  received  and  read,  the  following  annwer  wan  returned : 

The  answer  to  the  1st  point  will  be  found  publislied  in  tlio  order  yf  the  yotli  of  January  last,  by 
whicli  it  is  ordained  that  every  one  of  what  condition  or  (quality  soever  lie  may  be  should  cultivate, 
build,  and  live  o:  *  ^  lot  he  had  obtained,  or  cause  the  suine  to  be  cultivated  and  dwelt  upon,  within 
the  period  of  six  weeks,  on  penalty  of  forfeiture  of  his  lot :  and  tlie  Fiscal  is  authorized  in  the  name 
of  the  Director  General  and  Council,  at  the  expiration  of  six  days  alter  proof  of  the  delinquency  of 
any  person,  to  assign  his  lands  to  sucli  other  individual  us  niuy  be  willing  to  comply  with  these  regula- 
tions and  to  pay  the  first  owner  or  occupant  what  his  fencing  and  other  improvements  may  appear  to 
be  worth. 

The  answer  to  the  second  is  intermixed  in  the  above ;  but  further,  no  man  may  enjoy  more  than 
the  true  value  of  his  fencing,  and  what  he  has  expended  in  his  cultivation  of  Ills  lot  including  the 
value  of  his  own  labour :  All  received  above  the  ascertuihcd  value  shall  be  ])uld  back  to  his  successor. 
The  Director  General  and  Council  are  by  no  means  liowever  to  bo  understootl  us  authorizing  the  first 
occupants,  who  have  neglected  either  personally  or  by  others,  to  build,  cultivate  and  labour  on  their 
lands,  to  seek  for  pay  or  profit  in  such  manner  as  to  returil  cultivation. 

On  the  3d  point ;  It  is  ordered  that  every  man,  as  well  in  the  new  begun  Town  of  Utrecht  as  in 
other  begun  Towns  consisting  of  one  dwelling  or  a  hamlet,  who  obtains  u  lot  or  building  })lot,  also 
that  all  and  every  one  from  now  forth  who  has  souglit  or  obtained  lands,  must  seek  and  obtain  there- 
for proper  patents,  and  there  obtained  lands  they  must  speedily  undertake  to  plant  and  cultivate,  and 
at  the  least  from  the  proceedings  of  the  patent  have  residing  and  kept  tliereon  one  able  bodied  man. 

On  the  4th  and  5th  points  ;  the  Fiscal  was  ordered  to  notify  Antliony  Van  Zalee  to  keep  his  cattle 
and  hogs  out  of  the  common  meadows,  and  that  if  he  cluimcd  any  more  right  to  the  meadows  to 
make  the  same  known  to  the  Director  General  and  Council :  tlie  Fiscal  is  directed  to  impound  all 
cattle  and  hogs  found  on  the  meadows. 

An  answer  to  the  6tli  point  will  be  taken  into  considcrixticji. 

On  what  is  sought  in  the  7th  point,  consent  is  given,  as  in  otiier  towns,  to  nn  exemption  from  the 
payment  of  the  tenth  for  the  space  of  10  years,  with  the  exception  of  the  plantation  of  the  Heer 
Werckhoven. 

Done  in  Fort  Amsterdam  in  New-Netherland  on  the  12th  of  May  1G51),  Against  the  above  stands. 
By  order  of  the  Noble  and  Right  Honorable  Lord  and  Director  General  and  Council  of  the  New- 
Netherland  : 

Witness,  C.  V  Uuyven,  Secretary. 

The  order  of  the  30th  of  January  1659  referred  to  in  the  ausv."^'"  lo  tlie  1st,  is  as  follows  : 

Proclarnation. 

All  persons  are  hereby  notified  and  informed,  that  those  wIuj  have  obtiilned  lots  or  plantations  in 
the  newly  settled  Town  of  Utrecht,  are  hereby  directed  witliin  six  weeks  from  the  date  hereof,  to 
prepaxe  to  plant  and  fence  the  same,  also  to  seek  and  obtain  of  the  Secretary  ol'  tlie  Director  General 
and  Council  proper  Deeds,  on  penalty  of  forfeiture  of  the  lots,  which  will  bo  given  to  others  who 
may  desire  them.    Of  this  all  are  hereby  warned. 

Done  by  order  of  the  Right  Honorable  Director  General  and  Council  of  New-Netherland,  at  Fort 
Amsterdam  in  New-Netherland  this  30th  January  1659. 

Witness 

C.  V  RuYVKN,  Secretary. 


1 1 


41G 


PAPBRI   RCLATINO  TO  U>NO   ISLAND. 


After  the  preceding  there  was  another  Proclamation  applying  to  the  Town  of  Utrecht,  first  pub- 
lished by  the  Director  General  and  Council  on  the  0th  uf  October  1055,  republislied  and  renewed  on 
the  30th  December  1G5U  at  B^ort  Am^^terdam,  and  again  on  the  7th  of  January  1059  pnKslaimed 
from  tlie  Stadt-liouse  at  Fort  Amsterdam  for  the  benefit  of  the  farmers. 

Proclamation. 

The  Director  General  and  Coimcll  of  New  Netlierland  dully  hear  great  complaints  that  the  posts,  rails, 
clapboards,  and  otiier  fencing,  made  with  great  cost  imd  trouble  of  the  inhabitants,  (for  the  preserva- 
tion of  the  crops)  around  their  sowed  lands  and  gardens,  are  stolen  during  both  night  and  day,  the 
eilect  of  which  is  tiiat  the  cattle  come  in  and  destroy  the  crops,  which  discourages  Aiture  planting  and 
sowing,  and  we  also  four  that  it  will  liappen  that  in  consequence  of  all  the  lands  and  gardens  being 
bare  of  fencing  during  the  coming  winter,  tlie  soweil  grain  will  not  flourish,  and  that  next  season 
tlie  crops  will  not  be  worth  mowing  :  Tlierefore  the  Lord  Director  General  and  Council  notity  tlie 
Burgomasters  and  Schepens  of  tlieir  Towns  not  to  allow  and  expressly  to  forbid  injuries  of  this  kind, 
and  they  also  hereby  notify  all  of  wliat  state  or  condition  they  may  be,  tiiat  they  are  hereby  warned 
and  expressly  forbid  from  this  time  forth,  not  to  make  bare  or  strip  any  gardens,  sowed,  or  planted 
places,  of  posts,  rails,  clapboards,  or  other  fencing,  on  pain  when  found  doing  tiie  some  in  part  or  in 
whole,  for  the  fii-st  ollence  of  being  wliipped  and  branded,  and  for  the  second  offence  of  being  hung 
witli  a  cord  till  deatli  follows,  witiiuut  favour  to  any  person  :  and  whoever  after  the  date  hereof  sliall 
give  information  of  any  person  guilty  of  robbing  the  land  of  posts,  rails,  or  clapboards,  shall  be 
rewarded  tlierelbr  and  his  name  concealed  :  every  one  is  hereby  warned. 

All  done  in  the  Assembly  at  Fort  Amsterdam  in  New  Netlierlands  on  the  9'>>  of  October  1655. 

Tiie  inliubitants  of  tlie  Town  being  diligent  in  the  observance  of  tlie  foregoing  order  or  command, 
tlie  Fiscal  tliereupon  drew  out  ot  the  Company's  book  the  following  copy  concerning  the  meadow 
land,  not  knowing  in  wiiom  it  was  lodged  : 

Petrus  Stuyvesant  Representative  of  the  Noble  High  and  Mighty  the  Lords  States  General  of  the 
United  Netherlands,  and  the  Lord  Administrator  of  the  Priviledged  West  India  Company,  Director 
General  of  New  Netlierland,  Curu9oa,  Bonayre,  Ai'uba,  and  the  appendages  thereunto  belonging, 
hath  with  the  consent  of  tlie  Council,  on  the  petition  and  supplication  made  to  us  on  the  date  luder- 
neath  written,  showing  the  need  of  the  inhabitants  of  the  new  begun  Town  of  Utrecht  and  of  those 
wiio  miglit  herealler  dwell  there,  allowed  unto  them  us  to  others  a  parcel  of  meadow  land  lying  on 
Long  Island  by  tiie  easterly  Hook  of  tlie  Bay  of  tiie  North  River,  over  against  Conyen  Island,  in- 
cluding tiie  kills,  creeks,  ponds,  reeds,  drowned  and  sand  lands  within  its  bounds.  Containing  130 
morgen  (200  acres)  Bounded  on  tlie  westerly  side  by  land  of  Antony  Jansen  Van  Sale,  north-easterly 
by  tlie  kill  on  wliich  Gruveseud  mill  is  situated,  East  soutli-easterly  by  the  same  kill,  and  south- 
westerly by  tlie  Bay  of  the  Nortli  River.  Hereunto  witness  my  hand  and  seal  (in  red  wax)  in  Am- 
sterdam in  New  Netherlaud  this  27  August  1057. 

Tliereupon  having  assembled  tugetlier  in  the  Town  of  Utrecht  in  May  A.  D.  1659,  for  the  purpose 
of  drawing  fur  tiie  meadows,  it  being  understood  tiiat  the  Director  General  and  Council  directed  that 
the  plantation  of  the  Lord  Werckiioven  sliould  draw  two  lots,  and  also  Antony  Jansen  Van  Sale  two, 
and  having  divided  tlie  same  into  24  lots,  they  were  drawn  as  follows  : 

1.  Jonker  Jacob  Curler,  13.  Nicasius  De  Sille,  Fiscal, 

2.  Albert  Albcrtse,  14.  Pieter  Roeloffe, 

3.  Jan  Zelen,  15.  Jaques  Cortilliau, 

4.  Jacob  Backker,  16.  Tennis  Joosten, 

5.  Willem  Willemse,  17.  Ruth  Joosten, 

6.  Huybert  Hook,  18.  Pieter  Buys, 


PAPKM   RCLATINO   TO   LONG   IBLANP. 


417 


7.  Peter  Jansen, 

8.  Jacob  Fieterse, 
0.  Jacob  Swart, 

10.  Jail  Turaasse, 

1 1 .  Klacs  Blassei), 

12.  Jan  Jacobse, 


19.  Wcrckhoven, 

20.  HuthJoosten, 
2).  Wertklioven, 

22.  Cornelius  Beeknian, 

23. 

2  J   Antony  Jansen  Van  Sale. 


In  the  raeantiine  the  inhabitants  ollten  disagreeing  and  disputing  al)out  their  plantations,  hunsfs, 
and  about  the  watcli,  tlie  Director  General,  and  Council  onlained  as  follows  : 

Ti»e  Director  General  and  Council  notify  the  inhabitants  of  tlio  Town  of  New  Utreclit  to  keep 
good  watcli,  and  for  the  purpose  of  keeping  better  order  tiiey  liuvu  ap))ointed  and  set,  as  in  other 
cases,  tlie  person  Jan  Tomassen  to  the  oflice  of  Serjeant :  tiiey  tliereforc  order  tl»e  iniiabltants  of  tlie 
Town  to  oliey  and  acknowledge  as  Serjeant,  the  al)ove  named  Jan  Tomas-sen. 

Done  at  Fort  Amsterdam,  tlie  2''  of  October  AD.  1659. 

Hereupon  did  tiie  Fiscal  N.  DeSilie  send  a  Halberd. 

Shortly  tliereafter  tlie  inhabitants  of  tlie  Town  complained,  that  they  were  badly  provided  with 
powder  and  lead,  and  also  that  some  of  them  iiad  no  guns,  tliey  desired  tliat  tlie  Fiscal  would  pro- 
vide tiiem  at  their  own  cost  with  the  same,  they  having  recourse  lo  liim  inasmucli  as  tliey  had  lieard 
the  Director  General  and  Council  liad  appointed  him  Scout  (SheWif )  over  tlie  Town  of  Utrecht. 

The  Lord  General  on  the  G"'  of  October  1659,  with  many  soldiers  who  were  volunteers,  a  company 
of  Citizens  with  the  Orange  banner,  and  a  company  of  Engiisli  wellwisliers,  went  to  Esopus  to  light 
the  Indians.  Thereupon  liaving  charge  of  the  Town  on  belialf  of  tlie  company,  I  sent  out  of  my 
own  armoury  as  follows  : 

10  light  muskets,  25  lb  balls, 

25  lb  powder,  10  cartridge  boxes, 

2  bunches  gun  matches. 

The  Town  therefore  is  cliarged  at  the  following  rate  : — 1  lb  powder,  one  guilder  in  bevers,  or  30 
stuyvers  in  wampum,  or  25  stuyvers  in  wheat ;  1  lb  lead,  6  stuy vers  ;  1  musket  and  cartridge  box, 
8  guilders  in  wampum  and  a  matcli  in  proportion  ;  also  with  one  iiour  glass  and  a  writing  book. 

Tiiereafter  it  happened  that  the  inhabitants  disputed,  quarreled,  and  disagreed  among  one  and 
another,  in  consequence  of  which  Albert  Albertese,  Harmen  Courten,  JanSely,Jaa  VanCleef,  Tennis 
Ydessen,  Cornells  Beeckman,  Claes  Claessen  Smit,  Jacob  Heilekerse  Swart,  Huibert  Jansen  Hook, 
Willem  Willemse,  Pieter  Hesselse,  and  Jacob  Van  Curlaer,  on  the  ll't"  of  October  1659  united  in  a 
petition  to  the  Director  General  and  Council  for  relief,  wliicii  tiiey  lianded  to  the  Fiscal  for  safe  keep- 
ing, not  being  able  to  send  it  in  consequence  of  the  season  and  tlie  Indians. 

The  Fiskal  then  gave  orders  to  fortify  and  surround  his  house,  whicli  alone  had  a  tile  roof,  with 
palisades  for  the  safety  of  the  iniiabltants  and  as  a  place  of  refuge,  which  immediately  was  done  and 
finislied. 

In  consequence  of  many  persons  neglecting  properly  fencing  their  lots,  keeping  them  in  proper 
order,  or  keeping  watch  either  personally  or  by  deputy,  dissatisfaction  arose,  so  that  Jan  Tomasse, 
Huybert  Janson  Iloock,  Cornells  Beeckman,  Willem  Williamse,  and  J.  Van  Curlaer,  again  on  the 
26'*»  of  January  1660,  wrote  to  the  Fiscal  complaining  of  tlie  damage  daily  done  by  the  hogs,  in  con- 
sequence of  the  insufficiency  of  the  fences,  so  tliat  they  also  liad  a  mind  to  be  neglectful  if  nothing 
was  done  to  abate  tlie  evil. 

The  above  and  similar  difficulties  and  disturbances  caused  the  Fiscal  much  running  about  and 
made  him  weary,  so  that  he  did  not  know  what  immediately  to  do,  and  doubted  whether  or  not  to 
accept  the  office  of  Sheriff  of  the  Town  of  Utrecht ;  he  did  as  much  as  he  could  do  to  make  peace, 


"1*1 


^^1 


fVOL.  1. 


53 


418 


PAPRRS    llKLATINO   TO   LONO    IBLAND. 


no  tliat  the  building  and  ploughing  might  gu  nti,  there  being  at  that  time  but  few  houiei ;  theie  were 
nunilwred  oii  the  6»i>  February  1660,  as  follows : 

NicaslHs  U«  Sille,  Fleter  lUiyeg, 

Kutgcr  Joosten,  Jacques  CortilUuu  a  ham 

Jacob  Swart,  Willoni  Wllleiuse, 

Jacob  Van  Curlaer,  Jan  Sely 

Jacol)  Fieters*',  Aelbert  Albertse, 

Teunis  Yilessc,  Klaes  Sruit, 

(>n  the  21»»of  January  1660  t!ie  Fiscal  demanded  of  the  Surveyor  Jacques  Cor tieyou  h]i  <  1 1:  (Icate 
of  tlic  survey  of  his  liouse  plot  farm  and  meadows,  which  is  as  follows :  A  lot  on  t\w  pluin  lying 
Sf)Uth  East  of  the  shore  or  stiand  way,  and  North-West  of  the  land  of  Kuth  Joosten,  in  widtli  12 
ro<ls,  and  in  length  25  rods :  the  land  known  as  lot  No.  0  being  in  width  26  rods,  and  lying  Northeast 
against  the  land  of  Jacobus  Backer,  Soutli-west  by  the  village  of  New-lJtredit,  stretching  South-cast 
and  containing  35  Morgens  (50  acres) ;  also  a  piece  in  tlie  meadows  numl)ered  l;i,  containing  3 
raorgcns. 

Now  I  shall  insert  in  lull  tlie  Fiscal's  Patent,  so  that  all  persons  may  understand  wiicn  tlioy  become 
lial)le  to  pay  tiie  tenth  of  tlie  protluce  of  their  lands  to  the  government,  to  which  provision  all  are 
liable  from  tlie  date  of  tlie  flret  patent  whether  they  take  them  up  or  not. 

Patent. 
Pktri's  Stuyvesant  on  the  behalf  of  the  Noble  High  and  Miglity  Lords  tlie  States  General  of  the 
I'niti'd  Netherlands,  and  Noble  Lord  and  Director  of  tlie  Privileged  West  India  Comj)any  of  the 
(Jiiaml)er  at  Amsterdam,  Director  General  of  New  Netlierland,  Curacjoa,  Bonayre,  Arnl)a,  with  their 
appendages,  witli  tiie  consent  of  tlie  Noble  Lords  of  the  Council  witness  and  declare,  tliat  We  on  the 
date  hsreUiito  underwritten,  have  given  &  granted  to  Nicasius  de  Siile,  a  parcel  of  land  lying  on  Long 
Island  in  the  Town  of  New  Utreciit,  known  as  number  nine,  in  widtii  26  rods,  bounded  on  tlie  north- 
east by  land  of  Jacob  Backer,  on  tlie  South-west  by  the  village,  and  stretching  Soiitli-east  to  the 
woods,  containing  25  morgens  (50  acres) ;  also  a  piece  of  meadow  land  known  as  number  13  contain- 
ing 3  morgens ;  also  a  building  plot  on  the  plain  South-east  of  the  shore  or  strand  way,  lying  North- 
west of  Kuth  Joosten,  in  breadtli  12  rods,  and  in  length  25  rods ;  on  the  express  condition  and  terms 
that  the  said  Nicasius  de  Sille,  or  tliose  who  hereafter  may  obtain  tlie  same,  acknowledge  lor  his  Lord 
and  Patron,  the  Noble  Lord  Director  above  mentioned  under  the  Sovereignty  of  tlie  Noble,  High  and 
Mighty  Lonls  of  tlie  States  General,  and  in  all  things  as  a  good  inhabitant  obey  the  Director  General 
and  Council,  subject  at  the  expiration  of  ten  yeai-s  after  date,  when  required  by  the  Lord  Patrons,  to 
the  payment  of  the  tenth,  also  to  tlie  other  charges  and  services  to  which  all  the  inhabitants  of  the 
land  are  liable  when  occasions  arise  to  require  tlie  same ;  constituting  over  the  same  the  belbrenamed 
Nicasius  De  Sille  in  our  place  the  actual  possessor  of  the  aforesaid  parcel  of  land,  giving  him  with 
the  same,  complete  right,  autliority,  and  special  charge  of  the  aforesaid  parcel  of  land  for  cultivation, 
dwelling,  and  use,  the  same  as  he  might  have  with  his  other  patrimonial  lands  and  eflects  witiiout 
our  liaving  any  further  claim  thereon :  But  in  behoof  aforesaid  desisting  from  all  such  from  hence- 
forth and  forever,  promising  to  keep  firm,  valid,  and  inviolable  this  conveyance,  and  to  perform  all 
its  engagements  justly,  and  to  stand  to  the  same  without  craft  or  subtlety,  is  this  by  Us  subscribed, 
sealed  in  red  wax,  and  confirmed;  At  Amsterdam  in  New  Netlierland  this  22''  day  of  January  1660. 

Signed  Petrus  Stuyve8a>t. 

(Here  follows  another  Patent  to  De  Sille  for  No.  8.) 

On  tlie  15">  of  February  1660,  Jacob  Van  Curler,  and  Jan  Tomassen  who  had  the  oversight  and 
charge  of  the  Town,  sent  to  the  Fiscal  N.  de  Sille  a  letter  of  complaint  and  also  one  of  enquiry,  in 
the  first  of  which  they  complained  about  the  bad  management  in  the  Town  of  Utrecht  to  the  injury 


PAPKKK    RCLATIMO   TO   LOWn    IILAND. 


tlO 


of  tlic  well  meaning ;  tliey  also  complalnwl  of  ctrtaln  rln«  leadtTs  wlio  tliry  would  not  nanu',  hoping; 
thf-y  WDul.'  repont  and  <lo  better  In  future;  tliey  lo<ikrd  lor  and  expectwl  to  have  lent  to  them  the 
prornlsfil  .V»'tj;ro<'<*  <>f  the  Conjpany  to  set  pall»ade«  around  the  village  as  thouglit  and  upoken  of  by 
tiie  Dirt'ctiir  Geiioi.il  und  Council :  if  they  are  not  sent  they  desired  to  resign  their  situations  and  to 
liave  others  ti|ij")lnfed  in  l!    ir  places, 

Hen'w  itli  tliey  s<ii''  to  tlie  FIschI,  tiraughts  of  rules  whieli  tliey  desire  to  have  put  in  operation  in 
the  Town    lid  wlilcli  in  sliort  are  as  follows  : 

1.  An  order  relating  to  cattle  and  )ings  jumping  over  and  l)reid{lng  the  fcncei. 

2.  An  order  reliUiiii<  to  tlio  saving  of  iK)w(i»'r  anil  leail. 

3.  Au  order  relating  to  tlic  builtling  jtlots  of  the  lnlial>itant8. 

4.  An  order  relating  to  those  who  owu  lands  but  neglect  to  cultivate  and  build  on  tlio  Minie,  and 
wlio  remain  outside  the  place. 

When  tlie  Fiscal  hnd  read  the  above  he  drew  the  lollowing  Petition  and  Joined  to  the  sumo  an 
Ordinance  according  to  his  own  Judgment,  and  on  tiie  "iA  day  uf  February  KiOU  delivered  the  gafue. 

Capy. 

To  tlie  Noble  and  Right  lionorable  I^ord  and  Director  (ieneral  and  Council  of  New  Netherland. 

It  is  represented  to  your  Honor  by  the  orderly  inhal>itant8  of  tlie  Town  of  New  Utrecht,  that  they 
have  among  them  some  absentees  and  evil  doers,  who  refuse  to  listen  to  reason  and  act  in  an  orderly 
manner,  but  always  are  contrary  and  troublesome,  yea,  will  not  obey  the  Serjeant  Jan  Tf)massc,  of 
which  some  time  ago  notice  was  given  to  you  tlie  Noble  and  Riglit  Honorable  Tiord ;  several  times 
the  Fiscal  has  been  written  to  in  relation  to  tlie  great  trouble  and  injury  caused  by  horses,  cattle 
and  hogs  and  consequent  damages,  also  that  they  refuse  to  listen  to  and  obey  the  orders  of  Jacob 
Curlear  and  Jan  Tomasse  in  relation  to  cutting  i)allsade8;  we  tlierelbre  humbly  seek  in  the  first  phu-e 
that  you  Noble  and  Right  Honorable  Lord,  will  be  pleased  to  send  the  promised  Negroes  for  8  days, 
and  also  to  approve  of  tlio  accompanying  ordinances  drawn  for  the  Town,  and  to  favour  us  with  such 
others  as  you  Noble  and  Riglit  Honorable  Lord,  may  think  necessiuy : 

This  do,  &c.  Was  subscrilied. 

To  the  Noble  and  Right  Honorable  Lord  in  the  name  of  the  orderly  inhabitants  of  New  Utrecht 
by  your  humble  servant 

NiCASIUS  l)E  SiMT,. 

Amsterdam  in  N.  Netherland  this  23d  Feb.  IGOO. 

On  the  above  written  date  the  Fiscal  personally  delivered  tlie  lollowing  to  the  Council  which  was 
ordered  to  be  enlbrced. 

1.  Tliose  who  have  obtained  lots  and  plantations  in  the  Town  of  New  Uti-echt  are  notified  properly 
to  fence  tlie  same. 

2.  They  shall  acknowledge  and  obey  as  Serjeant  tlie  person  Jan  Tomasse. 

3.  Also  to  acknowledge  the  same  Jan  Tomasse  and  Jacob  Van  Curlear  as  overseers  over  all,  and  to 
obey  the  orders  they  receive  of  the  Noble  and  Right  Honorable  Lord  Director  General  and  Coun- 
cil, and  to  proceed  in  the  first  place  with  all  hands  with  posts  and  rails  properly  to  fence  in  the 
village,  also  the  plantations. 

4.  Also  that  Village  or  Building  lots  be  properly  fenced,  to  prevent  one  and  another  receiving  damage 
from  horses,  cattle  or  hogs. 

5.  So  tlierefore  to  promote  the  prosperity  of  the  Town  and  for  the  benefit  of  tlie  in-dwcllers  and  of 
those  wlio  may  hereafter  come,  the  Director  General  and  Council  directs,  that  they  from  now  hence- 
forth obey  tlie  person  Nicasius  de  Sille  as  their  officer  and  Jacob  Corlaer  and  Jan  Tomasse  as  his 
assistants  for  the  purpose  of  allaying  all  differences  that  may  happen. 


!    'H 


420 


PAPERS    REIATING   TO  LONG   ISLAND. 


6.  Another,  that  all  the  inhabitants  assist  in  inclosing  the  village  (with  palisades,)  and  that  the  work 
be  divided  among  tliem,  so  that  every  one  may  know  the  portion  he  is  to  keep  in  order. 

7.  And,  that  every  person  who  neglects  to  keep  liis  part  in  order  or  tiglit,  so  that  others  in  conse- 
quence receive  damage,  shall  be  liable  not  only  to  make  good  the  damage,  but  also  be  fined  12 
guilders  for  the  first  neglect  and  double  that  amount  for  the  second. 

8.  Also,  every  person  sliall  properly  inclose  his  village  plot,  to  prevent  the  neighbours  receiving 
damage  from  cows,  horses  or  hogs,  on  pain  of  the  above  mentioned  penalty,  but  if  the  cattle  break 
throug!i,  one  or  two  of  them  may  be  caught  and  shut  up  in  tlie  public  pound  until  the  damage  is 
made  good  and  the  penalty  paid. 

9.  Also,  the  iu'iabitanfs  shall  build  in  the  middle  of  the  Village  a  good  Blockhouse,  in  which  they 
shall  make  provision  I'or  a  grain  mill  for  tlie  convenience  of  tlie  people,  on  the  penalty  of  12guild- 
ers  for  every  one  tliat  neglects  to  assist. 

10.  In  like  manner  they  shall  build  a  public  pound  for  the  cattle  which  commit  damage,  on  the 
penalty  of  2  guilders  for  ( ach  person  who  refuses. 

1 1 .  Also,  they  shall  cut  down  all  tlie  trees  standing  within  gun  shot  of  the  village,  so  that  they  may 
see  afar  otT,  on  penalty  of  C  guilders  a-day. 

12.  Also  those  to  whom  powder  and  lead  are  given  for  the  public  are  forbid  to  use  it  for  sliooting 
venison  or  game,  nor  sliall  they  lavishl\  squander  it,  on  penalty  of  restoring  four  times  as  much  as 
given  to  tliem  by  the  oflScer  or  his  assistants. 

13.  And,  for  the  purpose  of  purcliasing  and  obtaining  good  ammunition,  the  Director  General  and 
Council  order  for  the  Town  of  New- Utrecht,  that  they  who  slaughter  oxen,  cows,  calves,  hogs,  or 
goats,  for  consumption  in  tlie  town,  shall  be  taxed  lor  each  guilder  (40  cents)  of  their  value,  one 
stuyver  (2  cents);  and  those  who  do  not  produce  their  animals  for  valuation  previous  to  slaugh- 
tering shall  forfeit  the  same  lor  tlie  benefit  of  the  officer,  tlie  Town,  and  the  informer. 

14.  And,  those  who  absent  themselves  are  notified  to  perform  the  part  of  the  work  which  is  allotted 
to  them,  for  neglect  of  which  their  lots  will  be  taken  from  them, and  furthermore  those  who  neglect 
to  build  around  their  village  plots,  will  have  the  same  given  or  allowed  for  building  purposes  to 
those  who  live  outside  the  village. 

15.  And,  that  no  man  may  pretend  ignorance  hereof,  we  direct  that  these  our  ordinances  be  imme- 
diately made  public  and  that  the  Scout  Fiscal  and  Assistants  be  notified  to  proceed  to  execute  the 
same.  And  that  without  conniving,  they  proceed  against  those  who  transgress  said  ordinances, 
they  l>eing  promulgated  for  the  benefit  of  the  Town  of  New  Utrecht. 

Thus  done  &c.  23d  Feb.  1660. 
On  the  25"'  of  February  accompanied  by  my  deputy  Kesolveertt  Waldron,  I  came  to  the  village  of 
New  Utrecht  with  the  above  ordinances,  and  made  the  same  public,  and  also  posted  a  copy  of  the 
same,  signed  with  my  hand  and  dated  as  above,  on  my  house. 

NiCASIUS    DE   SiLLE. 


i^ 


The  original  of  the  preceding  is  in  the  hand  writing  of  the  Secretary  Jacob  Curlaer  and  dated  as 
above  written. 

N.B.  Thi.  wa.  forgotten  to  be  j     The  Director  General  and  Council  of  New  Netherlaud,  liereby  authorize  and 
iniered  m  lu  proper  place.    )  qualify  the  Noblc  Lord  Nicasius  de  Sille,  member  of  the  Council  and  Fiscal  to 
appoint  a  substitute  to  perform  his  duties  as  Scout  (slierilT)  in  the  Town  of  New  Utrecht,  until  the 
Director  General  and  Council  see  fit  to  commit  the  same  to  some  other  suitable  person. 
Done  at  Fort  Amsterdam  in  New  Netherlands  this  23 J  February  A"  1660,  subscribed  by  me 

Petrus  Stuvvesant  &c. 


L 


PAPEIIS   RELATING   TO   LONG    ISLAND. 


421 


The  Lord  General  P.  Stuyvesant  is  pleased  to  learn  that  the  new  Village  is  pleasantly  situated  and 
he  hopes  it  will  prosper.  He  also  on  the  6">  of  February  in  the  year  1660,  in  company  with  the 
Fiscal  personally  visited  the  place,  and  by  word  of  mouth  gave  good  directions  and  advice ;  he  also 
called  the  people  together  and  admonished  every  man  in  the  first  place  to  prepare  and  make  his  own 
dwelling,  and  to  keep  a  man  or  servant  able  to  bear  arms ;  also  to  enclose  the  village  with  a  good 
heavy  palisades,  for  which  latter  purpose  the  Director  General  and  Council  had  promised  several 
Negroes  who  should  come  on  the  le'h  inst.  following. 

The  inhabitants  had  the  Prince's  flag  (given  to  the  Town  by  the  Fiscal)  hoisted  on  a  high  pole  in 
the  centre  of  the  village  and  unfurled  to  the  breeze.  Moreover  Ruth  Joosten  prepared  a  dinner  or 
public  entertainment  in  as  good  a  stile  as  the  place  could  afford,  in  which  he  was  assisted  by  the  in- 
habitants. The  Director  General  and  his  attendants  remained  but  a  short  time  at  the  banquet  in 
consequence  of  the  necessity  of  their  departure  to  attend  to  otlier  business. 

On  the  25'h  of  said  month  of  February  I  brought  7  Negroes,  with  Paulus  Heymans  as  their  over- 
seer, who  on  the  26'''  in«t.  began  with  mucli  strength  to  cut  trees  in  the  woods  and  split  them  for 
Palisades.  There  came  however  a  soldier  to  fetch  the  Fiscal,  who  consequently  could  not  remain 
longer.  He  was  commissioned  with  the  Burgomaster,  Paulus  Leendcrse  Van  de  Grist  and  Jacob 
Backer,  Schepen,  to  proceed  in  the  yacht  Sea  Bear  to  tlie  Soutli  River  (Delaware.)  When  he  returned 
he  found  the  Village  inclosed  with  palisades  to  liis  contentment. 

At  this  time  Jacob  Backer  made  known  that  lie  would  not  accept  of  his  improved  lot,  its  situation 
not  pleasing  him ;  the  Scout  and  officer  Nicasius  de  Sille  tlierefore  verbally  warned  him  of  the  con- 
sequences, on  which  he  answered  that  he  would  have  notliing  to  do  with  the  land ;  Will  you  have 
it  1  keep  it.  On  this  the  Lord  General  gave  it  to  the  ofi&cer  de  Sille  and  on  the  27">  of  May  issued 
an  order  to  the  surveyor,  to  survey  the  same  as  follows :  One  lot  known  as  No  8,  in  width  26  rods, 
lying  on  tlie  Southwest  side  of  the  land  of  the  said  Fiscal  and  on  tlie  Northeast  side  of  the  land  of 
Arien  Willerase,  stretching  South  East  towards  the  woods  containing  25  morgens  (50  acres) ;  and 
also  a  lot  in  the  meadows  known  as  No  4,  containing  3  morgens.  Besides  the  above,  the  Village  plot 
attached  to  the  aforesaid  lands  is  also  to  be  included  in  the  patent. 

At  this  time  we  discovered  that  we  had  an  insufficient  quantity  of  meadow  to  supply  the  wants  of 
our  increased  quantity  of  cattle.  We  were  advised  to  apply  to  tlie  Lord  General  and  Council  for 
another  piece  of  meadow  for  the  use  of  the  Town  situated  in  the  Canarse  meadows.  We  therefore 
several  times  spoke  to  the  Lord  General  in  relation  to  said  meadows. 

On  the  12th  of  June  1660,  the  General  with  the  Fiscal  and  Van  Ruyven  came  over  and  taking 
Curlaer  and  Jan  Tomasse,  went  to  the  Canarse,  wliere  tlie  meadows  were  shown  to  the  Lords.  Upon 
this  tlie  Lord  General  and  Council  made  provision  for  the  Town,  and  gave  them  a  piece  of  meadow 
extending  from  Varckens  (Hogs)  hook  to  the  Vischers  (fisher's)  hook,  where  the  fishernian  Hoorn 
had  placed  his  house.  The  Secretary  Cornelis  Van  Ruyven  was  notified  of  this  and  directed  to  de- 
hver  to  the  Town  a  writing  securing  to  them  the  aforesaid  meadows. 

In  February  1660,  as  well  as  previously,  several  proclamations  and  ordinances  had  been  published, 
in  which  those  who  lived  separately  and  outside  the  villages,  were  charged  in  the  name  of  the  Director 
General  and  Council  of  the  New-Netherland,  to  abandon  their  separate  dwellnigs  and  destroy  them, 
or  at  least  to  unroof  them,  and  to  transport  themselves  and  their  goods  into  the  adjoining  villages,  on 
the  penalty,  in  the  first  place  of  the  confiscation  of  all  their  goods  upon  all  who  from  the  aforesaid 
time  are  found  residing  in  separate  dwellings  or  farm  houses.  Those  who  do  not  remove  by  the  18 
of  May  will  also  be  liable  to  a  penalty  of  50  guilders,  to  be  paid  immediately  and  also  to  have  their 
houses  unroofed  at  their  expense. 

After  this  it  happened  that  several  persons  who  resided  outside  the  village  paid  no  attention  to  the 
above  order,  among  whom  was  a  Mr.  Stilwel,  who  had  purchased  the  land  of  Antony  Jansen  Van 


ll 


;■! 


■  i 


ii  i 


m 


422 


PAPERS   RELATINe   TO   LONG    ISLAND. 


Salee,  Turck,  but  he  made  satisfaction  to  the  Director  General  and  Council  for  the  same.  Also 
another  was  Albert  Albertse  who  hired  a  part  of  the  plantation  of  C.  Van  Werckhoven  on  the  Na- 
jack;  he  excused  himself  on  the  ground  of  being  on  hired  land,  and  regarded  not  the  Lords  order,  in 
consequence  of  whicli  tlie  fiscal  ex  officio  brought  him  on  the  19th  of  August  1660,  before  the  high 
Council  in  Fort  Amsterdam,  and  complained  of  liis  refusal  to  obey  the  ordinance.  He  was  condemned 
and  sentenced  as  follows,  after  which  he  came  and  resided  in  tlie  village  of  Utrecht,  which  lay  near 
his  lands : 

By  the  Director  General  and  Council  of  the  New  Netherland  on  a  hearing  of  the  parties  ;  We 
condemn  Albert  Albertse  alias  Lintwever,  to  amends  by  paying  the  penalty  of  50  guilders  as  per 
proclamation,  and  to  stand  imprisonment  until  tlie  fine  be  paid. 

On  this  sentence,  after  being  imprisoned,  he  paid  the  fine  and  then  removed  within  the  village  of 
New  Utrecht. 

In  this  year  it  happened  that  one  Pieter  Roeloffe  sold  his  house  and  building  lot  in  the  village  of 
Uti-echt  to  one  Jan  Zeelen,  and  was  about  selUng  his  farm  and  meadows,  on  which  he  had  performed 
very  little  labour,  to  another  man  ;  on  this  Jan  Zeelen  applied  to  tlie  Director  General  and  council  to 
have  the  said  lands  given  to  him,  knowing  that  under  the  circumstances  such  lands  fell  to  the  Director 
General  and  Council.  They  granted  his  request  and  allowed  and  permitted  to  the  said  Jan  Zeelen 
the  lot  in  question  known  as  No.  18,  no  man  being  allowed  to  sell  lands  for  which  he  had  no  patent, 
without  liberty  first  obtained  from  the  public  authorities,  neither  was  it  lawful  to  ahenate  the  same. 
This  took  place  on  the  Itith  of  Jan.  1660. 

In  the  month  of  October  of  this  year  it  came  to  the  ears  of  the  Fiscal,  that  an  individual  had  done 
amiss  in  the  village,  from  which  evil  consequences  were  likely  to  flow.  To  punish  evil  doers,  frighten 
the  vicious,  and  produce  tranquility  for  the  good,  the  Fiscal  sent  to  the  Village  half  a  dozen  shackels 
with  an  iron  rod  and  a  good  lock 

Oderunt  peccare  Mali  formidine  pcenae. 
Oderunt  peccare  Boni  Virtutis  amore. 

In  this  year  1660,  the  Fiscal,  John  Van  Cleef  and  his  friend,  bought  of  Jacob  Wolfertse  Van  Cou- 
wenhoven,  for  the  use  of  the  inhabitants  of  the  town  of  Utrecht,  a  Horse  Mill  with  the  appurte- 
nances which  had  been  used  for  grinding  in  Amsterdam  on  the  Manhattans.  The  mill  stones  and  the 
mill  work  were  brought  and  set  up  in  the  Village  of  Utrecht.  The  friend  of  Jan  Van  Cleef,  without 
the  knowledge  of  the  Fiscal,  sold  out  his  third  part  to  said  Jan  Van  Cleef,  the  Fiscal  being  security 
for  both  of  them,  and  having  paid  out  already  more  than  400  guilders  ($160)  on  account  of  the  mill. 
The  Fiscal  seeing  that  Jan  Van  Cleef  did  not  prosper,  and  that  the  last  day  of  payment  was  near  at 
hand,  threatened  to  prosecute  and  compel  him  to  act  justly.  On  this  Jan  Van  Cleef  sought  a  buyer 
to  sell  the  mill  to,  at  the  same  time  the  people  desired  the  Fiscal  to  buy  the  mill,  but  he  refused,  nei- 
ther would  he  sell  his  third  part,  having  in  view  the  benefit  of  the  Town  and  tlic  convenience  of  the 
inhabitants.  In  conse(iuence  of  this  Jan  Van  Cleef  was  under  the  necessity  of  selling  his  two  thirds 
to  Albert  Albertse,  and  the  mill  remained  in  the  town  of  Utrecht,  the  Fiscal  remaining  imwilliug  to 
sell  his  third  part. 

Proclamation  on  Slaug/Uering. 

The  Director  General  and  Council  of  New  Netherland  : 
To  all  who  see  this  Edict  or  hear  the  same  read  Health.    Be  it  known  that  daily  complaints  are  made 
to  us,  confirmed  by  proofs,  of  the  taking  from  the  plains,  cows,  hogs,  and  other  cattle,  belonging  to 
the  various  nations  of  Indians,  and  slauglitering  and  selling  of  the  same  by  Christians,  or  by  men  wlio 
go  by  the  name  of  Cliristians ;  to  prevent  such  acts  this  Edict  is  promulgated.     The  Director  General 


TAPEBS  RELATINO  TO  LONG  ISLAND. 


423 


and  Council,  to  prevent  the  above  mentioned  evil  practices,  from  this  time  forth  hereby  expressly 
interdict  and  forbid  the  slaughtering  any  cattle,  calves,  hogs,  sheep,  or  goats,  by  any  person  or  by  the 
owners  of  the  same,  in  the  Towns,  plains,  villages,  and  Hamlets  of  this  Province,  unless  the  owner  of 
such  animals  on  the  same  day  on  which  he  intends  to  slaughter  them  informs  either  the  magistrate  of 
the  town  under  whose  jurisdiction  he  resides,  or  such  person  as  may  be  authorized  by  the  magistrate 
to  act  in  his  place,  of  his  intention  and  obtains  a  permit  for  slaughtering  said  animal,  on  the  penalty 
of  the  confiscation  of  the  slaughtered  animal,  and  also  of  paying  double  its  value.  For  every  permit 
the  owner  shall  pay  to  the  magistrate  or  to  the  receiver  appointed  tor  that  purpose  for  the  benefit  of 
the  community,  one  stuyver  (2  cts.)  on  every  guilder  the  slaughtered  animal  is  justly  valued  at.  In 
aU  places  the  money  obtained  for  such  permits  shall  be  reserved  for  times  of  need  or  difficulty,  and 
then  be  used  to  pay  those  who  may  be  employed  by  the  villages,  to  levy  soldiers,  and  to  purchase 
such  ammunition  as  the  occasion  may  require.  The  penalty  for  killing  animals  without  a  permit  shall 
be  divided  as  follows  :  one  third  to  the  informer,  one  third  to  the  officer,  and  one  third  to  the  Town. 

Done  in  Fort  Amsterdam  in  New  Netherlands,  this  18''»  January  1660. 

The  above  is  the  ordinance  of  the  Noble  Lord  Director  General  of  New  Netherland. 

Witness  Cornelius  Van  Ruyven,  Secretary. 

On  the  e'""  of  Dec.  1660, 1  sent  a  petition  to  the  Director  General  and  Council,  in  wliich  in  conse- 
quence of  my  being  confined  to  my  liouse  with  a  sore  leg,  I  requested  them  to  commit  the  supervision 
of  the  town  of  New  Utrecht  to  the  Heer  Tonneman,  Scout  of  New  Amsterdam,  and  to  authorize  him, 
in  my  stead,  to  settle  all  controversies,  misdeeds,  and  difficulties,  also  to  stimulate  the  people  to  build 
dwelUng  houses,  a  block  house  and  public  pound,  and  to  dig  wells  for  the  benefit  of  the  community. 
My  petition  was  sent  to  the  General  by  my  son  Laurens  de  Sille,  on  which  he  sent  me  word  that  in  4 
or  5  days  he  would  personally  go  to  New  Utrecht  for  the  purpose  in  the  first  place  of  putting  every 
thing  In  good  order.  The  Lord  General  in  the  mean  time  became  sick  and  matters  remained  as  they 
had  been  :  I  waited  for  his  recovery  and  intend  to  wait  and  see  what  will  follow. 

I  now  close  this  Introduction  or  Commencement  of  the  Records  the  Town,  all  the  preceding 
have  been  written  by  myself  and  my  son  Laurens  as  gathered  from  various  sources  and  memory.  I 
now  deliver  this  book  over  to  Jacob  Van  Curlaer,  Secretary  of  the  town  of  Utrecht,  and  to  his  assis- 
tant Jan  Tomasse,  who  I  desire  for  our  benefit  and  that  of  our  successors  to  continue  tlie  same  in  the 
manner  in  which  it  is  begun. 

Closed  this  15">  Dec'  A.  D.  1660  in  Amsterdam  by  me 

NicAsius  DE  Sille. 

(In  the  back  part  of  the  book  from  which  the  above  was  translated  is  the  following  :) 

Short  abstracts  of  proclamations  or  edicts  relating  to  misdemeanors. 

Sabbath  days  ii<<f  to  be  broken. 
1st.  All  persons  are  forbid  selling  Beer,  Wine,  or  strong  drink  durir^  divine  service  on  the  Sabbath, 
neither  shall  they  allow  it  to  be  drank  in  their  liouses,  as  per  ^dict  of  the  last  of  May,  1647,  the 
26'h  Sept.  1656,  and  12th  juiy  i657. 

Serva7its  after  9  o'clock. 
2*>.  All  persons  are  forbid  selling  it  to  servants  after  9  o'clock  Ultimo  May  1647. 

To  the  Indians. 

3J.  All  persons  are  forbid  selling  strong  drink  to  tlie  Indians  according  to  the  edict  of  the  26"'  Sept. 
1656,  and  12th  July  1656. 


\ 


[  %^ 


424 


PAPERS    RiXATIMC  TO  LONG   ISLAND. 


If" 


Fences  not  to  be  injured. 

4*.  All  persons  are  forbid  entering  into  the  gardens,  farms,  or  orchards  of  others ;  they  are  forbid 
injuring  the  fruits  growing  in  the  same,  also  to  break  off  the  clapboards  or  other  fencing  with 
which  the  premises  are  enclosed.  They  are  all  directed  to  keep  their  fences  in  good  order  so  that 
others  receive  no  injury  in  consequence  of  their  neglect,  according  to  the  Edict  of  July  1"  1647. 

Fighting  and  striking. 

5'h.  All  fighting  ia  forbid,  drawing  of  knives,  striking  with  the  fist  and  wounding.  Offenders  to  be 
punished  as  ordained  in  the  edict  of  15th  Dec. 

Inn  keepers. 
All  tavern  keepers  to  be  held  liable  for  willingly  permitting  fighting  or  wounding  in  their  houses, 
and  when  such  breaclies  of  tiie  peace  take  place,  they  shall  inform  the  ofiicer  of  the  same,  on  penalty 
of  having  their  trade  stopped,  and  making  the  amends  customary  in  Amsterdam,  according  to  the 
edict  of  the  15""  Dec^  1657. 

Barbers. 

The  same  law  to  operate  in  case  fighting  &c.  should  happen  in  the  houses  of  Barbers  according  to 
the  order  of  Amsterdam. 

Servants. 

Item.  No  person  to  create  difficulties  between  Masters  and  Servants,  nor  induce  Servants  to  come 
and  live  with  liim,  neither  sliall  he  take  in  his  service  or  harbour  them  in  liis  house  more  than  24 
hours  without  acquainting  tlie  Officer  or  Fiscal  of  the  same,  for  servants  shall  be  obliged  to  fulflj 
their  contracts  and  to  follow  the  order  of  the  eth  of  Oct.  1648,  and  the  custom  of  Holland. 

Highways. 
Item.  No  person  may  encumber  or  obstruct  the  highways  by  falling  trees  in  them,  or  stones,  but 
they  shall  be  kept  passable  according  to  the  edict  of  the  23''  May  1650. 

Waggon  racing. 
No  person  shall  race  with  carts  and  wagons,  in  the  streets  within  the  villages,  but  the  driver  while 
passing  through  villages  must  walk  by  the  side  of  his  horses  or  vehicle,  according  to  the  edict  of  the 
12'i>  of  July  1657. 

Dead  animals. 

Item.  No  person  shall  have  his  dead  beast  on  tlie  highways  or  streets  but  must  bury  the  same,  on 
the  penalty  of  3  guilders  lor  tlie  first  offence,  6  guilders  for  the  second,  and  imprisonment  tor  the  3^ 
offence  if  he  remain  obstinate. 

Privies 
No  person  shall  place  privies  on  tlie  highways  or  streets  so  as  to  allow  the  hogs  to  root  up  the  filth 
in  the  same,  on  the  penalty  of  6  guilders  for  the  first  offence,  6  guilders  for  the  second,  and  imprison- 
ment for  the  third  offence. 

Weights  and  Measures. 
Yard  stick,  measures  and  weights  must  be  sealed  and  made  alike,  according  to  the  custom  of 
Amsterdam  in  Holland,  on  the  penalty  of  10  guilders  for  the  first  offence,  20  guilders  for  the  second, 
and  40  guilders  for  the  tliird  olfence,  and  also  in  addition  to  have  their  trade  stopped. 


^  t 

.4   (t 


PAPERS    RKLATINO   TO  LOVS   liLkVn. 


425 


Wages  or  hire  of  Indiant. 

Those  who  hire  Indians  for  money,  must  pay  them  promptly  and  ftilfll  the  engagement :  for  failure 
they  shall  be  condemned  to  pay  the  hire  and  be  punished  according  to  the  edict  of  the  28th  of  Sep- 
tember 1648. 

Concubinage. 

All  persons  to  be  kept  to  the  three  publications  of  the  bans  before  marriage  and  to  wait  one  month 
thereafter  so  as  to  give  opportunity  for  the  making  of  legal  objections  if  any  exist ;  if  after  the  ex- 
piration of  that  time  either  party  refuse  to  marry  without  giving  lawful  reasons,  they  shall  be  liable 
to  a  penalty  of  10  guilders  for  the  first  week  and  20  guilders  for  every  succeeding  week  until  lawful 
reasons  for  refusal  are  given. 

Further  no  man  or  woman  may  live  together  as  husband  and  wife  without  being  married,  on  the 
penalty  of  100  guilders,  or  of  as  much  more  or  less  as  the  quality  or  ability  of  the  offenders  will 
warrant ;  if  continuing  to  oflend  to  be  liable  every  month  to  pay  the  same  penalty  to  the  officer, 
according  to  the  edict  of  the  15th  of  Jany  1658. 

Conventicles. 

No  person  may  surreptitiously  hold  a  meeting  for  public  worship,  or  sing,  read,  or  preach  in  the 
same,  on  the  penalty  of  100  pounds  Flemish ;  and  tlie  liearers  to  be  each  liable  to  a  penalty  of  25 
pounds  Flemish,  without  regard  to  the  religion  or  sect  they  may  be  of,  as  per  the  edict  of  the  1st  of 
Feby. 1657. 

Brewers  not  to  be  retailers  of  liquors. 

These  two  occupations  may  not  be  followed  by  tlie  same  individual,  neither  shall  they  sell  by  the 
can,  on  tlie  penalty  of  all  the  beer  which  may  be  found  in  their  houses,  and  in  addition  of  having 
their  trade  stopped  for  6  months,  according  to  the  edict  of  tlie  12th  of  Jany  1648. 

Goats. 
The  Goats  which  run  at  large  without  keepers,  in  consequence  of  their  ii^uring  fruit  and  other 
trees,  may  be  seised  by  the  officer  and  taken  possession  of  according  to  the  edict  of  the  16th  of  March, 
1648. 

Public  instruments  or  papers. 
No  man  may  draft  public  documents  or  papers,  unless  authorized  by  the  Director  General  and 
Council ;  oHenders  shall  be  brought  to  trial  before  the  high  court  of  judicature  according  to  the  edict 
of  May  1649. 

lieceiving  articles  in  pawn  for  liquor  forbidden. 
No  man  may  take  anything  in  pawn  for  liquors,  on  penalty  of  restoring  the  coods,  and  paying  in 
addition  25  guilders  for  the  first  ofiFence,  50  guilders  for  the  second  and  double  (100  guilders)  for  the 
third  offence,  and  also  to  have  his  license  taken  away  and  trade  stopped,  accoi-ding  to  the  edict  of  the 
3ra  of  Dec.  1C57.' 

1  For  tlie  Tranilation  of  the  above  paper,  the  public  ii  indebted  to  Teunis  G.  Bergen,  E*q.,  of  King*  Co. 
[Vol.  l.|  54 


If; 


It 


426 


PAPEBS   RELATING  TO  LONG   ISLAND. 


GOT.  C0LVE8  CHARTER  TO  THE  SEVERAL  TOWNS  ON  LONG  ISLAND.    ANNO.  1673. 


PROVISIONAL  INSTRUCTION  FOR  THF.  SHERIFF  AND  MAGISTRATES  OF  THE  VILLAGF^  OF  MIDWOUT,  (fLAT- 
bush)  AMKRSFOORT  (fLATLANDS)  BBEUKELEN,  new  UTRECHT,  GRAVESEND  AND  BOSWYCK,  SITUATE  ON 
LONG    ISLAND. 

[  Flatbuah  Rec. ;  >iao  Alb.  Rac.  ] 

Art.  1.  The  Sheriff  and  Magistrates  shall,  each  in  his  quality,  take  care  that  the  Reformrd  Clu'stian 
Religion  be  maintained  in  conformity  to  the  Synod  of  Dordrecht  without  permitting  any  other  sect^ 
attempting  any  thing  contrary  thereto. 

2.  Tlie  Sheriff  shall  be  present,  as  often  as  possible,  at  all  the  meetings  and  preside  over  the  same ; 
but  should  lie  act  for  himself  as  party,  or  in  bshalf  of  the  rights  of  the  Lords  Patroons  or  of  Justice, 
he  shall,  in  such  case,  rise  from  his  seat  and  leave  the  Bench  &  in  that  event  he  sliall  not  have  any 
advisory  much  less  a  concluding  vote,  but  the  oldest  Schepen  shall,  tlien,  preside  in  liis  place. 

3.  All  cases  relating  to  the  Police,  Security  and  Peace  of  the  Inliabitants ;  also  to  Justice  between 
man  and  man,  shall  be  finally  determined  by  the  magistrates  of  each  of  the  aforesaid  Villages,  to  the 
amount  of  sixty  florins,  Beaver,  and  thereunder  without  appeal :  In  case  the  sum  be  larger  the 
aggrieved  party  may  appeal  to  the  meeting  of  the  Sheriff  and  Councillors  delegated  from  the  Villages 
subject  to  his  jurisdiction,  for  which  purpose  one  person  shall  be  annually  appointed  from  each 
Village  who  shall  assemble  in  the  most  convenient  place  to  be  selected  by  tliem,  and  who  shall  have 
power  to  pronounce  final  judgment  to  the  amount  of  fl.  240  Beavers  and  thereunder.  But  in  all 
cases  exceeding  that  sum  each  one  shall  be  entitled  to  an  appeal  to  the  Governour  General  and  Coun- 
cil here. 

4.  In  case  of  inequality  of  votes,  the  minority  shall  submit  to  the  majority ;  but  those  who  are  of 
a  contrary  opinion  may  have  it  recorded  in  the  minutes  but  not  divulge  it  without  the  meeting  on 
jiain  of  arbitrary  correction. 

5.  Wlienever  any  cases  occur  in  the  meeting  in  which  any  of  the  Magistrates  are  interested,  such 
Magistrate  shall,  in  that  instance,  rise  and  absent  himself,  as  is  hereinbefore  stated,  in  tlie  2i><'  article; 

of  the  sheriff. 

G.  All  Inhabitants  of  the  aboveramed  Villages  shall  be  citable  before  said  Sheriff  and  Schepens  or 
their  delegated  Councillors  who  shall  hold  their  meetings  and  courts  as  often  as  tliey  sliall  consider 

requisite. 

7.  All  criminal  offences  shall  be  referred  to  the  Governour  General  and  Council,  on  condition  that 
the  Slieriff  be  obliged  to  apprehend  the  offenders,  to  seize  and  detain  them  &  to  convey  tliera  as 
prisoners  under  proper  safeguard  to  Chief  Magistrate  with  good  and  correct  informations  for  or 
against  the  offenders. 

8.  Smaller  offences,  such  as  quarrels,  abusive  words,  threats,  fisticuffs  and  such  like,  are  left  to  the 
jurisdiction  of  the  Magistrates  of  each  particular  Village. 

9.  Tlie  Sheriff  and  Schepens  shall  have  power  to  conclude  on  some  ordinances  for  the  welfare  and 
peace  of  the  Inhabitants  of  their  district  such  as  laying  highways,  setting  off  lands  and  p'vi'ens  and 
in  like  manner  whiit  appertains  to  agriculture,  observance  of  the  Sabbath,  erecting  cliu.' Isi's,  scliool 
houses  or  similar  public  works.  Item,  against  fighting  &  wrestling  and  such  petty  offences — provided 
such  ordinances  are  not  contrary  but  as  far  as  is  possible,  conformable  to  the  Laws  of  our  Father- 
lauf'  and  the  Statutes  of  this  Province ;  and  tlierefore,  all  orders  of  any  importance  shall,  before 
publication,  be  presented  to  the  Chief  Magistrate  and  his  approval  thereof  requested. 


PAPERf  RELATina  TO  LOMS  ISLAND. 


427 


10.  The  said  Sherilf  and  Schepens  shall  be  bound  strictly  to  observe  and  cause  to  be  observed  the 
Placards  and  Ordinances  which  shall  be  enacted  and  published  by  the  supreme  authority,  and  not 
sutler  any  thing  to  be  done  against  them,  but  cause  the  Transgressors  therein  to  be  proceeded  against 
according  to  the  tenor  thereof;  and  f\irther,  promptly  execute  such  orders  as  the  Govcrnour  General 
shall  send  them  from  time  to  time. 

1 1 .  The  Slieriti"  and  Schepens  shall  be  also  obliged  to  acknowledge  as  their  Sovereign  Rulers  their 
High  Mightinesses  the  Lords  States  General  of  the  United  Nctlierlands  and  his  Serene  Highness  the 
Lord  Prince  of  Orange  and  to  maintain  their  sovereign  jurisdiction,  right  and  domain  over  this 
country. 

12.  The  selection  of  all  inferior  officers  and  servants  in  the  employ  of  said  Sheriff  and  Sche^iens, 
the  Secretary  alone  excepted,  shall  be  made  and  confirmed  by  themselves. 

13.  The  Sheriff  shall,  by  himself  or  deputies  execute  all  the  Magistrates'  judgments  nor  discharge 
any  one  except  by  advice  of  the  Court ;  lie  si  all  also  take  good  care  that  tlie  places  under  his  charge 
shall  be  cleansed  of  all  mobs,  gamblers,  whorehouses  and  such  like  impurities. 

14.  The  Slieriff  shall  receive  the  half  of  all  civil  lines  accruing  during  his  term  of  office  together 
with  one  tliiKl  part  of  what  belongs  to  the  respective  Villages  from  criminal  cases  ;  but  he  shall 
neither  directly  nor  indirectly  receive  any  presents  forbidden  by  law. 

15.  Towards  the  time  of  election,  tlie  Sheriff  and  Scliepens  shall  nominate  as  Schepens  a  double 
number  of  tlie  I)est  qualified,  honest,  intelligent  and  wealthiest  inhabitants,  exclusively  of  the  Re- 
formed Ciiristian  Religion  or  at  least  well  affected  thereunto,  to  be  presented  to  the  Governour,  who 
shall  then  make  his  election  therefrom  with  continuation  of  some  of  the  old  ones  in  case  liis  lionour 
may  deem  it  necessary.    Done  in  Fort  Wilem  Hendrick  1»'  October  1673. 

Note.  Similar  instruction  were  aent  to  Flushing,  Hemsted,  Middleburch,  Jamaica,  Oyiterbay,  Southampton,  Southold, 
Seatalcot,  Huntington  and  r.ast  Hampton,  on  L.  I.,  to  Swanenburgh,  Hurley  b  Marbletown  in  the  Esopus;  to  Elizabethtown, 
Woodbridge,  Shrewsbury,  Newarlce,  Bergen,  Piscattaway  and  Middietown,  behind  Achter  Cul;  and  to  Staten  Island  *i 
Westchester. 


NAMES  OF  INHABITANTS  OF  THE  TOWN  OF  HEMPSTEAD  1673. 

[  Vanderkemp's  Transl.  of  Dutch  Rec.  XXII.  ] 


John  

John  Smitli  Blew 
Richard  Geldersly,  Sen 


Vrolphert  Jacobs 
Jan  Cai-man 
John  Symons  jun 
Robert  Jackson 
Syraon  Tory 
John  Smith 
Peter  janse  Scliol 
Richard  Gildersly 


Robbert  Beedill 
George  Hallet 
Samuel  Allen 
Richard  Valentyn 
Kaleb  Carman 
John  Williams 
Thomas  Richmore 
Jolin  Ellesson 
Edward  Spry 
William  Osborne 
Edward  Remsen 
John  Fossaker 


428 


i  i 


ti.S 


liM 


rAtKU  BKLATIMe  TO  LONS  IIUAHD. 


John  Sorram 
James  Payne  , 

WiUiam  Fixton 
Samuel  Denton 
Uobberd  Hobbs 
Thomas  Sodderd 
John  Smith  Jun 
Joseph  Williams 
Ralph  Haal 
Daniel  Beedell 
John  Jackson 
Johnathan  Smith 
John  Champion 
John  Hobbs 
John  Langd 
Jonathan  Semmes 
John  Bordes 
Robbard  Marisseu 
Mos  Hemmery 
John  Beets  carpenter 
Samuel  Embry 
Matthew  Beedel 

Comes 
Thomas  Ellison 
Philip  Davis 
Hopkins 


Adam  View 
Edward  Titus 
Richard  Ellison 
John  Seavin 
Thomas  Teasay 
Thomas  Ireland 
Thomas  Ellison 
Joseph  Gem 
Thomas  Champion 
Joseph  Pettet 
Richard  Fotter 
John  Beddell 
Thomas  Soutliward 
John  Beates 
Calvet  Goullet 
Christoffel  Yeomans 


JohnWoully 
Edward  Banbury 
Thomas  Gtowes 
John  Mavein 
Wra  Thome 
Joshua  Watske 
Beqjamin  Symenson 
Jan  Roelossen 
Elbert  Hubssen 
Lewis  Niot 
John  Ellison  Jun 
Thomas  Seabrook 
Samuel  Jackson 
John  Pine 
Peter  Janscn 
WiUiam  Ware 
Solomon  Semmar 
Teunis  Smith 
Richard  Valentin  jun. 
Josepli  Wood 
Herman  Flouwer 
William  Dose 
Syraon  Foster 
Henry  Mott 
William  Fourmer 
Joseph  Small 
Walter  pine 
Josia  Carman 
John  Peacock 
John  Quakerson 
Thomas  Daniels 
John  Napper 
Richard  Osborn 
Geoi^e  Robbert 
Charles  Abram 
Thomas  Appelbe 
Samuel  Smith 

Persell 

Adam  Mott  Junr. 

Samuel  Jackson 

Joseph  Truax 

Joseph  Hoyt  & 

Nine  others  whose  names  are  lost 


•* 


PAFKia    BSLATIMO  TO  LOMO   IU.AMD. 


429 


THJ    'OIL 

OFF    THOSE    WHO   HAVE  TaKEN    THE  OATH   OFF    AI.LEUIANCE    IN    THF.   KINNN   CoUNTV     IN   THE  PhOVINCE 

OF  New  Yohke  the  26  :  27 :  28 :  29  anu  30"'  uav  oi'f  Seitkmhkk  In  the  Third  veahe  of  his 
Ma\*^  Raione  annoq""  DoMiNE  1687. 

[  MSB.  in  See'i  Offlce.  ] 


offfflackbush. 
Willem  Jacobs  Van  boerem  was  in  this  county 

38  Jeare 
Cliristoffel  Probasco  33  Jeare 
liendriclc  Rijclcen  24  Jeare 
Pieter  Stryclcer  native  off  this  Province  off  N: 

Yorl£ 
Cornelis  Pieterse  native 
Cornells  Peters  Luijster  native 
Dirclc  Jansn  Van  Vliet  23  Jeare 
gerrit  Lubberse  native 
Ruth  Albertse  25  Jeare 
gerrardus  beakman  native 
Jacob  henk.  hafften  23  Jeare 
gerrit  Dorlunt  native 
Engelbert  liOtt  native 
Simon  lianssen  48  Jeare 
Jacob  Willem  Van  bueren  38  Jeare 
Reynier  aertsen  34  Jeare 
Pieter  Lott  35  Jeare 
Cornelis  Barense  Van  Wyck  27  yeare 
Jacob  Remsen  native 
Jan  harmenessen  Van  amesfoort  29  Jeares 
"Willem  hendrickse  native 
Joseph  hegemau  37  yeare 
Claes  Willkens  25  yeare 
Willem  guil  Jause  47  yeare 
Auke  Reijnierse  native 
Jooris  Remssen  native 
Jan  Wouterse  Van  bos»*h  28  yeare 
Lambert  Jansen  native 
Jan  Remsen  native 
Jan  Dircks  Van  Vliet  23  yeare 
hendrickus  hegeman  36  yeare 
Jan  Spigelaer  25  yeare 
adriaen  hend  aaten  36  yeare 
Lefferd  Pieterse  27  Jeare 
Isaack  hegeman  native 
Pieter  guil  Janse  45  Jeare 


Pieter  Wlllem«t'n  iiallvo 

Cornelis  Jaiissu  Hceu  27  Jeare 

hcndrick  Lott  native 

Daniel  Poliieniius  nutivo 

Jan  Van  Dltrnuert/.  natlvo 

Denijs  theutiisseu  native 

Jan  Strycker  3B  yenro 

Isaack  Van  CasMint  35  Jeare 

Jan  barense  bluni  native 

Adriaen  Rcyvrse  41  Jeare 

Aris  Vandcrbilt  native 

Auke  Jansu  Van  Nuyti  30  Jeare 

Elbert  adriaunse  native 

Daniel  Remsen  native 

Jacob  Vandcbllt  native 

Marten  adrlaense  native 

Christiaen  Sncdlkcr  native 

Abrara  hegeman  native 

Jan  Cornelissen  Viinder  Veer  native 

Theodorus  Van  Wijck  natlvo 

Thomas  aaten  native 

gerrit  Sncdlker  native 

hendrick  Janse  native 

Roeloff  Verkerck  24  Jeare 

barent  Jansseu  native 

Jacobus  hegenmn  30  Jeare 

hendrick  Willemse  3H  Jeare 

Dirck  Jan  hooglant  native 

Jan  Dircks  liooghint  native 

Willem  Dircks  hooglant  native 

Jan  oake  30  Jeare 

gerrit  Janse  Strljker  35  Jeare 

Rem  Reinsseu  native 

ojf  Hreuclflijn 
Thomas  Lamberse  30  Jeare 
Jooris  hanssen  native 
hendrick  Vecliten  27  Jeare 
Claes  arense  Vechten  27  Jeare 
Jan  Aertsen  26  Jcuro 


I 


IM                                                                 PAPERS 

■     -  *  -                                    •     ,      .     ' 

RELATING  TO  LONG   ItLAMD. 

hendrick  Claaesen  33  Jeare 

Jan  bennit  native 

Jacob  hanssen  bergeu  native 

barent  Sleght  native 

Juorls  Martens  native 

Jacobus  Vandc  Water  29  Jeare 

hendrick  thyssen  21  Jeare 

bei^amin  Vande  Water  native 

Mauritius  Couverts  native 

Pieter  Wiejuants  native 

Wlllem  hu^cken  21  Jeare 

joost  ttraussen  33  Jeare 

theunls  gysbertse  bogaert  35  Jeare 

hendrick  aaten  native 

Wlllem  bennitt  native 

Jan  Janse  Staats  native 

hendrick  Lamberse  native 

Claes  Simons  native 

Jan  il'redricks  35  Jeare 

Anthony  Souso  5  Jeare 

Jan  Couvertfj  native 

Joost  Casperse  35  Jeare 

Lu^cas  Couverts  24  Jeare 

thljs  Lubberse  50  ieare 

ifrans  abramse  native 

Paulus  dirckse  36  Jeare 

gerrit  aerts  mlddag  native 

Adam  brouwer  45  Jeare 

Simon  Aertsen  23  Jeai-e 

Josias  Dreths  26  Jeare                                       „ 

Mattbys  Cornelisen  24  yeare 

Pieter  Van  Nesten  40  Jeare 

Ephraim  Hendricks  33  jeare 

Jan  theunisen  native 

Claes  thomas  Van  dyck  native 

Dirck  Janse  Woertman  40  Jeare 

Jeronimus  d'Rapale  native 

Daniel  d'Rapale  native 

Jerouimus  Remsen  native 

gijsbert  boomgaert  native 

Casper  Janssen  native 

Volkert  Vanderbrats  native 

Achias  Janse  Vandijck  36  yeare 

Jan  buijs  39  Jeare 

Jacob  Joorissen  native 

gerrit  Dorlant  native 

Jacobus  d'beauvois  28  Jeare 

Adriaen  bennit  native 

harmen  Joorissen  native 

Tnomas  Verdon  native 

Jacob  Willemse  bennit  native 

Pieter  janse  Staats  native 

Jacob  brouwer  native 

off  JVew  Uij^techt 

bourgon  broulaet  12  Jeare 

Tielman  Vandermij  J  3  Jeare 

Jan  Damen  37  Jeare 

karel  Janse  Vandijck  35  Jeare                                                   , 

Cornelis  Subrink  native 

Jan  Janse  Vandijck  35  Jeare 

hendrick  Sleght  35  Jeare 

thonms  tierckse  35  Jeare 

Juriaen  Vanderbreets  native 

Wouter  Van  Pelt  24  Jeare 

Pieter  Staats  native 

Jacob  Cliristiaense  native 

Abram  Kemsen  native 

Lambert  Janse  22  Jeare 

Machiel  hanssen  native 

Jan  Van  Deventer  25  Jeare 

theunis  tobiassen  native 

Cornelis  Janse  Vandeventer  native                                                            ^ 

Pieter  Corsen  native 

gijsbert  thysen  Laenen  24  Jeare 

theunis  Janse  Couverts  36  Jeare 

theunis  Janse  Van  Pelt  Laenen  24  Jeare 

Aert  Slmonssen  native 

Anthony  Van  Pelt  24  Jeare 

Adam  brouwer  Junior  native 

Jan  Clement  22  Jeare 

Alexander  Schaers  native 

Cornelis  wijnhart  30  Jeare 

Wlllem  Pos  native 

kreijn  Janse  Van  Meeteren  24  Jeare                                                          , 

Jan  gerrise  dorland  35  Jeare 

Joost  Rutsen  Van  brent  native 

Johannis  Casperse  35  Jeare 

Aert  theunissen  Van  Pelt  native 

Claes  barentse  blom  native 

Anthonij  du  Chaine  24  Jeare 

Pieter  brouwer  native 

Jan  thijssen  Laenen  native 

Abram  brouwer  native 

Jacob  thijssen  Laenen  native 

PAPEM   HGU    *«•  TO  UWC      iLAVO. 


431 


il 


I^aureng  Janse  native 

Jan  Van  Cleeff  3i  Jeare 

Welleni  klliickenl)erg  native 

Nicoluse  Vandergriltlt  native 

Jan  Van  kerck  Junior  native 

Jan  Van  kerck  seniur  '24  Jeare 

barent  Juosten  Kidder  U5  Jeare 

hendrick  Matthysse  Smack  33  Jeare 

Cornells  Van  kleett'  native 

Dirck  Janse  Van  Sutplien  36  Jeare 

J'ln  kiersen  38  Jeare 

Oerrit  Courten  Van  Voorhuys  native 

Uootli  Joosten  Van  brunt  34  Jeare 

Pieter  ifransisco  native 

Jacques  Cortejou  35  Jeare 

Jacques  Corteljou  Junior  native 

Cornells  Corteljou  native 

Pieter  Corteljou  native 

Wllleru  Corte^ouw  native 

gerrit  Cornells  Van  Duyu  38  Jeare 

Cornells  gerrls  Vanduyn  native 

Denijs  gerrise  Vanduyn  native 

Laurens  Janse  de  Camp  23  Jaer 

Pieter  thyssen  native 

Swaen  Janssen  33  Jeare 

gerrit  Stoifelse  36  Jeare 

Jan  hanssen  bruynenburgh  48  Jeare 

Stoifel  gerrltse  native 

Joost  debaene  4  Jeare 

hendrick  Janse  kamminga  9  Jaer 

Cornells  Rutsen  Van  brunt  native 

barent  Verkerck  native 

off  Bosmjck 
Volkert  Dlrckse  native 
Pieter  Janse  de  Witt  35  Jeare 
Pieter  Daniel  10  Jeare 
Adriaen  La  fforge  15  jeare 
Joost  kockuyt  27  Jeare 
Isaack  La  ffebre  4  Jeare 
Pieter  Schamp  15  Jeare 
Wouter  gysbert  Verschler  38  Jaer 
Pieter  Loyse  native 
Jacques  flbntalne  native 
Pelgrom  klock  31  Jeare 
Volkert  Witt  native 
Daniel  Waldron  35  Jeare 
Simon  haecks  16  Jeare 


Cornells  U>y%B  M'>  I     « 
Jean  Le  quie  "io  Jt 
Alexander  Cock t'V.       M)  Jettre 
Albert  hendrickH«        l*'«re 
Jean  Miseroll  junior  iO  ji  .tre 
Claes  Curnelissen  Hat  25  Jeare 
Michiel  Palnicnticr  23  Jeare 
Vincent  Bale  4  Jeare 
Pieter  Para  28  Jeare 
Johannis  flbntalne  native 
Jean  de  Consilie  25  Jeare 
Josst  duric  12  Jeare 
Jun  Janse  3G  Jeare 
Jacob  Janse  native 
Pieter  Simonse  native 
Jacob  dirckse  Kosekrans  native 
JochemVerScliuer  native 
hendrick  Verschuer  native 
Laurens  koeck  26  yeare 

off  ffiackland 
Elbert  Elbertse  50  Jeare 
Koeloff  Martense  Schenck  37  Jeare 
Jan  Koelofl's  Schenck  native 
Jan  Martense  Schenck  37  Jeares 
Jan  theunis  Van  dyckhuys  34  Jeare 
Court  Stevense  Van  Voorhuys  27  Jeare 
Pieter  Nevlus  native 
Abrani  Wlllemsen  25  Jeare 
Marten  Koeloffe  Schenck  native 
bans  Janssen  47  Jeare 
Albert  Courten  Van  Voorhuljs  native 
Pieter  Cloasen  wijckoff  51  Jaere 
Simon  Janse  Van  Aerts  Daalen  34  Jeare 
Cornells  Slmonsen  Van  Aerts  daalen  native 
gerrit  Pieterse  wijckoft"  native 
Jan  brouwer  30  Jeare 
gerrit  hanssen  native 
Evert  Janssen  Van  Wlckelen  23  Jeare 
Claes  Pieterse  wijckoft"  native 
Dirck  brouwer  native 
gerrit  hendrickse  bresse  native 
Pieter  brouwer  native 
Dirck  Janssen  Ammerman  37  Jeare 
adriaen  kume  27  Jeare 
gerret  Elberts  StoothoiF  native 
Jacob  Strljcker  36  Jeare 
Dirck  Stofielse  30  Jeare 


483 


PAPEM   RXLATINO   TO  LOHO    IBLAKD. 


StofTel  Dirckse  native 

ffenlinandus  Van  Sichgelen  3S  Jeare 

hendrick  Pictene  wUckoff  native 

Wllloiii  gprrltse  Van  Coiiwenhooven  native 

gwrritt  Wilk'nisen  Van  Coiiwenhooven  native 

Jan  Pieterse  wijckoff  native 

Antliony  Wanshoer  native 

Luyoas  Stcvense  27  Jeore 

Pieter  Cornelia  Lnyster  31  Jeare 

Jan  Stevenso  27  Jeare 

Ruth  bruynsen  31  Jeare 

Willeni  Willemse  Iwrcklo  native 

Pieter  Pieterse  Tnll  30  Jaer 

hendrick  l)rouwer  native 

Pieter  Monfl'oort  native 

tlieiinis  Janse  Van  ariiaoh  14  Jeare 

Thys  Pieterse  luyster  31  Jeare 

Jan  albertse  terliuen  native 

Willem  Dttvles  34  Jeore 


Johannis  Willemse  25  Jeare 

off"  gravtnt  End 
Renier  Van  Siegelen  native 
Stoflel  Janse  Konieyn  34  Jeare 
Johaunit  Machlelse  native 
John  boisbillund  2  Jeare 

hud  Letters  oif  Denisatie 
bui-ent  Jurioense  20  Jeare 
Jan  l>utx>n8e  Van  /uti>Iien  30  Jeare 
Marten  Pieterse  native 
Joohcm  gulick  34  Jeare 
Cornclis  buys  native 
Jun  Willemseu  Van  borcklo  native 
Rem  gcrritse  native 
Adam  Machielse  Messcher  40  Jeore 
Willeni  Willemse  30  Jeare 
Jan  Carstense  notive 
Johonnis  brouwer  native ' 


AN  EXACT  LIST 

OV    ALL     V«     INHABITANTS     NAMES     w">IN     v"    TOWNK    OF    iHusiIING    ANU    p'ciNCTS    OF    OLD    AND    YOUNO 
HhEEMEN    and  SEHUANTS    white  &   ULACKE  &C.       1698. 


/Coll :  Tiio  Willett  and  Mtrs 
I  Alena  his  wife 
\Elbcrt       \ 
JCorneliusf 
^ybrahamr^"*^^ 
yjohn         J 
AAleno       } 
(^Elizabeth  i  I^""Sl«ter8 

John  Clement :  Servt 

Negros  ftroncis        ) 

Jeffrey  Hary  Jack  >  7 

ami  Dick  Mary      ) 
'Justice  Tlio :  Hukcs  & 
kMrs  Mary  his  wife 
Msaoc :  Benjamin — Charles  }  „ 
)wm  Stephen  Clmiely         S     "^* 

Mary;  daugt 
■  Negros :  Will  Cuffee      1  ^ 

Sherry  ffreegeft  &  Jane  ) 

M^jr.  Wm  Lawrense 


&  Deborah  his  wife 
William  Richard 
Obadiah  Darnell 
11     Samuel  John 

Adam  Debo:  Sarah 
Negros  James  Tom 
Lew  Bess  2  child 
Riciiard  Cornell 
&  Sarah  his  wife 
Sone  Richard 
Sarah        ^ 
Elizabeth  >  Daug 
&  Mary     ) 
Negros  Tom    ) 
Lewi  Toby      S  6 
Sarah  &  Dina  ) 
'John  Esmond  & 
|Elizab:  his  wife 
I  John  &  Mary 
.  Wm  Jewell  serut 


11 


PAPEM    RCLATINO   TO   LONO    IRLANO. 


488 


8 


Sone 


l)a: 


Daug 


Samll:  Thome  & 

Susana  his  wife 

Rei\jainin 

Sainuell  fc 

Nathan 

Jane  Ke»ia  \ 

&  Deborah  [ 

Negros  Coft'e 

Dinah  Kate 

Charles  Tony 

James  Clement 

&  Sarah  his  wife 

Tiiomas 

Jacob 

Joseph  &  two)>Sone!» 
12  Samll  & 

Nathan 

Mary 

Hannah 

Margarett( 

firidgett 

Negros  Toby 
Dutch  Inhabitants. 

Cornelius  Barnion 

&  Anna  his  wife 

Johannis  sone 

Alke  Anna    ^ 
7  Elizabeth  &  >  Da: 

Arante  ) 

Negros  Antony  ^ 

Jack  Corose       >  6 

Mary  Isabella    ) 

Martin  Wiltsee  & 

Maria  his  wife 
a  Cornelius  Hendrick 

Johannis  &  Mai^rett. 

Elbert  Arinson  & 

Cataline  his  wife 
5  Rem  &  Elbert  sones 

Anneke — negro  Dick'r 

Garratt  Hanson  & 

Janneke  his  wife 

Ilance  Rem  Jan 

Peter  Danll  Jores 

Janake  Cattaline  Dau 


10 


6 


Negro  Jeffrey  1 
Lorus  Haff 
Canuerte  his  wife 
Jewrin  Peter  } 

11  Johannis  &  Jacob  <  *'"'"' 
Stinchee  Maria         ) 
Tiuitee  Margaretta  >  Dau 
Santa  ) 

Edec:  Van  Skyagg  &, 
Ebell  his  wife" 

7  Cornelius  IVrancis 
&  Arian 

Elizalieth  Rebecca 
Poulas  Aniarman 

3  and  Abiena  his  wife 

Abena:  Daughter 

Ram  filoonie  & 
i  ftiimmily  his  w 

Garratl,  J'^'  ,..  , 

ElizBlr    !;:•,„,  I 
5  Wni  f      izilirii. 

one .     '!■    vVill 

Dirlck  Poules 

&  Sarah  his  wife 

8  Peter  Thynis 
Rich'd:  Wm  Jon 
Charles  Sarah 
one  negro  Tom 

2  John  Bloodgood 

&  Mary  his  wife 
2  Powell  Hoff  & 

Rachell  his  wife 

2  John  Jores  & 
Maria  his  wife 
Derick  Brewer  & 

3  his  wife  Hannah 
1  child 

French  In/i/ihits 

John:  Genung 
3  &  Margreta  his  wife : 

.fohn:  sone 

negros  2 

ffrancis  Burto  &      "• 

Mary  his  Wife    "^' 
5  John  ffrarichr"- 


[Vol.  1.| 


55 


I  i 


i>i 


i 

1 

1 

! 

434                                                                  PAPEBfl   RELATING 

* 

TO   LONS    ISLAND. 

Abigal:  Dang 

Sarah  2  ch  5 

Sarah  Doughty 

John  Thome  Senr  & 

4  Benjamin  > 
William    5^°«' 

5  Mary  his  wife 

Hannah  &  Sarah  Wm 

Sarah  Seniant 

Negros  Alex  wo:  3 

Negros :  Okee  &  Mary 

William  ffowler  Carp 

2  Mary  Perkins 

and  Mary  his  wife 

Abigale  Daug 

8  William  John 

Bess :  Robin  Maria  > 
Hanes                    y 

Joseph  Benj 

Mary  Rebeca 

2  Ann  Noble 

Negro  Jack  1 

Abigale  serut 

John  Thorne  Jun'r 

Negros :  Jack  Jan  2 

6  Katherin  his  wife 

3  Mary  Bowne 

John  Mary 

Annis  Ruth ;  Daugh 

Eliz:  Deborah 

Negros :  James  &  ) 
Nell                      5  ^ 

Henry  Taylor  & 

5  Mary  Sarah  his  wife 

Arther  powell  & 

Sarah  phebe 

4  Margrett  his  wife 

Negro  Tonny  1 

Richard  Arther  sones 

Edward  Greffin  ju 

John  Hinchman 

4  Deborah  his  wife 

&  Sarah  his  wife 

Edward  Mary 

7  John  James 

2  William  Owen  & 

Mercy  Mary  & 

Mary  his  wife 

Sarah 

2  Hugh  Cowperthawt 

Negroo  Hetchtor  1 

Mary  Southick 

Richai-d  Chew  & 

Negro  Anthony — 1 

ffrances  his  wife 

2  Henry  ffranklin 

7  Rich'd  Henry  Tho 

&  Sarah  his  wife 

Hannah  Charely 

1  negro 

Mary  Elizabeth 

3  Patience  Cornelius 

Thomas  Runley  & 

Elias:  Mai-y — 

4  Mary  his  wife 

Tho:  ffarrington 

Thomas  sone 

&  Abigale  his  wife 

Hannah 

Thomas  Robert 

ffrancis  Doughty 

Benjamin — 

I 

&  Mary  his  wife 

8  Elizab:  Bridgett 

8  Elias  palmer 

Abigale 

ffrancis  Obadiah 

Negros — Mingo  ) 
Winnee             >  ^ 

Sarah  Charely  Mary 

Negros  Vaster  Rose  2 

Harman  Kinge 

John  Talman  & 

6  &  Mary  his  wife 

•   ,                           , 

Mary  his  wife 

John  Joseph 

7  John  James  peter 

Benj.  ffrancis 

Mary  Elizabeth 

Toby  1 

Charles  Tom 

William  ffowler  wea 

PAPERS    RELATING    TO   LONfl    ISLAND. 


435 


3  &  Judeth  his  wife 
William  sone 
Thomas  Willett 

3  &  Sarah  his  wife 
Sarah — Daughter 
Negro  Lay — 1 
Thomas  Hinchman 

4  &  Meriam  his  wife 
Thomas  &  Sarah — 

2  George  Langley  & 
Rebeca  his  wife 
Mary  &  Sampson — 2 
Matt  fifarrington 

5  &  Hannah  his  wife 
Matthew  Sarah  & 
Edward 

John  Mariton 
ffrancis  John 

5  Cornelius 
Deborah  Ebell— 
Thomas  Yeates 
&  Mary  his  wife 

6  Mary  y"  mother 
Wm  Benj  Jane. 
Ellas  Doughty 
Elizabeth  his  wife 

5  Ellas  Eliz:  Thomas 
Negro:  Jack — 1 
Charles  Doughty 

&  Elizabeth  his  wife 

6  John  Charles — 
Sarah  Elizabeth 

1  negro  black  boy  1 
John  Harrington 
&  Elzbth  his  wife 
John  Edward  Matthew 
13  Tliomas  Sam'U  Robert 
Mercy  Margrett 
Dorythy  Anna — 
Elizabeth 
Sam'll  Bowne 
&  Mary  his  wife 
6  Sam'll  Thomas 
Ellmer  Hannah 
Negros  Simon 
Nany  mingo  3 
Joseph  palmer 


6  &  Sarah  his  wife. 

Dani'll  Esther 

Ric'h  pricilla 

Tho:  Hedger  & 

Elizabeth  his  wife 

Eliakim  Thomas 
11  Mary  Hannah — 

Jane  Sarah  Deborah 

Elizabeth 

Josepli  Thome  & 

Mary  his  wife — 

Joseph  William 
11  Thomas  John — 

Benjamin  Abraham 

Hannah  Mary  Susan. 

1  Negro  Tom : — 1 

Sam'll  Haight  & 

Sarah  his  wife — 
10  Nicholas  Jonathan 

Dauid  John  Sarah  Mary 

Hannah  phebe — 

and  1  negro  1 

Tliomas  fford  and 
3  Sarah  his  wife — 

Thomas  Child 

2  Esther  fford 
William 

Negro  Anthony — 1 
John  Embree  and 

6  Sarah  his  wife 
Robert  John  Samll 
Sarah 
Hatham'll  Roe  and 

3  Elizab'th  his  wife 
Dauid 

Charles  Morgan 
&  Elizabeth  his  wife 

7  Charles  James  Thomas 
Sarah  Ephraim  Sophy 
Negros :  peter  James 
John  Cornelius  & 
Mary  his  wife — 

10  John  Dani'll  Sam'll 
Joseph  Deborah 
Mary  phebe  Sarah 
Negro:  Zambo:  1 
Jona  Wright  Senr 


436 


PAPERS   RELATING  TO   LONG   ISLAND. 


Il  - 


and  Sarah  his  wife 
9  Sam'll  Richard  Charles 

Job:  Mary  Hannah 
John 

Henry  Wright  and 
4  Mary  his  wife 

Hannah  Sarah 

Jona:  Wright  Ju 
4  &  Wine  his  wife 

Jonathan  Elizabeth 

Dauid  Wright  and 
4  Hannah  his  wife 

Dauid  phebe 

Joseph  Lawrense 

4  &  Mary  his  wife 
Richard  Thomas 
1  negro  Jack — 1 

2  John  Hopper  Peintr 
&  Christopher 

2  John  Hopper  Jun 

&  Margarett  his  wife 

John  Harrison 

&  Elizabeth  his  wife 

7  William  Edward 
Henry  Eliz  Ann 
Negros  Hechtor  I  „ 
Kate  S 
Margery  Smith 

3  Judeth  Hannah 
Samuel  Tatem  & 
Elizabeth  his  wife 

6  Sam'll  Eliza  patience 
Mary  negro — 1 
Benj  Hauileind  & 

5  Abigaile  his  wife 
Adam  Benj  John 
Abigale  Bethia 
William  Benger  & 

5  his  wife  Elizabeth 
John  Jacob  Eliz 
John  Heauiland  & 

3  Sarah  his  wife 
John 

Thomas  Wildee 
&  Elizabeth  liis  wife 

8  Edward  Rich'd 
Tho  Obadiah 


Isaaih  Eliz'bth 
Edward  Greffein  Se 

3  &  Mary  his  wife 
Deborah 
Negro:  Jack: — 1 
John  Rodman 
&  Mary  his  wife 

9  John  Samuell — 
Joseph  William 
Thomas  An  Eliz: 
Negros — 11 
John  Lawrence  & 
his  wile  Elizabeth 

7  William  Richard 
Eliz:  Mary  Deborah 
Negros  James  Rose 
Bess  Robin  Moll — 5 
Benj  ffeild  and 
Hannah  his  wife 

6  Benj  John  Antho 
Sam'U 

Negros  Jo:  Betty — 2 
John  Greffin  & 
Elizabeth  his  wife 

5  John  Benj  Isaac 
Joseph  Elizab'tli 
Rich'd  Greffin  and 

5  Susan  his  wife 
Sam'll  Sarah  Rich'd 
Dauid  Roe  Mary 

3  his  wife 

Mary :  Negro  Sam  1 
Rebeca  Clery 

4  Athelana  Rebeca 
phebe  Negro:  1 
Philip  Odall  & 
his  wife  Mary 

7  Philip  Mary 
John  Elizab'th 
Deborah 
Joseph  Hedger 
&  Hannah  his 

7  wife — Joseph 
Margrett 
Uriah  Sarah- 
Hannah 
Antnody  Badgley 


PAFEBS  RILATING  TO  LOMO   ISLAND. 


487 


5  Elizabeth  his  wife 
Anthony  Georg— 
phebe:  1  Negro  1 
Dan'll  Patrick  & 

4  Dinah  his  wife 
Sarah  James  ffeke 
One  Negro  1 
John  Ryder  &  his 
wife,  John  Robert 

6  Hartie  Wintie 

one  negro  1 

2  Dennis  Holdrone 
Sarah  his  wife 
Josiah  Genning 

3  &  Martha  his  wife 
one  cliild 

Edee  Wilday 
3  Rebeeca  &  Mary 

ffreemen-mm 
Tho:  Lawrense 
James  Clement  Ju'r 
According  to  y«  best  of  our  Knowledges 


John  Clement 
John  Huker 
Jacob  Cornell 
Thomas  ffeild 
Jos<  .>h  ffeild 
Derick  Areson 
John  Areson 
John  Yeates 
John  Man 
James  ffeke 
Robert  Snelhen 
Tho:  Steuens 
John  Dewildoe 
Abraham  Rich 
Robert  Uinchmen 

Inhabitants  530 

Negros  113 


JONATHAN  WRIGHT 
JAMES  CLEMENT 


-'  t 


[  Endorsed.  ] 
augost  1698 


a  trew  Lest  as  it  is  returned  to  us  by  the  above  constable  and  Clerk  this  Last  of 

THO :  HICKS 
DAN'LL  WHITE 
JOHN  SMITH 
EDWARD  WHITE 
SAMUEL  MOWETT 
JOHN  TREDWELL 
WILLLA.M  HALLET 


A  LIST  OF  Y=  INHABITANTS 


OF     Y«    TOWNE  OF    SOUTHAMPTON  OLD    AND     YONS  CHRISTIANS     AND    HETHEN    FFREEMEN   AND   SERVANTS 

WHITE  AND   BLACK   A"""    1698 


William  Jennings 
Samuell  Jennings 
Benjn  Haines 
Benjn  Haines  Jur 
John  Haines 
James  Haines  Jur 
Thomas  Shaw     * 


David  Frances 
Frances  Shaw 
John  Shaw 
Samuell  Clark 
Samuell  Clark  Jur 
Elish  Clark 
Eliphelett  Clark 


438 


PAPERS   RCLATINO   TO   LONG    ISLAND. 


Clark 
Clark 
Jerhumiah  Scott 
John  Scott 
George  Haris 
George  Haris  Jur 
Joseph  Smith 
Will  Smith 
Thomas  Smith 
Abiell  Davis 
Balhariah  Davis 
John  Davis  Jur 
Eldad  Davis 
John  Davis 
Thomas  Lupton 
Joseph  Lupton 
Richard  minthorn 
Jeremian  Jager 
Jeremiah  Jager  Jur 
John  Jager  Jur 
John  Erie 
David  Erie 
Samuell  Cooper 
James  wliite 
Ichabod  Cooper 
Peeter  White 
James  Cooper 
James  Cooper  Jur 
John  Cooper 
Nathan  Cooper 
Abraham  Cooper 
John  Reeves 
John  Reeves  Jur 
Thomas  Reeves 
Gershum  Culver 
Jerimiah  Culver 
David  Culver 
Jonathan  Culver 
Moses  :  Culver 
Nahum  Culver 
John  Bishope  Jur 
Joseph  Poast 
Will  Mason 
John  Poastt 
Richard  Poast 
Thomas  Sayre 
Will  ffoster 


Charles  Topping 
ifrancis  Sayre 
lachabod  Sayre 
Caleb  Sayre 
Caleb  Gilbord 
Daniell  Sayre 
Ephraim  Sayre 
Nathan  Sayre 
John  Bishop 
Samuell  Bishope 
Josiah  Bishope 
John  Bishope 
Joshew  Barns 
Samuell  Bams 
Robert  Wooly 
John  Wooly 
Wooly  Joseph 
Isaac  Bower 
Jonah  Bower 
David  Bower 
Daniell  Bower 
John  foster 
John  foster  Jur 
David  ffoster 
Jonathan  foster 
John  ffoster  Terts 
Jermiah  foster 
Joseph  Hildrith 
Joseph  Hildrith  Jur 
nathan  Hildrith 
Isaak  Hildrith 
Ephraim  Hildrith 
Daniell  Hildrith 
Jonathan  Hildrith 
John  Woodrufe 
Samll  Woodrufe 
Joseph  woodrufe 
Benjn  woodrufe 
nathanl  woodrufe 
Jonathan  woodrufe 
Isaac  woodrufe 
John  Burnat 
Samuel  Butler 
Gidian  Butler 
nathaniell  Butler 
Obedia  Roggers 
obadiah  Johnson 


FAFEB8   BEliATINO  TO  LONG   ISLAND. 


489 


Ensn  Joseph  Peirson 
Henry  Peirson 
Joseph  Peirson 
Ephraim  Pierson 
Samll  Peirson 
Thomas  Parvine 
Thomas  Pervine  Jur 
Lift  Thomas  Steephens 
Isaack  Willman 
James  Willman 
Daniell  Davis 
and  Will  Hericke 
Will  Hericke  Jur 
John  Herick 
Herick 
Thomas  Hericke 
Robert  Patin 
Ephraim  Topping 
Thomas  Toping 
Thomas  Toping 
Mr.  William  Barker  Esq 
Mr.  John  Wick 
Job  Wick 
Arther  Davis 
John  Carwith 
Joseph  Howell 
Zebulon  Howell 
Joseph  Howel  Jur 
James  Howell 
John  ware 
Jacob  ware 
John  Ware  Jur 
John  Jessup 
Isaac  Jessup 
Jer:  Jessup 
Henry  Jessup 
Thomas  Jessup 
Mr.  Edward  Howell 
Samuell  Howell 
Jonah  Howell 
Edward  Howell  Jur 
Benjn  Howell 
Tho:  Howell 
Joseph  foster  j 

Christopher  ffoster 
Joseph  foster 
Daniell  fibster 


nathan  fibster 
John  Howell 
Manassa  Kompton 
Richard  Howell 
Richard  Howell  Jur 
Hezeckia  Howell 
Edward  Howell 
obadia  Howell 
Chris:  Howell 
Joseph  Goodale 
Jonathan  Goodale 
Joseph  Goodale 
Will  goodale 
Benjn  mar  shall 
Jonathan  Rayner 
Jonathan  Rayner  Jur 
Richard  Wood 
Isaac  Halsey: 
Ephraim  Halsey 
Nathaniell  Howell 
neheraiah  Howell 
Henry  Howell 
Ensn  Joseph  flbrdham 
Joseph  Ifordham  Jur 
flellatia  fibrdham 
John  Willman 
Mr  Jonah  tbrdham 
Jonah  fordham  Jur 
Mr  Joseph  Whitin 
Samuell  Whitin 
Joseph  Whitin  Jur 
Benjn  whitin 
Will  Blyeth 
Benjn  Hildrith 
Job  Sayre 
Benjn  Sayre 
John  .    Itby 
Ephrm  whit 
Stephen  white 
Charles  white 
Isaac  Halsey 
Isaac  Halsey  Jur 
Isaac  Halsey  Ters 
Joshua  Halsey 
Thomas  Halsey 
Samuell  Halsey 
Samell  Johnes 


440 


PAPERS  RELATING   TO  LONG   ISLAND. 


Samuell  Johnes  Jur 
nathan  Howell 
Israeli  Howell 
Ezekiel  Howell 
John  Jager 
John  Jager  Jur 
Samuell  Jager 
Jonathan  Jager 
Benjn  Jagger 
Josiah  Howell 
Daniell  Howell 
Timoth:  Hileyrd 
Thomas  Hongson 
John  Mowbry 
Anning  Mowbry 
Samuell  Clark 
Jermiah  Clark 
Charles  Clark 
Wm  Clark 
Richard  Bounesfield 
Richard  Rounesfleld 
David  Howell 
John  Rayne 
Ephraim  Howell 
Ephraim  Howell 
Samuell  Howell 
Isaac  Rayner 
Daniell  Halsey 
Richard  Halsey 
Daniell  Hallsey  Jur 
Lift  abraham  Howell 
Abraham  Howell 
Charles  Howell 
Philip  Howell 
Ebenezer  Howell 
John  Sayre 
John  Sayre 
Thomas  Sayre 
Lott  Bumot 
Joseph  Burnott 
David  Burnott 
nathan  Burnott 
Jonathan  Burnott 
Samiel  Bumot 
Isaac  Burnott 
Thomas  ffbster 
Benjn  fibster 


David  ffoster 
Jonathan  ifoster 
Isaac  fibster 
nathanel  Hasey 
Jonathan  Howell 
Jonathan  Howell  Jur 
Isaa  Howell 
David  Howell 
Josiah  Halsey 
Josiah  Halsey  Jur 
Jonathan  Halsey 
Benjn  fibster  Jur 
Henry  Lndlom 
Will  Ludlom 
Henry  ludlom  Jur 
Jeremiah  ludlom 
Aibiell  Cook 
Abiell  Cook  Jur 
Josiah  Cook 
Thomas  Rose 
Israeli  Rose 
Humphrey  Huse 
John  Parker 
abner  Huse 
WiUiam  Rose 
Uriah  Huse 
John  masen 
Jedadia  Huse 
James  fibster 
John  Huse 
David  Halsey 
abraham  Halsey 
David  Rose 
James  Rose 
David  Rose  Jur 
Anthony  ludlom 
James  Herick 
Aron  Burnot 
Aaron  Burnot  Jur 
moses  Burnat 
Jonah  Rogers 
Jonah  Rogers 
Rogers 
James  Haines 
Samuell  Haines 
Ellis  Cook 
Charles  fordham 


PAPERB   RELATING    TO   LONG    ISLAND. 


441 


John  Cook 
John  Cook  Jur 
Ellias  Cook 
obadia  Cook 
Ellijah  Cook 
Ensn  John  lupton 
Christopher  Lupton 
Benj  Lupton 
Samuell  Loome 
mathew  Loome 
Samuell  Loome 
Isaac  Mills 
Isaac  mills  Jur 
Thomas  Cooper 
Thomas  Cooper  Jur 
Jonathan  miles 
Kicliard  Cooper 
Joseph  more 
Joseph  more 
Benjn  more 
Elisha  Howell 
Lemuell  Howell 
mai-tine  Rose 
Jacob  Wood 
Lenard  Hasy 
William  Tarbill 
Will  TarbiU  Jur 
John  michill 
John  michill  Jur 
Jermiah  Halsey 
Jere:  Halsey  Jur 
Benony  nutton 
Benjn  nuton 
Isaac  nuton 
Jonathan  nuton 
John  nuton 
James  Hildrith 
James  Hildrith  Jur 
Joshua  Hildrith 
Ezekill  Sanlbrd 
Ezekill  Sanford  Jur 
Thomas  Sanford 
Samuell  Barbur 
Jonathan  Strickling 
nathaniell  Resco  Jur 
Josiah  hand 
natha:  Resco 


[Vol.  I.l 


Amij  Resco 
Peregrin  Stanbrough 
James  Stanbrough 
Doct  natli.  Wade 
Simon  wade 
Alexander  Wilmot 
Joseph  Wickham 
Joseph  wickham  Jur 
Thomas  Diamond 
Capt.  Elnathan  Topping 
Stephen  Tobpiug 
Sillvauus  Topping 
Edward  Petty 
Ellnathnn  Petty 
Edward  Pety  Jur 
Josiah  Topping 
Josiah  Topping  Jur 
Hezekia  Topping 
Robert  Noris 
Robert  noris  Jur 
oUver  noris 
Mr.  Ebenezer  white 
Elnath  white 
Lift  Coll  Henry  Peirson 
John  Peirson 
David  ?eirson 
Theophilus  Person 
Abraham  Peirson 
Josiah  Peirson 
Bennony  flint 
John  fflint 
John  morehouse 
John  morehouse  Jur 

Peter  noris 

Lift  Thehopilus  Hcwell 

Theoph:  Howell  Jur 

Cilley  Howell 

Theoder  Peiretn 

Theoder  Peirson 

John  Stanbrough 

Jolrn  Stanbrough  Jur 

Daniel  Sayre  Jur 

Daniell  Sayre  terts 

Dan  Bui-not 

Ichabod  Buruot 

Dan  Burnot  Jur 

The  numbr  of  male  Christians  \  389 


I  1 


!  I 


56 


443 


PAPERS   RELATING   TO   LONG   ISLAND. 


FFEAMALES. 


i 


Ann  Peirklns 
Hannah  Haines 
Lidia  Haines 
raary  Haines 
raary  Shaw 
Susanah  Shaw 
Jeaue  Shaw 
Sarah  Clark 
mar'  Clark 
Ester  Clark 
Sarah  Clark 
mary  Scott 
Sarah  Haris 
Eunice  Haris 
mary  Davis 
mary  Davis 
Mary  lupton 
mary  lupton 
Hanah  luptons 
abigaill  luptons 
Abigaill  Rose 
Hanah  Rose 
Abigaile  Rose  Jur 
Sarah  Rose: 
Hanah  Rose 
martha  Bose 
debro  Rose 
Hanah  Jager 
Sarah  Jager 
Hanah  Jager. 
Elizabeth  Davis 
mahitable  davis 

Jager 
mary  Erie 
Mary  Cooper 
Sarah  Cooper 
mary  Cooper  Jur 
Elisabeth  Cooper 
Elisabeth  Cooper  Jur 
Jerash  Cooper 
Phebe  Cooper 
Elisabeth  Cooper  Jur 
Johana  Cooper 
mahitable  Cooper 
mary  Culver 
mary  Culver  Jur 


Rachell  Reeves 
Lidia  Bishop 
abigaile  Bishop 
marey  Bishop 
Eunis  Bishop 
Sarah  Poast 
mary  Poast 
mary  Post  Jur 
Patience  Sayere 
raary  Davis 
Sarah  Sayre 
mary  Sayre 
mary  Sayre 
An  Halsey 
Abigaile  Reeves 
Elisabeth  gilbord 
Cethia  Gilbord 
mary  gilbord 
Hanah  Sayre 
mary  Bishop 
Susanah  Bishope 
Susanah  Bishop  Jur 
Sarah  Bishop 
mary  Bishop 
Patience  Barns 
Sarah  Barns 
ann  Woolly 
Ann  Woolly 
Elisabeth  woolly 
Hanah  woolly 
Phebe  wooly 
mary  wooUy 
Hanah  Travely 
Susanah  Beswik 
Ruth  bower 
mahitabell  Bower 
Sarah  Erie 
Sarah  Ifoster 
Phebe  foster 
Hanah  foster 
Hanah  foster 
Hanah  foster 
Hana  Ifoster 
Hanah  Hildrith 
Hanah  woodrufe 
Sarah  woodrufe 


fAPERB    HELATIMO   TO   LONtt    ISLAND. 


448 


Hanah  Woodrufe 
abigaile  woodrufe 
Elisabetli  Woodrufe 
EUisabeth  Butler 
martha  Buler 
Sarah  Butler 
Amy  butler 
mary  butler 
mary  Rogers 
mary  Roger  Jur 
mary  Rogers  ter 
Sary  Roegers 
debro  Rogers 
Patience  Rogers 
mary  Peirson 
Rebeika  Parvin 
Elisabeth  Steevens 
Phebe  Staephens 
Susanah  Stevens 
Susana  willman 
hanah  willmans 
Elisbeth  willmans 
mahitable  hericke 
Ireniah  Hericke 
Phebe  Hericke 
mahitable  Herick 
Martha  Herick 
Debro  Toping 
Hanah  Reeves 
Temprance  wick 
Temprance  Wick 
Lidia  Howell 
Bothia  Howell 
ffreelove  Howell 
Elisabeth  ware 
Elisabeth  Jesup 
mary  Jessup 
Hanah  Jessup 
martha  Davis 
Sarah  Jussup 
mary  Howell 
raary  Howell 
Ireniah  Roggers 
raindwell  Erie 
Mrs.  mary  'Towell 
SibellHow  11 
Elisabeth  Simpkius 


Johannh  Howell 
Ablgnilo  ftoRter 
Sarah  fl'oster 
mnliitubcll  foster 
Dufiiary  tibster 
Pcnellople  flbster 
Elllsabeth  Howell 
Dorkis  Howell 
Sary  Howell 
Sarah  Howell 
abigaile  Howell 
Elisabeth  goodale 
mary  goodale 
Hiinah  goodale 
Sarah  Rayner 
debrah  Rayner 
Hanah  Rayner 
Sarah  fltilld 
mary  Halsey 
mahitable  Halsey 
mary  Halsey 
Sarah  mlnthorn 
Mrs.  Susanah  Howell 
Prudence  Howell 
Hanah  Howell 
mahlte  Howell 
martha  Howell 
mary  Ibrdham 
raary  ibrdham  Jur 
mary  fordham  3d 
Phebe  fordham 
Allath  fordham 
Deborah  Whiting 
Rebecca  Whiting 
Hanah  whiting 
Ellfiabeth  whiting 
Susannah  Maltbey 
Susanah  Sayre 
Ester  ibrdham 
Ke/lah  fordham 
Hanah  fordliam 
Ruth  White 
Sarah  white 
mary  Halsey 
Elisabeth  Halsey 
Plieby  Halsey 
Hauali  Erie 


PAPEIIS   RCLATINQ   TO   LONO    HLAND. 


niary  Poast 
Sarali  Poast 
Dorithee  Post 
martha  Poast 
Debborah  Poast 
Ester  Jolines 
Pliebe  Johnes 
Mrs.  Mary  Howell 
Euuis  Howell 
Jerusha  Howell 
Hanah  Jager 
Lidia  Jaggei 
Hanah  Melvlne 
Margret  Hilyard 
mary  Howell 
Mistris  anning 
Hanah  Clark 
Pheebe  Clark 
Hanah  Rounsifleld 
Martha  Kounsifie^'* 
Abigaill  wilson 
Hanah  Howell 
Sarah  Howell 
Hanah  Howell 
Judith  Howell 
Ann  Howell 
GrisiU  HoweU 
.A.my  Halsey 
Hulda  Erie 
Elllsabeth  Halsey 
Debro  Halsey 
mary  Ranr 
Phebe  Raynr 
Hanah  Raynr 
Sarah  Sayre 
Sarah  Sayre 
Damorus  Sayre 
Phebe  Burnatt 
Lidia  foster 
Elisabeth  white 
Uebro  foster 
Zeruiah  foster 
Ajinah  Halsey 
Hanah  Howell 
Zerusah  Howell 
mary  Howell 
Temprance  Halsey 


Sarah  Halsey 
Temprance  Halsey 
abigaile  Halsey 
martha  foster 
Bothy  foster 
martha  fostor 
Sarah  foster 
Rachell  Ludlom 
Jane  Ludlom 
Abigaile  ludlom 
Rachell  Ludlom  Jur 
ffrances  Cooke 
ffrances  Cooke  Jur 
Hanah  Rose 
Hanah  Rose 
Sarah  Hericke 
Elisabeth  Burnot 
Elisabeth  Burnott 
Hanah  Burnot 
Mary  Parker 
Ester  Rose 
Hanah  Halsey 
Hanah  Halsey 
Prudence  Hulsey 
Patience  Ludlom 
Patience  Ludlom 
Phebe  Rogers 
Phebe  Rogers 
Sarah  Haines 
Sarah  Haines 
Sarah  nichill 
Elisabeth  Cook 
Susanah  Cook 
Hanah  Shaw 
Elisabeth  Cook 
martlia  Cmk 
Hanah  Lupton 
Hanah  Lupton 
Lidia  Lupton 
mary  laughton 
Hanah  Lome 
Abigaile  Lome 
Hanah  Loome 
Johanah  nuton 
Johanah  nuton 
Ester  leeming 
Hanah  Cooper 


PAPtM   REL.ATIMO  TO  LOMO   ISLAND. 


446 


I 


Sarah  taping 

mary  Baylee 

Sarah  more 

Hannah  Topping 

Elisabeth  more 

Hnnah  Toping 

Sarah  more  Jur 

Temprance  Toping 

mary  more 

Toping 

Hanah  Sayre 

martha  huso 

Damones  Howell 

Hanah  noris 

Elliner  Howell 

Hanah  noris 

Penellopie  Howell 

mary  noris 

abiecah  Howell 

Sarah  noris 

mary  Tarbill 

hanah  leeming 

mary  tarbill 

mrs  mahitable  whita 

mary  Haris 

Elisabeth  langton 

mary  haris 

mrs  Susanah  Fierson 

Deborah  Hildrith 

Abigaile  toping 

Deborah  Hildrith 

Hanah  Peirson 

Hanah  Sanford 

Sarah  Peirson 

Hanah  Sanford 

mary  flint 

Elisabeth  nuton 

mary  flint 

Phebe  nuton 

Hanah  flintt 

annah  Halsey 

Sarali  noris 

annah  Halsey 

Hanah  noris 

Johanah  Resco 
mary  barbur 

Elisabeth  noris 

deliverance  priest 

Debro  Howell 

mary  barbur 

Phebee  Howell 

mary  Strickland 

hanah  noiis 

Mary  hand 

tlrances  Peirson 

Abigaile  wade 

Ann  Peirson 

Sarah  Stanbrough 

murtha  Stanbrough 

Ollive  Stanbrough 

martha  Stanbrough 

Eunis  Stanbrougl 

i 

Sarah  Sayre 

Elisabeth  Stanbrougli 

Hanah  Sayre 

mary  Willmott 

Sarali  Sayre 

Sarah  Wickham 

• 

Abigaile  burnot 

raary  Topping 

NEGRO  MALES. 

feamale  Christians  3 

Will 

Geaser 

Tom 

Sambo 

John 

Jethro 

Will 

ned: 

Peter 

Jack 

Jack 

Tobee 

Dick 

Titus 

Ifranck                            Peter 

Tom 

Jefery 

Ceser                              Cisto 

Guie 

Lewis 

Samson                           brigitt 

Jack 

mingo 

Jehue           •                  

Jack 

Dick 

Nero 

40 

Dick 

Tittus 

George                     [7  names  d< 

446  PAPEM   RBLATINO   TO  LONG   IILAKO. 

NEGRO  FEMALES. 
Ann  liety  Rueth  molly 

bety  Jouue  Dorekls  Dinah 

Isabell  Hoger  Smony  Besa 

bety  bety  Pegee  mariah 

Elisabeth  Hanali  Philit  Simony 

Ferle  Kachel  hltabell  

Abee  Juditit  Sarah  females  negro 

Sarah  Judith  Sarah  persons  43 

Hanah  Jinny  Rose  [6  names  destroyed.  | 

Joane  Simony  margery 

Sarah  Rueth  hanah 

The  number  of  Christian  Males  is 389  /  „„     "\ 

The  numlier  of  Christian  fteemales  is 349  )  f  goi 

The  number  of  negro  Slaves  men  is 040  )  y 

Tiie  number  of  women  negro  Slaves  is •  043)         J 

Indian  males  that  are  upwards  of  fifteen  years — The  Sqi  as  and  children  few  of  whom  have  any 
nam 

Chice  Indian  Dick  Indian 

Johnson  Indian  Plato  Indian 

Tom-hodge  Indian 

Arther  Indian  Denitt  Indian 

Antliony  Indian  obedia  Indian 

Thamanty  Indian  Cuttwas  Indian 

Johnaquan  Indian  Abraham  Indian 

queegano  Indian  Isaac  Indian 

Lenard  Indian  Sam  Indian 

Pisacomary  Indian  Steephen  Indian 

Jefery  Indian  nodian  Indian 

Rhichoam  Indian  Judas  Indian 

Rediiedwill  Indian  Weegon  Indian 

Ponujuaneo  Indian  Cough  Indian 

Simon  Indian  Sam  Indian 

Canady  Indian  William  Indian 

Tohemon  Indian  na  Indian 

Coyemow  Indian  Chitty  Indian 

Ifranck  Indian  Hary  Indian 

Toby  Indian  Joseph  Indian 

macrobow  Indian  Tom  Indian 

nabamacow  Indian  waynantuck  Indian 

Philip  Indian  waneno  Indian    - 

Sam  Indian  Titus  Indian 

Tom  lenard  Indian 

The  nuber  of  Indians  upwards  of  15  years '.        .        .        52 

The  Indians  luformes  ther?  Is  about  The  same  number  of  woomen  and  as  many  Chil-  \ 

dren J  ^"*' 

152 


PAPCM    HtLATINO  TO   LONG   IILAKD. 


447 


The  hethen  are  So  Scattered  To  and  frow  that  they  can  neither  be  Sumraonted  in  fManuiM!rl|>t 
torn.] 
Thy  above  listt  of  the  Inhabitants  of  y  Town  of  Southampton,  Taken  p  nw  thin  15th  day  of 

September  1008. 

MATHKW  HOWKI.L. 


A  LIST  OF  THE  NAMES 

or  OLD   AND   YOUNG,  CHRISTIANS,   AND   HEATHENS,   FFREMEN,   AND  SERtTANTS ;    WHITE;    AND   BIACK  ;    &C. 
INHABITTCINGE   WITHIN   THE  T0WN-8IIIPP  OK   HOUTHOLD   VIZ — 


Isaac  Arnold 
Sarali  Arnold 
Rachel  Arnold 
Sarah  Arnold  Junjr 
Susannah  Arnold 
Susannah  Washboum 
John  Washbourn 
Thomas  Mapes 
Mary  Mapes 
Abigail  Mapes 
Margarett  Edwards 
Joshua  Hobart 
Peter  Hobart 
John  Hobart 
Eb«3nezer  Way 
Irene  Way 
Eliezer  Way 
Jonathan  Ilorton 
Bathia  Horton 
Jonatiiun  Horton  Junjr 
William  Horton 
James  Horton 
Mehitobel  Horton 
Mary  Horton 
Abigail  Horton 
Patience  Horton 
Stephen  Bouyer 
Jonas  Holdsworth 
Joshua  Horton 
Mary  Horton 
Ephraim  Horton 
Mary  Horton  Junjr 
Bathia  Horton 


Elizabeth  Horton 
Zerviali  Horton 
Jasper  (triffllng 
Hannah  Oridlng 
Robert  Grifflng 
Susannah  Grifflng 
Edward  Griffiug 
Robert  Grifflng  Junjr 
Samuel  Grifflng 
Jolm  Grifflng 
John  Youngs 
Wra  Walter 
Theoder  Ballens 
Mar'  Grifflng 
Prudence  Smith 
John  Booth 
Hannah  Booth 
Mehitophel  Booth 
John  Booth  Junjr 
Obadiah  Bootli 
Daniel  Booth 
Hannah  Booth  Junjr 
Patience  Booth 
Thomas  Emmons 
Mary  Emmons 
Obadiah  Emmons 
Elizth.  Emmons 
Thomas  Paine 
John  Tutthill 
Sarah  Tutthill 
Daniel  Tutthill 
Nathaniel  Tutthill 
Ephraim  Youngs 


448 


PAPERS    RELATIM6   TO  LONfl    ISLAND. 


Mary  Youngs 

Ruth  Terry 

Thomas  Youngs 

Mary  Youngs 

Christopher  Bradly 

John  Edwards 

William  Barnes 

Marj'  Mayhew 

Benjamin  Lhommedieu 

Patience  Lhommedieu 

Benjamin  Lhommedieu  Junjr 

Hosea  Lhommedieu 

Eliza  Sylvester 

William  Booth 

Hannah  Booth 

Wm  Booth  Junjr 

Samuel  Booth 

George  Booth 

Hannah  Booth  Junjr 

Thomas  Terry 

Eliza  Terry 

Thomas  Terry  Junjr. 

Daniel  Terry 

Joseph  Terry 

Abigail  Terry 

Hannah  Martin 

John  Rogers 

John  Conckline 

Sarah  Concklin 

Sarah  Conckline  Junr. 

John  Conckline  Jiujr 

Henry  Conckline 

Rachel  Concklin 

Thomas  Concklin 

Mary  Concklin 

Joseph  Concklin 

Abigail  Concklin 

Joseph  Concklin  Junjr 

John  Concklin 

Phillip  Gooding 

Sarah  Gooding 

Amos  Gooding 

Phillip  Gooding  Junjr 

ffreeloue  Gooding 

Christopher  Youngs 

Mercy  Youngs 

Abraham  Youngs 


Nathaniel  Youngs 
John  Youngs 
Charity  Nashboume 
Thomas  Terrell 
John  Terrell 
Richard  Terrell 
Abigail  Terrell 
Nicholas  Terrell 
Catharine  Terrell 
Peter  Hallock 
Eliza  Hallock 
Bathia  Hallock 
AbigaU  Hallock 
Peter  Hallock  Junjr 
William  Hallock 
Noah  Hallock 
Richard  Benjamen 
Eliza  Benjamen 
Anna  Benjamen 
John  Benjamen 
Richard  Benjamen  Junjr 
Jonathan  Benjamen 
David  Benjamen 
Joshua  Benjamen 
Joseph  Benjamen 
Daniel  Terry 
Sarah  Terry 
Daniel  Terry  Junjr 
Samuel  Terry 
Eliza  Terry 
James  Terry 
Isaac  Oueuton 
John  Ouenton 
Thomas  Ouenton 
Thomas  Goldsmith 
Bathia  Goldsmith 
Joshua  Goldsmith 
Richard  Terry 
Prudence  Terry 
Abigail  Coleman 
Caleb  Horton 
John  Reeue 
hannah  Reeue 
Walter  Reeue 
John  Reeue  Junjr 
Elisha  Reeue 
Abigail  Reeue 


. 


PAPERS   RELATING   TO   LONG   ISLAND. 


449 


Bathia  Reeue 
Margarett  Giles 
Peter  Dickerson 
Naomy  Dickerson 
Pliilemon  Dickerson 
John  Dickerson 
Mary  Dickerson  Junjr 
Naomy  Dickerson 
Tlionias  Dickerson 
Mary  Dickerson 
Mary  Monjoy 
Jonatlian  Reeue 
Martlia  Reene 
Margarett  Reeue 
Mary  Reeue 
Martha  Reeue  Junjr 
Matthew  Reeue 
Jonathan  Mapes 
Hester  Mapes 
Benjamen  Youngs 
Mary  Youngs 
Grover  Youngs 
John  Bailey 
Lott  Johnson 
Gideon  Youngs 
Sarah  Youngs 
Joseph  Youngs 
Jonathan  Youngs 
David  Youngs 
Gidion  Youngs 
Sarah  Youngs 
Hannah  Youngs 
Margarett  Youngs 
Mary  Youngs 
Hannah  Wiggin  widow 
James  Wiggin 
Annis  Wiggin 
Eliza  Wi^in 
Patience  Ryder 
Thomas  Hallock 
Hope  Hallock 
Thomas  Hallock 
Kingsland  Hallock 
Ichabod  Hallock 
Zerobabel  Hallock 
Anna  Hallock 
Patience  Hallock 


[Vol.  1. 


67 


Richard  Hallock 

Richard  Howell 

David  Howell 

Jonathan  Howell 

Richard  Howell  Junjr 

Isaac  Howell 

Jacob  Howell 

Eliza  Howell 

Dorathy  Howell 

Mary  Youngs  Junjr  widdow 

Christopher  Youngs  Junjr 

Anna  Youngs 

Phebe  Youngs 

Eliza  Youngs 

John  Gattin 

Sarah  Gattin 

Anna  Gattin 

Jonathan  Brown 

Eliza  Brown 

Jonathan  Brown  Junjr 

Eliza  Brown  junjr 

Hannah  Brown 

Rachel  Brown 

Mary  Giles 

Edward  Gattin 

Mary  Youngs  widdow 

Daniel  Youngs 

William  Youngs 

Joshua  Youngs 

Samuel  Turner 

Mary  Wiggans 

Natlian  Langdon 

Hannah  Langdon 

Eliza  Langdon 

Nathan  Langdon  Junjr 

James  Langdon 

Samuel  Youngs 

Joseph  Sweazy 

Mary  Sweazy 

Johannah  Sweazy 

Joseph  Sweazy  Junjr 

Mary  Swazy 

Sarah  Swazy 

Samuel  Swazy 

Richard  Swazy 

Stephen  Swazy 

Bathia  Swazy 


:;S 


if 


450 


PAPKRS  RELATIMO  TO  LONG  ISLAND. 


['/ 


; 


Thomas  Moor  junjr 
Jean  Moor 
Mary  Moor 
Rachel  Moor 
Isaac  Osmond 
Chaterine  Osmond 
Martha  Osmond 
Prudence  Osmond 
Isaac  Osmond 
William  Downs 
Abigail  Downs 
Abijah  Downs  Junjr 
Samuel  King  Junjr 
Hannah  King 
Samuel  King 
Zacharias  King 
John  Swazy 
Mary  Swazy 
Jno.  Swazy  Junjr 
Susana.  Swazy 
Mary  Swazy  Junjr 
Joshua  &  Phebe  Swazy 
Jacob  Conckline 
Mary  Conckline 
Jacob  Conckline  Junjr 
Samuel  Conckline 
Jolin  Conckline 
Gideon  Conckline 
Mary  Conckline  Junjr 
Joseph  Conckline 
Joseph  Conckline  Junjr 
Mary  Baily 
Theophilus  Corwin 
John  Harwood 
William  Brown 
Catharine  Brown 
Wm  Brown  junjr 
John  Brown 
Walter  Brown 
Silvanus  Brown 
David  Brown 
Mary  Brown 
Sarah  Martin 
John  Corwin 
Matthias  Corwin 
Samuel  Corwin 
Anna  Corwin 


Abigail  Corwin 
John  Corwin  Junjr 
Sarah  Corwin 
Sarah  Corwin  Junjr 
Eliza  Corwin 
Hester  Corwin 
Jacob  Ozmond 
Sarah  Ozmond 
Mary  Ozmond 
Sai-ah  Ozmond  Junjr 
Eliza  Ozmond 
Hester  Ozmond 
Pinnina  Ozmond 
Hannah  Ozmond 
Martha  Ozmond  widdw 
Sarah  Ozmond 
Dinah  Blyth 
Jno.  Howel 
Thom&s  Clark 
Mary  Clark 
Thomas  Clark  Junjr 
Elizabeth  Clark 
Mary  Ozmond  widdow 
Deborah  Ozmond 
Phebe  Ozmond 
Johannah  Ozmond 
Mercy  Ozmond 
Samuel  Ozmond 
William  King 
Abigail  King 
Wm  King  Junjr 
Hannah  King 
David  King 
Sai-ah  Youngs 
Daniel  King 
Robert  Labe 
Caleb  Curtjes 
Eliza  Curtjes 
Joshua  Curtjes 
Mary  Curtjes 
Samuel  Curtjes 
Sarah  Curtjes 
Hannah  Curtjes 
Richard  Curtjes 
Stephen  Baily 
Mary  Baily 
Hannah  Baily 


PAPKRS    BELATINO   TO  LON*    ISLAND. 


451 


Israel  Baily 

Temprance  Baily 

Jonathan  Baily 

Gliristian  Baily 

David  Gardiner 

Martha  Gardiner 

Mary  Gardiner 

Mehitober  Corwin 

Sarauell  King 

Abigail  King 

Theophilus  Case 

hannah  Case 

William  Case 

Icabod  Case 

John  Case 

Eliza  Robertson 
Jasper  Griffing  Junjr 
Ruth  Griflang 
Jasper  Grifling 
Ruth  GriflRng 
Abraham  Corey 
Margarett  Corey 
Mary  Corey 
Abraham  Corey  Junjr 
Jno  Corey 
Dorathy  Corey 
Patience  Mayhew 
Isaac  Corey 
Sarah  Corey 
Isaac  Corey  Junjr 
David  Corey 
Jonathan  Corey 
Sarah  Corey  Junjr 
Phebe  Corey 
Deborah  Corey 
Peter  Aldridge 
Annis  Reeue  widdow 
Walter  Brown 
Joseph  Brown 
Daniel  Brown 
Gersham  Aldridge 
James  Pattay 
Experience  Pattay 
James  Pattay  Juiyr 
Mary  Pattay 
nymon  Pattay 
Experience  Pattay 


Thomas  Ryder 
Joseph  Ryder 
Providence  Ryder 
Jeremiah  Ryder 
Hester  Ryder 
Mehitobel  Ryder 
John  Budd 
Hester  Budd 
John  Budd  Junjr 
Joseph  Budd 
Susannah  Budd 
Mary  Budd 
Martha  Moor  widdow 
John  Trusteen 
Jonathan  Moor 
William  Moor 
Mary  Trusteen 
John  Pain  Junjr 
Sarah  Pain 
Nathaniel  Pain 
John  Pain 
Samuel  Crook 
Joseph  Crook 
Sussannah  Crook 
John  ffrancklin 
Philla:  ffrancklin 
Jno  Ifrancklin  Junjr 
Mary  Ifrancklin 
Samuel  Ifrancklin 
Martha  Ifrancklin 
ffrancis  Noise 
Perrslia  Noice 
Catharine  Noise 
Eliza  Lewis 
Mary  Reeue  widdow 
Wm  Reeue 
Abigail  Reeue 
Margarett  Reeue 
Sarah  Reeue 
Tliomas  Reeue 
Henry  Tuthill 
Batthia  Tuthill 
Henry  Tuthill  Junjr 
Jonathan  Tuthill 
Nathaniel  Tuthill 
Barnabas  Tuthill 
Abigail  Martin 


452 


PAPERS   BELATIMO   TO   LONO   ISLAND. 


Hester  Hoaman  widdow 
Hester  Hoaraau  Ju^jr 
John  Joanes 
Thomas  Hunter 
Eliza  Hunter 
Eliza  hunter  Junjr 
Zervia  Hunter 
Hannah  Hunter 
Sarah  Horton  Widdw 
Peanellope  Horton 
John  Pattay 
Mary  Pattay 
Edward  Pattay 
David  Pattay 
Mary  Pattay 
Joshua  Wells 
Hannah  Wells 
William  Wells 
Jno.  Wells 
Joshua  Wells 
Deliuerance  Wells 
Abigail  Wells 
Ann  Wells 
Mary  Martin 
John  Owen 
Thomas  Booth 
Mary  Booth 
John  Booth 
Thomas  Booth  Junjr 
James  Booth 
Giles  Booth 
Mary  B(x>th  Junjr 
Abraham  Ozmond 
Ilebecca  Ozmond 
Joseph  Ozmond 
John  Ozmond 
Damarass  Terrell 
John  Allowbin 
liannah  Allowbin  Junjr 
Mary  Allowbin 
Tabitha  Allowbin 
John  Goldsmitli 
Eliza  Goldsmitli 
John  Goldsmith  Junjr 
Thomas  Goldsmith 
Richard  Goldsmith 
Nathaniel  Goldsmith 


Mary  Goldsmith 
Henry  Wells 
Mary  Wells 
Martha  Carr 
Samuel  Glouer 
Saiah  Glouer 
Samuel  Glouer  junjr 
Martha  Glouer 
hanna.  Glouer 
Hester  Glouer 
William  Glouer 
Charles  Glouer 
Martha  Glouer 
Euan  Davis 
Mary  Davis 
Mordecai  hoaman 
William  Coleman 
Mary  Coleman 
Sarah  Coleman 
William  Coleman  Junjr 
Mary  Coleman  Junjr 
Sarah  Coleman  Junjr 
Charles  Booth 
Abigail  Booth 
Mary  Horton  widdow 
Jean  Mappon 
Charles  Booth  Junjr 
Abigail  Booth  Junjr 
David  Booth 
Jacob  Aldridge 
Caleb  Horton 
Jonathan  Horton 
David  Horton 
Barnabas  Horton 
Phebe  Horton 
Samuel  Winder 
Marj  Windes 
WmCoe 

Charley  Edwards 
Lott  Johnson 
Joseph  Pattay 
Mary  Pattay 
Daniel  Pattay 
James  Keeue 
Deborah  Reeue 
Mary  Reeue 
Isaac  Reeue 


^ 


PAPEBS  KELATINO  TO  LONG  ISLAND. 


453 


Thomas  Reeue 
Mary  Reeue 
Richard  Brown 
Dorithy  Brown 
Richard  Brown  Junjr 
Samuel  Brown 
Dorathy  Brown 
Abigail  Brown 
Mehitobel  Brown 
Henry  Brown 
Samuel  Hutcheson 
Elizabeth  Hutcheson 
Samuel  Hutcheson  Junjr 
Gersham  Terry 
Deborah  Terry 
Gersham  Terry  Junjr 
Deborah  Terry  Junjr 
Abigail  Terry 
Richard  Terry 
Barsheba  Terry 
Mehitobel  Terry 
Eliza  Cleaues 
Jerediah  Cleaues 
John  Cleaues 
Eliza  Cleaues  Junjr 
Mary  Cleaues 
Hannah  Cleaues 
John  Cleaues  Junjr 
Abigail  Cleaues 
Thomas  Tusten 
Priscilla  Tusten,  Widdow 
Eliza  Tusten 
Mereiam  Tusten 
Grace  Tusten 
Carterett  Gillam 
Mary  Gillam 
Anna  Gilliam 
Arnold  Gillam 
James  Gillam 
John  Wiggam 
James  Pershall 
Margaret  Pershall 
Mary  Pershall 
Israel  Pershall 
David  Pershall 
Benjamen  Pershall 
Margarett  Pershall  Junjr 


Thomas  Terrell  Jui^jr 

Sarah  Terrell 

Thomas  Terrell 

Sarah  Terrell  Junjr 

Joshua  Horton  Junjr 

Eliza  Horton 

Eliza  Horton  Junjr 

Patience  Horton 

Deborah  Horton 

Martha  Horton 

Henry  Case 

Tabitha  Case 

Henry  Case  Junjr 

Samuel  Case 

Benjamin  Case 

Tabitha  Case  Junjr 

Mary  Case 

John  Bond 

Sarah  Rodman 

John  Barnes 

Joseph  Reeue 

Abigal  Reeue 

Joseph  Reeue  Junjr 

Benjamen  Reeue 

David  Reeue 

Ezikias  Reeue 

Solomon  Reeue 

Abigail  Reeue 

Mary  Reeue 

Margarett  Hallock  widdow 

Dorathy  Ozmon 

Barnabas  Windes 

Mary  Windes 

Barnabas  Windes  Junjr 

Samuel  Windes 

Bathia  Windes 

Peanellope  Windes 

Sussanna  Willman 

Bathia  Horton 

Susanna  Windes 

Martha  Hutcheson  widdow 

Thomas  Hutcheson 

Matliias  Hutcheson 

Martha  Hutcheson  Junjr 

Hanna.  Case 

John  Terry 

Hannah  Terry 


454 


i 


PAPERS  RELATIMO  TO  LONO   ISLAND. 


John  Terry  Juiyr 
Nathaniel  Moor 
Jacob  Cory 
Ann  Cory 
Jacob  Corey  Juiy'r 
Ann  Corey  Junjr 
Abigail  Cory 
Jehoada  Corey 
John  Corey 
Benjamn  Corey 
Christopher  Merrick 
Hannah  Merrick 
Jeremiah  Veale 
Anne  Veale 
Thomas  Veale 
Jeremiah  Veale  Junjr 
Mary  Veale 
Mary  Moor 
Joshua  Sylvester 
Joseph  Moor 
Martha  Moor 
Joseph  Moor  Junjr 
Sarah  Solmon  widdow 
William  Solmon 
Sarah  Solmon  Junjr 
Mary  Solmon 
Amy  Solmon 

Elizabeth  Youngs  widdow 
John  Youngs 
Bei^amen  Youngs  Junr 
Eliza  Youngs  Junjr 
Christian  Youngs 
Jno.  Coleman 
Mary  Harwood 
William  Allobon 
Andrew  Miller 
Margarett  Miller 
David  Miller 
Eliza  Miller 
Margarett  Miller  Junjr 
Hannah  Miller 
Gersham  Tincker 
Samuel  Youngs 
Mary  Youngs 
Margarett  Youngs 
Nathan  Yonngs 
Zerobabel  Youngs 


Bathia  Corwin 

Joseph  Youngs 

Eliza  Youngs 

Mary  Youngs 

Thomas  Youngs 

Abigail  Pain  widdow 

Abigail  Pain  Juqjr 

Mary  Pain 

Sarah  Pain 

John  Daines 

Sarah  Moor,  widdow 

Abigail  Moor 

Patience  Moor 

Deborah  Moor 

Thomas  Moor 

John  Moor 

Nathaniel  Moor 

Martha  Moor 

Eliza  Moor 
Symon  Grouer 
Eliza  Grouer 
Martha  Veale 
Benjamin  Bams 
Barnabas  Horton 
Samuel  Bodman 
Benjamen  Moor 
Abigail  Moor 
John  Hutson 
Mary  Hutson 
John  Pain 
Jemima  Pain 
Mary  Pain 
Martha  Pain 
Jemima  Pain 
Eliza  Pain 
John  Pain  Junjr 
John  Corwin 
Benjamen  Bedwell 
Thomas  Longworth 
Deborah  Longworth 
Joshiah  Youngs 
Mary  Youngs 
Mary  Youngs  Jui^r 
Daniel  Corwin 
William  Hallocke 
Mary  Hallock 
William  Hallock  Jui^r 


1 


PAPERS   RCLATtNe  TO   LONG    ISLAND. 


m 


Ruth  Howell 
Prudence  Hallock 
Zebulon  Hallock 
Mary  Hallock  Jui\jr 
Mary  Corwin 
Jabez  Mapes 
Eliza  Mapes 
Sarah  Mapes 
Eliza  Mapes  Junjr 
Hannah  Mapes 
Ealse  Mapes 
John  Carter 
Ann  Carter 
Oesia  Carter 
Hester  Carter 
Eliza  Rackett 
John  Rackett 
Ann  Carter  Junjr 
Mary  Carter 
Joseph  Mapes 
Ruth  Mapes 
Joseph  Mapes  Junjr 
William  Mapes 
Hannah  Mapes 
David  Youngs 
Mary  Youngs 
John  Loring 
Richard  Loring 
Samuel  Loring 
John  Loring  Junjr 
Wm  Loring 
Thomas  Loring 
John  Veale 


Grace  Veale 
John  Veale  Junjr 
Daniel  Veale 
Samuel  Veale 
Obadiah  Veale 
Mary  Veale 
Abigail  Veale 
Irene  Veale 
Tabitha  Veale 
Joyco  Veale 
Mercy  Pattay  widdow 
Ralph  Pattay 
Lucas  Pattay 
Moses  Pattay 
Margery  Pattay 
Ann  Pattay 
Symon  Rumsey 
Mary  Rumsey 
Mary  Rumsey  Junjr 
Peter  Symons 

Symons 

Symons 

Symons 
John  Tutthill  Junjr 
Mehitobell  Tutthill 
Waite  Benjamcn  widdow 
William  Benjamen 
Waite  Benjamen  Junjr 
Anna  Benjamen 
hannah  Benjamen 
John  Benjamen 
William  Rosebash 
Ann  Rosebash 


The  J^ames  of  the  Slaves,  Men  Weomen  and  Children. 


Tony 

Maria 

Semony 

Mobsey 

Titus 

Sombo 

Tom 

Prissilla 

Adrea 

Abigail 

Grace 


Liddy 

Jack 

Betty 

Peter 

Nager 

John 

Santo 

hope 

Pegge 

Jack 

Bristol 


Grace 

Cato 

Semony 

Rose 

Tomm 

Robbin 

Dorrad 

Sarah 

Jenny  a  Girl 

Jenny 

Judah 


Cate 

James 

Jack 

Betty 

Rose 

huson 

Titus 

Sambo 


In  all  41 


Ill 


if 


I  i 


466  PAPERS    RELATING   TO   LOMO   ISLAND. 

Indians  ffreemen,  Servants,  men  wemen  and  Children  in  number    -        -        -        40 

Wliose  Names  Cannot  be  known  because  not  Contant  To  any  Name  &c 
One  hundred  tliirty  and  two  ffaraelyes ;  Consisting  of  Christians,  old  and  young ;        -  800 

Indians,  old  &  young 040 

Slaves,  old  &  young, — 41 

In  all 881 

Pr.  ISA.  ARNOTS 
THOMAS  MAPES 


PAPCkS  BCLATIMO  TO  LONO    IILAND. 


457 


NOTES  AND  OBSERVATIONS  ON  THK  TOWN  OF  EAST  HAMPTON,  L  I. 


«»    I 


UY   JOHN   LTON   GARDINER,  OP   Till:    IHL,IC  OV    WIOIIT  ;    ArUIL,    1708. 

The  Town  of  East  Hampton  Is  bounded  South- Easterly  by  t!ic  Atlntitic  Occnn,  on  wliich  side  the 
shore  is  a  sand  beach  free  from  rocks.  The  sea  gains  on  the  s'loro,  and  It  lias  been  said  by  aged 
people  that,  In  some  places,  the  sea  now  waslies  the  sliore  whern  Indian  Corn  has  been  planted  by 
their  Fathers.  The  sand  near  the  shore  is  blown  Into  IiIIIh  on  which  nothing  throws  but  a  grass  called 
"Beach  Grass,"  and  a  shrub  bearing  the  Beach  i)Iuiu.  Hy  this  grass  &  the  Bushes,  the  sniid  is,  In 
some  measure,  prevented  being  blown  over  the  adjacent  pasture  k  mowing  fields. 

Easterly,  the  town  terminates  atMontaulc's  Point  around  which  the  Tide  runs  very  rapidly.  Gar- 
diners  Island,  or  the  Isle  of  Wight,  lies  on  the  North  E'ist  side  of  fiardlnerV  Bay,  and  c<mtuiiis  about 
3,000  acres  of  good  land.  Its  greatest  length  Is  Irom  N.  W.  to  S.  E.  and  Is  about  7  J  miles.  There 
is,  besides,  an  Island  called  Rom  (or  lium)  Island,  which  belongs  t<i  It,  and  lies  on  the  Soutli  part. 
The  shape  of  the  Island  Is  irregular.  From  its  first  settlement  In  U539,  It  was  a  plantation  by  itself. 
As  the  Legislature  In  1783  thought  proper  to  annex  it  to  the  town  of  East  Hampton,  it  will,  In  these 
Notes,  be  considered  as  a  part  of  that  Township.  This  Island  IsdIstiuit  from  the  town  10  miles:  and 
from  Long  Island  shore  about  3.  It  is  assessed  for  about  one  sixth  of  the  value  of  the  ToAvnship. 
The  shore  on  the  North  side  of  East  Hampton  is  rocky  and  Indented  with  bays,  coves,  and  creeks, 
which  lead  into  Ponds  abounding  with  shell  and  scale  fish,  and  Mv  hiirb(jjirn  for  small  vessels. 

Westerly,  the  town  is  bounded  by  South  Hampton. 

The  line  between  these  two  towns  was  in  contention  from  the  first  settlement  till  1695,  when  it 
was,  finally,  fixed  where  it  now  is,  by  persons  mutually  chosen  by  the  two  Towns,  It  beghis  at  the 
sea  shore  on  the  south  side,  and  crosses  the  eastern  branch  of  the  Island,  to  the  North  side  &  leaves 
but  a  small  part  of  the  houses,  at  Sag  Harbor  on  the  East  Hampton  side.  This  line  is  about  miles 
in  length,  &  was  fenced  about  the  year  1664  in  order  to  keep  the  Southami)ton  horses  &c.  from  cross- 
ing over  the  bounds.  This  line  is  now  much  farther  to  the  Eastward  than  where  it  was  fixed  by  the 
General  Assembly  of  Connecticut  about  1660  to  whose  decision  it  was  then  referred. 

The  settlement  of  Sag  Harbor  is  mostly  in  Southampton  Township,  and  Is  a  thriving  place.  It  is 
exceedingly  well  calcidated  for  the  Whale  and  Cod  Fishery. 

By  the  Records,  it  appears  that  East  Hampton  was  at  first  called  Moidstone.  This  name  does  not 
appear  after  the  year  1664,  when  they  came  under  the  Diike  of  York,  and  soon  after  received  a 
patent  from  Col.  Richard  Nicolls.  By  this  Patent  the  Town  is  called  East  Hampton,  tliough  the 
records  of  the  Town  prior  to  the  year  1664,  mention  that  as  the  name  of  the  place.  It  was  probably 
called  East,  on  account  of  its  situation  to  the  East  of  S(Juthampton. 

Some  of  the  First  Settlers  appear,  by  the  Records,  to  have  coino  from  Stansted  in  tlie  county  of 
Kent  in  England.  Probably  some  of  them  might  have  como  from  Maidstone  in  the  same  County.  It 
is  very  evident  from  the  Records,  that  some  of  the  Original  35  settlers  and  piirchasers  of  the  Town 
removed  from  Lynn  in  Massachusetts ;  and  tradition  Informs  us  that  they  came  from  several  of  the 
towns  on  the  Sea  coast  to  the  Eastward  of  Boston.  These  were,  probably,  natives  of  England,  as 
New  England  had  not  been  settled  so  long  as  to  produce  Native  Immigrants  when  E.  Hampton  was 
first  settled.  Those  who  were  received  by  the  Original  Settlers  as  "accepted  Inhabitants,"  might 
have  been  born  in  America.  None  were  received  into  the  Town  as  Inhabitants  but  by  a  vote,  and 
eome  were  forbid  settling  on  account  of  their  principles  and  lazinesi. 


[Vol.  L] 


58 


fe;* 


458 


PAPERS    RELATING    TO   LONO    ISLAND. 


'  I 


There  were,  at  first  35  purchasers.  The  names  of  13  of  these  are  now  entirely  extinct  In  the 
Town.  The  Christian  &  Surnames  of  many  of  the  original  settlers  are  now  found  to  the  4"'  5">  & 
«)"» (legn  , counting  the  (list  as  one.  I^rfinds  tliat  were  at  first  allotted, have  descended  In  tlic  family, 
and  arc,  after  a  space  of  150  years,  occupied  hy  one  i»f  tlie  same  Ihmily  and  name. 

When  the  town  was  first  settled  only  a  home-lot  at  the  South  end  of  the  Town, containing  from  11 
to  13  acres  was  laid  out.  This  was  done  on  both  sides  of  tiie  Pond,  called  the  "Town  Pond."  This 
Avas  probably  on  account  of  the  convenience  of  getting  water  for  themselves  and  cattle  before  they 
dug  wells.  It  is  probable  a  brook  miglit  have  discharged  itself  int«)  the  Pond,  which,  since  the  land 
is  cleared,  has  disappeared. 

The  next  lands  tliat  was  laid  out  to  the  Owners,  were  the  Salt  Marshes  in  various  parts  of  the 
Town.    The  last  of  tlie  Woodland  was  allotted  to  the  owners  about  tiO  years  ago. 

Excepting  the  Indian  Deed  for  the  Township,  there  is  nothing  of  an  earlier  date  on  Record  than 
the  following : 

"At  a  General  Court  holden  at  East  Hampton,  Mardi  7**>  1650  [o.  s.|  It  is  ordered  that  Ralph 
Dayton  is  to  go  to  Kcneticut  for  to  procure  the  Evidence  of  our  Lands,  and  for  an  acquittance  for 
tlie  payment  of  our  lands,  and  lor  a  boddic  of  laws. 

"It  was  alsoe  ordered  that  any  mun  have  libertie  to  sett  gunns  for  to  kill  wolves,  but  not  within 
half  a  mile  of  the  town"  fc"  &c.  "  No  man  sliall  sett  any  gun,  but  he  shall  look  to  it  while  the  stars 
appear,  and  take  the  gunn  up  by  tiie  sunrising,  and  no  man  sliall  sell  any  dog  or  bitch,  young  or  ould 
to  any  Indian  upon  the  penaltie  of  paying  of  30s." 

Various  town  laws,  similar  to  tlie  alxjve  are  on  Record.  They  are  styled  "  Orders."  Many  of  them 
are  relative  to  laying  out  vacant  lands,  making  roads,  destroying  noxious  animals  &c.  iu  short,  laws 
that  were  necessary  in  a  new  settlement. 

The  Indian  Deed  lor  the  land  is  on  Record.  It  is  from  tiie  lour  Indian  Sacliems,  Pagfratacut,  of 
Manhansett :   Wayandafich  of  Miantacutt :  Mmmweta  of  Corchuki :  JVowcdonah  of  Shinacock. 

It  is  dated  April  29"'  1C48,  and  conveys  the  land,  to  the  "Eastward  of  Soutliamptou  bounds,  to 
the  Worshipful  Tlieophilus  Eaton  Esquire,  Goveruour  of  the  Colony  of  New  Haven  and  the  Wor- 
sliipful  Edward  Hopkins  Governour  of  tiie  Colony  of  Conecticut  and  tlieir  assocyates  ...  for 
and  in  consideratitjn  of  20  coats,  24  Looking  Glasses,  24  liose,  24  Hatchets,  24  Knives,  and  one  hundred 
Mucxs,  already  received  by  US,  and  reserve  unto  ourselves  free  Lilierty  to  fisli  in  all  tiie  cricks  & 
IKjnds,  and  hunt  up  and  down  in  the  Woods  witliout  molestat>  i,  giving  the  English  Inliabilants  noe 
just  cause  of  offence :  likewise  are  to  have  the  fynus  &  tails  of  all  Whales  cast  up,  and  desire  tliey 
may  be  friendly  dealt  with  in  the  other  part  alsoe  to  flsli  for  shells  to  make  Wampum  of,  and  if  tiie 
Indyans,  in  hunting  deer  shall  chase  them  into  the  water  and  the  English  shall  kill  them,  tlie  English 
shall  have  the  bodie  and  the  Sacliem  the  skin."  The  witnesses  were,  Ricliaid  Woodhull,  Thomas 
Stanton,  Robert  Bond,  Job  Sayre  and  Chectanoo  (by  his  mark)  the  Interpreter. 

There  is  recorded  a  receipt  from  Edward  Hopkins  to  "  Robert  Bond — inhabitant  of  East  Hampton 
for  £34.  4.  8.  being  the  amount  of  monies  paid  for  the  purchase  of  tlie  Lands,"  and  a  certificate  of 
the  delivering  to  said  Bond  the  writings  of  the  said  purchase  and  all  the  Interest  that  w«s  thereby 
purchased  dated  16»h  April  1651.  On  a  blank  leaf  of  on<  of  the  old  Books  of  Records  are  seen 
tliese  words  "  Robert  Bond  delivered  unto  the  Gov'  for  the  ourchase  of  our  Lands,  for  the  towps  use 
the  sum  of  £1.  3.  10.  Robert  Bond  for  his  expenses,  going  to  the  Mayne  land  in  the  Town's  service 
tlie  sum  is  £1.  3s.  6d."  It  appears  tliat  the  purchase  was  made  by  these  two  Governors  in  trust  & 
in  behalf  of  the  Original  Settlers  of  the  Town. 

The  English  &  Natives  appear  to  have  lived  on  good  terms.  The  lands  on  the  East  end  of  Long 
Island  as  well  as  the  neighbouring  Islands — Shelter  Island,  Gardiners  Island,  Plum  Island  &  Fishers 
Island — were  purchased  of  the  Natives.    Some  French  writers,  I  think  Raynal,  speaks  in  praise  of 


PAPERS    RELATINU   TO   LONO    AlANU. 


459 


the  Great  William  Peiin  for  having  sett  an  unct>mmon  Example  in  iinrchasing  the  Soil  of  Pennsyl- 
vania of  tlio  Niitlve  Indians,  and  which  if  it  had  been  follnwed  by  the  Settlers  of  New  England  and 
Virginia  would  iiave  preventeti  some  wars  that  took  place.  This  Frenclimiin,  like  many  Enropean 
writers  whc  iiave  never  been  in  the  country,  did  not  understand  himself  sulllriently  on  tliis  subject. 
The  I'aot  was  tliat  tlie  Settlers  of  Virginia  &  New  Englaiul  pureliased  their  lands  of  the  Natives  l)eforo 
Geo:  Fox  tlie  Founder  of  tlie  Quaker's  Sect  published  tlieir  principles  in  England  in  Oliver  Cro  ii- 
well's  time,  and  u  hmg  time  before  the  celebrated  William  Penn  settled  in  Pennsylvania.  There  is 
no  doubt  but  tlie  regular  purchase  &  the  warrantie  deed  from  the  Ibiir  abovementioned  Sachems,  in 
Wi4S,  prevented  dilliculties  between  the  Natives  &  Englisli.  Some  Indian  writings  on  record  in  East 
Hampton  speak  of  the  friendship  &  amity  of  tiieir  neighbours  the  Englisli  about  ICiOO. 

Gov  Winthrop  in  his  Journal,  page  and  Gov.  Hutchinson  in  his  History  of  Massachusetts  p.  88, 
mentitjns  that  in  IGIU,  a  number  of  iamilies  removed  from  Lynn  to  the  West  end  of  Long  Island, 
and  bought  land  tliere  of  James  Farrett  Agent  to  the  Earl  of  Sterling :  but  gettl.ig  into  some  quarrel 
with  tlie  Dutci),  they  removed  to  the  East  end,  and  settled  ut  Southampton  &  chose  one  Peirson  lor 
their  Minister.  Probably  Southampton  was  settled  before  Fast  Hampton.  Tradition  informs  us 
that,  belbre  East  Hamptim  people  built  their  lirst  grist  mid  (which  went  with  cattle),  they  went  to 
Southampton  to  mill,  and  carried  their  grain  on  the  back  of  a  Bull  that  belonged  to  the  Town  for  the 
use  of  their  cows.    If  this  is  true,  no  doubt  Southampton  was  settled  lirst. 

Gov  Hutchinson  says  that  in  1641  Soutliamptou  by  an  act  of  the  Commissioners  of  the  United 
Colonies  was  annext  to  tlie  Jui-isdiction  of  Connecticut.  One  might  suppose  that  £.  Hampton  was 
settled  from  Southampton  but  the  method  of  pronunciation  is  quite  dlHerent,  although  the  Towns 
join.  An  East  Hampton  man  may  be  known  from  a  Southampton  man  as  well  as' a  native  of  Kent 
In  England  may  be  distinguislied  fnmi  a  Yorkshire  muu.  Tlie  original  settlers  of  tliese  Towns  pro- 
bably came  from  dilferent  parts  of  England.  Besides  the  names  that  prevail  in  one  town  are  not  to 
be  met  with  in  the  other.  The  names  of  Pierson,  Halsey,  Howell,  Toppin,  Sanford,  Cooper,  White, 
Post  &c  are  common  In  Southampton  &  confined  there,  as  are  the  names  of  Mulford,  Osborn,  Conk- 
ling,  Baker,  Parsons,  Miller,  Gardiner,  Dayton,  &c.  to  East  Hampton.  The  names  of  Hedges  &  Hand, 
are  met  in  the  Eastern  part  of  Southampton  but  originally  fthey  were]  from  E.  Hampton.  Very 
little  intercourse  took  place  between  the  two  towns  before  the  Revolutionary  war.  Since  that,  visits 
and  interraarriaf^es  are  more  frequent. 

What  time  East  Hampton  was  lirst  settled  is  not  certainly  known.  Probably  soon  after  South- 
ampton. Neitlier  of  the  Towns  was  settled  as  early  as  Gardiners  Island  whicli  was  settled  by  Lion 
Gimliuer  in  March  1639.  David,  son  of  Lion  Gardiner,  In  a  petition  presented  to  Gov.  Dongan 
about  1683,  mentions  his  father  as  the  fli-st  Englishman  that  had  settled  in  tlie  Colony  of  New  York. 
Soutliampton  put  itself  under  the  Jurisdiction  of  Connecticut  In  1644,  as  Southold  did  under  New 
Haven  In  1648.  According  to  President  Stiles  History  of  the  three  Judges  of  Cliarles  I.,  East  Hamp- 
ton was  a  Plantation  or  Commonwealth  as  it  Is  styled.  In  the  Record — that  was.  Independent  of  any 
other  Government  from  the  first  settlement  till  about  1657.  Tlie  magistrates  frequently  asked  advice 
In  dlflicult  cases  "of  the  neighbour  Towns  of  Southampton  &  Southold"  and  sometimes  of  "  the 
Gentlemen  at  Hartford." 

The  three  Towns  on  the  East  are  styled  the  "  Three  Plantations."  The  government  of  the  Town 
of  E.  Hampton  was  purely  Republican.  Their  laws  were  enacted  by  all  the  citizens  assembled  In 
town  meeting;  this  was  stiled  "the  General  Court"  and  a  fine  latlicted  on  such  as  did  not  attend. 

In  Decf  1653  by  a  vote  of  the  General  Court,  "the  Capital  laws,  and  the  laws  and  Orders  that  are 
notlc'd  In  the  bodle  of  laws  that  came  from  Connecticut  shall  stand  In  force  among  us." 

Their  public  officers  were  few;  three  magistrates  who  were  called  Townsmen,  were  chosen  an- 
nually.   Their  oath  of  office  points  out  their  duty ;  it  was  as  follows : — 


40U 


PAPCHI    llk:LATINU   TO   LUNU    ULANO. 


!     ! 


"  You  boitiii;  clioseii  by  tlie  Court  for  tlie  rurfl\il  and  oonifortablu  i-ui-rying  on  or  tlie  nn'uirs  of  thia 
Town,  <l<i  lu  r«t  KwrHr  by  the  nainu  of  the  Uvcat  &  Kverlivin{  Uo<l,  that  yoii  will  rullhl\illy,  unU  with- 
out ri'8pi!<'t  of  pcrsoiiH,  execute  all  such  luwi  and  orders  uh  are  or  ahull  be  made  &  i-stubliithed  by  thin 
('  lurt,  al■M>^(liIl^  to  God,  nccunliiig  t»  the  trust  committed  to  yuu  tluriti)^  this  year  for  whicli  yuu  are 
clioitcii  Hi,  until  new  ones  be  chosen,  if  you  remain  among  u.<i,  so  heli>  you  God." 

A  Keeorder  &,  Constable  were  tlie  only  otlier  public  oillcers  chosen ;  their  oatli  ]MjintH  out  their 
duty,  and  is  inutnlu  mutuitdij,  similar  to  the  above.  Tlie  Constable  was  always  u  r<|  i'  >'  !■;  clti;teu 
niul  of  great  uutiiority.  lie,  by  law,  mtnlerated  the  (Jenend  Court.  The  Recorder,  oi  ..dietary  not 
only  recoi-ded  all  orders  of  the  General  Court,  but  the  decisions  of  tlie  Magistrates,  and  by  m  vote 
pitssed  in  lf!5(S,  clio  deiH)sitions  of  witnesses,  in  trials  at  \ji\\,  tbr  which  ho  was  allowed  a  t<;.i>>  .1  ^ .  ice, 
uH  were  aNo  tliu  magistrates  and  constable.  Tlieir  trials  were  soineJnies,  with  a  Jury,  but  mostly 
without.  From  lU5t)  to  1UU4,  alx)Ut  the  time  they  came  under  Gov.  Nicoll,  there  arc  about  50  or  00 
ea.ses  at  law  on  rnurd.     'I'liey  were  mostly  Ibr  small  debts  &  for  detamation.     l)y  law,  no  one  could 

recover  more  tiiaii  Xb  Ibr  detamation.     In  106 —  Geo:  Lee  attorney  to prosecuted  "Lieut  Lion 

(iardiuer  of  the  Isle  of  Wiglit  in  behalf  of  himself  and  the  States  of  Kngland  for  live  hundred 
]iiinnds  Stg"  beti)re  the  magistrates  in  E.  Hampton.  It  ap|)ears  from  the  very  lengthy  depositions 
''  that  u  Southampton  man  had  liired  a  Dutchman  to  bring  a  freight  (cargo)  Uy  that  place  from  Man- 
hadues,  &  tiiat  tlie  vessel  was  taken  from  the  Dutchman  &  brought  to  the  Isle  of  Wight  to  the  Lief- 
leiiaiit  wiio  ret<K)k  her  for  the  Dutch  owner"  and  was  i»rosecuted  by  the  original  eaptors. 

.Tliis  atlair  was  relerred  to  the  General  Court  at  Hurttord  !>y  the  Kast  Hampton  Magistrates  k  both 
1  parties  were  bound  to  a])i>ear  there.  Lee  obliged  liimself,  if  lie  did  not  i)roseeutt!  the  case  there,  it 
siiould  be  dropped.  Tliis  was  likely  the  result.  This  is  the  most  imitortant  case  on  record  where 
jiroperty  was  concerned. 

"  The  tliree  men  were  to  meet  tlie  first  second  day  of  every  month  for  the  tryall  of  any  cause 
according  to  an  Order  and  to  consider  of  those  things  that  may  concern  the  publick  good  of  the  place 
&  who.soever  of  those  Three  meu  do  not  attend  the  day  ut  8  o'clock  in  the  morning  sliall  be  liable  to 
pay  5s." 

"  Jolin  Mulford,  Robert  Hone  &  Tlio»  Baker  chosen  by  this  Court  for  the  execution  of  those  Orders, 
coiuplieAl  witli  their  trust  for  this  year.  Ralph  Dayton,  Constable  and  Benj"  Price,  Recorder.''  Dduc 
at  a  General  Court  holden  Octol)er  7,  1051. 

Tlie  lirst  General  Court  was  in  March  1050. 

It  was  decreed  October  1052  that  "  it  any  man  be  aggrieved  with  any  thing  that  is  done  by  the 
men  that  are  in  autlioritie,  that  he  shall  have  liberty  to  make  his  appeal  to  tlie  next  General  Court, 
or  when  the  IVeeraen  are  assembled  together  for  their  publique  occasions." 

Tlieir  town  Meetings  were  frequent  and  became  burdensome  on  the  people,  but  being  their  own 
law  makers  tiiey  made  a  multiplicity  of  laws  for  regulating  the  fences  to  fields  pastured  in  common  ; 
for  division  of  lands;  making  highways;  building  a  mill  or  meeting  house  &  tliis  took  up  much  of 
their  time.  The  business  of  killing  wliales  was  regulated  by  law,  and  every  one  [was  |  obliged  to 
take  his  turn  to  l(x»k  out  for  them  on  the  shore."  Their  houses  were  thatched  and  liable  to  take  fire. 
Every  man  was  obliged  by  law  to  j>rovide  himself  with  a  ladder  that  should  reach  to  the  top  of  his 
house,  and  a  man  was  a]>ix)inted  to  see  that  the  chimneys  were  well  plaistered  and  swept.  Severe 
laws  were  made  against  selling  any  Indians,  guns,  swords,  powder,  lead,  fiints,  or  any  more  than  two 
drams  of  strong  water  at  one  time."  Many  of  the  laws  appear  curious,  but  in  general  they  are  mild, 
and  the  penalties  not  very  severe.  There  are  only  three  or  lour  cases  of  corporal  punishment  and 
none  of  capital. 

In  the  year  1053  the  Indians  were  somewliat  troublesome.  Powder  &  shot  were  sent  for  to  the 
mouth  of  the  Connecticut  River,  and  a  watch  by  night  of  two,  and  a  ward  by  day  of  one  man  was 


]i 


111 


FAPtM   kKLATIMO   TO   LOMO   IILAMO. 


m 


ordered  to  be  kept  by  the  Inliubltants  In  tt>wn.  "April  28, 10B3,  It  ii  ordered  that  no  Indlaui  ihall 
cume  to  the  town  itnlesN  It  be  upon  si>eciHl  occuslon,  k  none  come  armed,  IxfcauM)  that  the  Dutch 
hath  hired  Indians  u^ainst  the  English,  &  we  not  l^uowing  Indians  by  tace  cannot  distinguish  fVlendt 
fh)m  enemies  :  &,  l^ecause  tlte  Indians  hath  cast  ott'  their  Sachem  kc  orders  were  given  to  ihoot  any 
Indian  on  third  cull  or  if  they  ran  away."  "  Every  mun  was  ohilged  to  go  armetl  to  the  meeting 
house  every  I.ord8  day,  under  penaltie  of  12  fience,"  and  I'our  assistants  were  added  to  the  three 
Townsmen.  It  does  not  appear  by  tlie  Kccords  that  any  battle  was  tbuglit.  Probably  the  ludlani 
who  were  then  numerous  hud  not  learned  the  use  of  Fire  Arms.  Tliis  was  at  the  time  Oliver  Crom- 
well was  at  war  with  thu  Dutch  Nation  and  un  opinion  ])rovailed  tlirough  tids  country  that  th«  Dutch 
at  Manhadoos  supplieil  tlie  Indians  with  arms,  and  ur^ed  them  to  destroy  the  English  tettlemeuti. 
From  the  histories  of  those  times,  it  Is  evident  sometliing  was  designed  against  tlte  English  by  the 
Dutch  &  Indians.  Oliver  Cromwell  about  tills  time  called  on  all  tlie  Colonies  to  assist  In  an  expedi- 
tion against  the  Dutch  at  Manhudues,  i)articulurly  New  Haven  and  Connecticut  who  were  nighest  the 
Dutch.  Mi^jor  Sedgewick  of  Massachusetts  was  to  have  thu  command  of  the  men  that  were  to  Iw 
sent  from  each  Colony  In  a  c.  tain  proportion,  'ihe  tbilowing  extract  from  the  E.  Hampton  records 
probably  refers  to  tIds  : — 

"June  29  Hibl.  Having  coUHldui'eii  t]>^  letters  tliat  come  from  Connecticut  wherein  men  are 
required  to  assist  the  iiower  of  ^Jngland  r^ainst  the  T)utcli,  ^ve  do  think  ourselves  called  to  assist  the 
said  power." 

The  expedition  did  not  take  place,  probably  •  i  uccount  of  IVace  having  been  made  soon  after 
between  the  two  Nations.  Very  little  more  Is  said  al)ont  th<<  Indians  till  tliu  Great  Indian  war  which 
threatened  all  this  country  in  lti75,  w.^a  : he  people  wer  .,jaln  on  their  guard.  But  It  does  not 
appear  that  any  lives  were  lost. 

This  was  the  most  Ibrmidable  combination  of  Indians  that  ever  happer^d.  Gov:  Andross  sent  an 
armed  Sloop  to  Gardiner's  Island  to  protect  It  against  the  Indians.  Tiko  English  &  the  Indians  were 
probably  both  on  their  guard  against  a  surprise,  but  by  1G75  tlie  East  end  of  Long  Island  had  so 
many  English  settled  tliat  there  was  no  great  danger.     The  Five  Nations  Joined  this  confederacy. 

"Oct.  3.  1654.  It  Is  ordered  that  there  simll  be  a  copie  of  tiie  Connecticut  combination  drawn 
forth  as  [soon  asj  is  convenient  for  us  and  all  men  shall  sett  to  their  hands." 

This  combination  was  signed  Oct  24, 1654,  by  about  40  and  Is  now  on  Record  by  each  on  the  Book. 
All  excepting  3  or  4  write  a  plain  legible  hand  for  those  days.     These  sign  by  makuig  their  nuirk. 

"  This  combination  is  to  maintain  and  preserve  the  libertie  and  puritie  of  the  Gospell  of  our  Lord 
Jesus  which  we  now  profess  as  alsoe  the  Discipline  of  the  Ciiurcli  wliich  according  to  the  said  Ooipell 
is  now  practiced  atnonf  ^^S.  As  alsoe  inourcivill  afi'uires  to  be  guided  &  governed  according  to  such 
laws  and  orders  as  sha.'>  '  .node  according  to  God  and  whlcii  hy  vote  of  the  Mi^or  Part  shall  be  of 
force  among  Us  &c  &c  " 

This  Combination  is  similar  to  the  one  entered  into  In  163— by  the  3  Towns  of  Hartford,  Windsor 
&  Weathersfield,  r.,d  is  a  copy  preamble  of  that  as  recorded  in  Hazards  Coll:  of  State  papers,  p  — " 

"  March  19.  1(:57.  It  is  ordered  and  by  a  Major  vote  of  the  Inhabitants  of  this  Towne  agreed 
upon,  that  Tliomas  Baker  &  John  Hand  is  to  go  into  Keneticut  tor  to  bring  us  under  their  govern- 
ment accoiding  to  the  terms  as  Soutliampton  is,  and  alsoe  to  carry  Goodwife  Garlick  that  she  may  be 
delivered  up  unto  the  authorities  tliere  for  the  trlfill  of  the  cause  of  Witclicraft  which  she  Is  suspected 
for."  It  was  ofterwards  agreed  upon  by  the  town  "  that  M""  Gardiner  shall  be  intrusted  with  the 
same  power  with  Th«  Boker  and  John  Hand  for  coming  under  Government. 

In  the  Record  the  word  is  "  interested."     It  doubtless  should  be  Intrusted. 

It  is  evident  fr  (u  the  Record  that  soon  after  this  they  were  under  the  jurisdiction  of  that  Colony, 
or  rather  compc  .ed  a  part  of  it,  altho'  nothing  is  said  of  their  men's  returning.    Probably  the  Geaeral 


i! 


n]\ 


i    i 


I 


462 


PAPERS   RELATING   TO  LONG   ISlJlND. 


Court  at  Hartford  did  not  pay  any  attention  to  the  latter  part  of  the  business  on  which  Baker  & 
Hand  were  sent.  This  poor  woman  had  a  trial  in  E.  Hampton  for  Witchcraft,  but  nothing  waS 
done.    It  wag  referred  to  the  Gen'  Court  at  Hartford. 

At  this  day  it  appears  surprising  tliat  not  only  those  who  settled  in  the  American  Wilderness  should 
be  so  infatuated  about  Witches  and  Witchcraft  but  that  King  James  I.,  Lord  Justice  Holt  and  some 
of  the  first  characters  in  the  English  Nation  should  be  so  carried  away  with  notions  of  tliis  kind.  If 
the  utiair  of  witclies  lias  made  more  noise  in  this  country  than  it  has  in  some  Countries  of  Europe,  it 
is  not  owing  to  tlieir  having  been  more  executed  for  tliat  supposed  crime  here  :  for  I  have  no  doubt 
there  has  been,  during  the  same  time,  as  many  executed  in  England  only,  as  there  have  been  in  all 
New  England  &  Virginia,  tor  it  was  not  confined  to  New  England  but  prevailed  also  in  other  parts. 
In  Europe,  the  execution  ol"  a  few  individuals  would  be  efltaced  from  the  page  of  History  by  more 
important  events  that  were  continually  taking  place  during  the  last  century.  But  in  this  country  it 
was  a  singular  alfair,  &  has  been  handed  down  by  our  own  writers,  and  dwelt  upon,  with  wonder,  by 
European  writers  who  have  endeavored  to  account  for  it  from  tJie  enthusiastic  ideas  of  the  Inhabi- 
tants here,  not  considering  that  they  acquired  these  ideas  in  Europe  from  books  published  by  men  of 
character  ii  inlbrniation.  It  is  to  be  hoped  this  infatuation  is  done  away  among  the  Citizens  of  both 
sides  of  the  Atlantic  but  it  is  not  justice  for  one  side  to  suppose  that  this  infatuation  prevailed  only 
on  tlio  other.  If  King  James,  Lord  Holt  and  others  of  information,  who  believed  in  witchcraft,  are 
excusable,  certainly  tliose  pei-secuted  exiles  who  fled  to  a  savage  wilderness  are  equally  clear  of  blame. 
Perhaps  the  law  of  Moses  by  which  in  many  cases  the  first  settlers  were  governed,  was  a  Mean  of 
urging  them  on  in  the  belief  of  Witchcraft  and  its  evils. 

"  November  29.  1G62.  It  is  jointly  &  fully  agreed  that  Mr.  T.  Baker,  M'  Tho»  James,  &  M'  Lion 
Gardiner,  M'  Robert  Bond,  Mr  John  Mulford,  Tlio»  Tomson  and  Tho»  Cliatfield  sliall  go  to  South- 
ampton the  next  second  day  to  compound  a  difference  between  Us  &  Capt.  John  Scott  Esq^^  and  Mr 
Joim  Ogden  about  Meantaquit,  and  do  hereby  engage  to  ratifie  and  confirm  what  our  committee  shall 
conclude  upon  :  &,  also  we  do  empower  this  our  Committee  to  joyne  with  Soutliampton  and  Southold 
about  a  Patten  grant."  '■ 

To  whom  tliey  proposed  to  apply  for  a  Patent  I  dont  know.  New  York  was  then  in  the  hands  of 
the  Dutch.    It  was  either  to  King  Charles  2n«'  or  to  the  Government  of  Connecticut. 

"Novvmb:  23  ltiG3.  A  committee  was  appointed  to  Join  Southampton  &  Southold  Committees 
and  if  they  see  cause,  to  establish  laws  for  settling  government  amongst  us.  And  what  our  Com- 
mittee or  a  Major  part  of  them  shall  doe  herein  we  engage  ourselves  to  stand  unto." 

It  was,  doubtless  in  contemplation  to  have  the  tliree  towns  join  in  one  government  as  other  towns 
on  this  continent  have  done. 

•'  February  23.  1663.  |  o.  s.  J  It  was  t^reed  that  Muntauk  shall  pay  fifty  pounds  of  the  150  that 
is  to  purchase  the  pattent  right." 

March  25.  At  a  Town  Meeting,  after  long  debate,  it  was  agreed  to  that  tlie  Purchase  of  Pattent 
right  should  be  borne  by  all  the  Inhabitants  according  to  the  land  every  Man  Possesses. 

"April  26.  1664.  At  a  Town  Meeting  the  Town  doth  desire  those  men,  that  doe  goe  to  Hartford, 
to  debate  togetlier  with  the  Neiglibouring  Plantations  for  the  things  of  Mutual  Government  between 
Hartford  &  Us  for  our  future  Settlement,  but  to  conclude  of  nothing,  as  understanding  that  the  Gov- 
ernour  will  come  over,  or  a  Committee  from  the  General  Court." 

"  Dec  21, 1664.  The  inhabitants  of  this  Town— understanding  that  we  are  oH'  from  Connecticut, 
and  the  magistrates  not  willing  to  act  further  on  that  account,  that  we,  may  not  be  without  laws  & 
Government,  it  is  agreed  the  former  laws  shall  stand  in  force  till  we  have  further  order  from  York. 
It  is  agreed  that  the  Constable  of  the  Town  shall  be  secured  by  the  Town  for  not  gathering  the  Kates." 

The  "rates"  referred  to  in  this  Resolve  probably  refers  to  the  adjudication  that  was  made  at  New 


PAPERS    RiXATING    TO    LONG    ISLAND. 


463 


York  Dec.  1, 1664  by  Gov.  NicoU  &  others  on  one  part,  and  Gov.  Winthrop  and  others,  on  the  other, 
that  Long  Island  should  not  be  under  the  Government  of  Connecticut,  but  under  His  Highness  the 
Duke  of  York  &c.  There  appears  from  this  time  to  have  been  some  alteration  in  their  Government. 
In  April  1664  the  Constable  &  Town  Overseers  were  chosen ;  no  mention  is  made  of  Townsmen. 

Copy  of  James  Farretfs  Grant  to  Lion  Gardiner. 
Know  all  whom  this  present  Writing  may  concern,  that  I,  James  Farrett  of  Long  Island,  Gent. 
Deputy  to  the  Right  Hon'ble  the  Earll  of  Starling  Secretary  for  the  Kingdom  of  Scotland,  doe  by 
these  presents,  in  the  name  and  behalf  of  the  said  Earll  of  Starling  and  in  my  own  name  also,  as  his 
Deputy,  as  it  doth  or  may  concern  myself,  Give  &  Grant  free  leave  and  liberty  to  Lion  Gardiner  his 
heirs,  executors  and  assigns  to  enjoy  that  Island  which  he  hath  now  in  possession  called  by  the  Indians 
Manchonack,  by  the  English  the  Isle  of  Wight ;  I  say  to  enjoy  both  now  &  for  ever,  which  Island 
hath  been  purchased,  before  my  coming,  from  the  ancient  Inhabitants,  the  Indians ;  Nevertheless 
tliough  the  said  Lion  Gardiner  had  his  possession  first  from  the  Indians  before  my  coming,  yet  is  he 
now  contented  to  hold  the  tenor  k  title  of  the  possession  of  the  aforesaid  Island  I'rom  the  Earll  of 
Starling  or  his  successors  whomsoever,  who  hath  a  Grant  from  the  King  of  England,  under  the  Great 
Seal  of  the  aforesaid  Kingdom.    Bee  it  known,  therefore,  that  I,  the  said  James  Farrett  doe  give  & 
hath  given  free  liberty  &  power  to  the  said  Lion  Gardiner,  his  Heirs,  Exe'rs  and  Assigns  and  their 
Successors  lor  ever  to  enjoy  the  possession  of  the  aforesaid  Island,  to  build  &  plant  tliereon  as  best 
liketh  them,  and  to  dispose  thereof  as  they  think  fitt,  and  also  to  make,  execute  &  put  in  practice 
such  laws  for  Church  and  Civil  Government  as  are  according  to  God,  tlie  Kings  and  the  practise  of 
the  Country,  without  giving  any  account  thereof  to  any  whomsoever  and  the  albresaid  Right  &  title, 
l)oth  of  land  and  Government  to  remayne  with,  and  to  them  and  their  successors  for  ever,  without 
any  trouble  or  molestation  from  the  said  Earll  or  any  of  his  successors,  for  now  &  forever.    And  as 
much  as  it  hath  pleased  Our  Royal  King  to  give  the  Patten  of  Long  Island  to  the  aforesaid  Earle  of 
Starling  in  consideration  whereof  it  is  agreed  upon  that  the  trade  witli  the  Indians  shall  remayne  with 
the  said  Earle  and  his  successors,  to  dispose  upon  from  time  to  time  and  at  all  times  as  best  liketh 
liim.     Notwithstanding  [allowing]  the  said  Lion  Gardiner  to  trade  with  the  Indyans  for  Corneorany 
Kinde  of  victuals  for  the  use  of  the  Plantation  and  no  larther :  and  if  the  said  Lion  Gardiner  sliall 
trade  in  Wampum  from  tlie  Indyans  hee  shall  pay  for  every  fadome  twenty  shillings  and  also  the  said 
Lion  Gardiner  and  his  successors  shall  pay  to  the  said  Earle  or  his  deputycs  a  yearly  acknowledgment 
being  tlie  sum  of  Five  Pounds,  (being  lawfully  demanded)  of  lawfull  money  of  England,  or  such 
commoditys  as  at  that  time  shall  pass  for  money  in  the  country ;  and  the  first  payment  to  begin  on 
the  last  of  Oct.  1643,  the  tliree  former  yeares  being  advanced  for  the  use  of  the  said  James  Farrett. 
In  witness  whereof  the  party  has  put  his  hands  and  seal  the  tenth  day  of  March  1639.    [o.  s.  | 

(Signed)  James  Farrett    (seal.) 

Sealed  and  deliveretl  in  the  presence  of 

Ifulk  Davis 

Benjn  Price. 


xxra. 


STATISTICS 


or  THE 


1« 


IJopttlation  of  tl)c  |Jroomce  of  Ncto-|j)ot!i% 


Ifi5i7— 1774, 


(Vol.  I.l 


59 


POPULATION— 1647. 

GOV.  STUYVESANT  TO  THE  STATES  GENERAL. 

[Hoi.  Doe.  XI.] 

I  need  not  intrude  on  your  Illustrious  High  Mightinesses  with  a  long  narrative  as  to  the  low  con- 
dition in  which  I  found  New  Netherland  on  my  arrival — the  Flattland  so  stripped  of  inhabitants  that 
with  the  except!  )n  of  the  three  English  Villages  of  Hemstede,  New  Flushing  &  Gravesend,  5U  Bouw- 
eries  and  Plantations  could  not  be  enumerated ;  and  there  coiUd  not  be  made  out  in  the  whole  Pro- 
vince, 250,  or  at  farthest  300  men  capable  of  bearing  arms. 


1673. 


[  Vanderkemp  Tranil.  of  Dutch  Ree.  Vol.  XXII.  ] 

"  They  and  as  many  of  the  Dutch  nation  as  are  yet  residing  under  this  Government  is  calculated 
to  amount.  Women  and  children  included,  to  about  Six  thousand."  (6.000).  Address  of  the  Burgo- 
masters 8fc  to  Bencks  and  Evertsm. 


AN  ACCOUNT  of  the  Numbitr  of  Inhabitant*  in  ye  Severall  Counties  of  ye  Province  of  New  Yorlce  talcen  by  the  High 
SheriOk  and  Justice*  of  the  Peace  in  each  respective  Count:';  as  p  order  of  His  Excell.  the  Earl  of  Bellomont 
Oovernr  be.  anno  1698 

[Lond.  Doe.  XI.] 


Men. 


Women. 


Children.       Negros 


In  ye  County  &  Citty  of  Albany 

In  ye  County  of  Ulster  &  Dutchesse  County 

In  the  County  of  Oranre , 

In  the  City  &  Courity  of  New  York 

In  Richmond  County  als  Staten  Island 

In  ye  llounty  of  West  Chester 

In  Suffolk  County  within  Nassau  Island 

In  Kini^s  County  within  Nassau  Islanil 

In  Queens  County  with  in  Nassau  Island. ... 


38() 

248 

'29 

1U19 
3-28 
316 
97» 
3U8 

1465 


tmn 


ii70 

111 

31 
1U67 
208 
2i)4 
1024 
332 
13S0 


■1677 


8(13 
869 
I4U 

2161 
118 
307 
124 

lUSl 
&&1 


6I&4 


156 
19 
700 
73 
146 
668 
296 
199 


2170 


A  true  Copy 
(tigned) 


BELLOMONT. 


Total. 


4667 
6164 
2170 

18U67    Populatten' 


408 


•TATiarics  or  the  popci.ation  of  the  provimce  of  new-yorx. 


POPULATION  OF  ALBANY  COUNTY  &  INDIANS  1689—1698. 

[  Lond.  Doe.  XI.  ] 

Id  pursuance  of  the  Order  from  bis  Excell.  Ck>I.  Benj  Fletcher,  Capt.  6en>i  &  Govern^  in  Chief 
dated  the  'i"^  day  of  May  1697,  to  make  a  perfect  reckoning  of  the  Inhabitants  of  the  C''^'  &  County 
of  Albany  and  how  many  families  and  particular  persons  in  the  said  Citty  and  Count}  .ne  departed 
from  the  beginning  of  y  WaiT,  how  many  persons  killed  &  carried  away,&  of  what  number  y"  Five 
Nations  and  Kiver  Indians  there  were,  &  how  mucli  they  since  are  lessened,  so  tliut  wcv  iind 
that  the  Inhabitants  of  the  Citty  &  County  of  Albany  did  consist : 


it 


tn  the  year  1689 
man  waomea  ohildna 

662  34U  lOU 


and  new 


382 


wtomra 
272 


The  Mohoggs 
Tiie  Onneydes 
The  Onnondages 
The  Cajouges 
The  Sinnekes 
The  River  Indians 


The  Five  Nations  and  River  Jpdiant  viz* 

S70  &  now 

180  &  now 

SOO  &  now 

320  &  now 

1300  &  now 

250  &  now 


In  the  begmning  of  y*  War  2800  Indians 


&  now 


ohildrta 
805 


110 
70 
250 
200 
600 
90 

1320 


68 


209 


The  Christians  departed  from  the  Citty  Sf  County  of  Albany  since  the  heginiiing  of  y*  Wcrr 

McD.  Woman.  Children. 

Departed         .....  142 

Taken  prisoners  .... 

Killed  by  y«  enemy    .... 
Dved  ...... 


A  true  Copy 


lU 

» 

»> 

84 

» 

»> 

38 

« 

»> 

280 

68 

209 

(signed) 

Bellomont 

M      I  i 


■TATimCS  or  THE  POPULATION   OF  THE  PROVINCE  OF  MEW-YOKK. 


469 


COMPARATIVE  TABLE  OP  POPULATION  IN  THE  PROVINCE  OF  NEW  YORK.    1703—1712. 


New  York 
Kings  County 
Richra''  County 
Orange  County 
West  Chester 


Queens  County 

Suffolk 

Albany  City  &  County 

Ulster  &  Dutches 


[  Lond.  Ooc.  XIX.  ] 

ITOS 

iTia 

4436 

5840 

1915 

1925 

504 

1279 

268 

439 

1946 

2803 

9U69 

12286 

4392 

== 

3346 

2273 

1609 

11680 

Inereaitd, 

1404 

10 

775 

171 

857 

3217 


•M 


#1 


Of  these  Countys  I  have  as  yet  no  lists,  nor  from  the  Jerseys  but  hope  to  be  able  to  send  it  to  your 
Lordsp*  by  the  next  from  Connecticut.  I  liave  so  imperfect  an  account,  tliat  I  am  ashamed  to  send 
it  but  will  endeavour  to  get  a  more  perfect  one. 

In  the  five  Countys  whereof  I  have  procured  lists,  the  numbers  were  composed  as  followeth, 


Jn  tht  year 

Christians 
Slaves 


1703 

7767 
1301 


1T13 

10511 
1775 


Inereated. 
2744 
474 


3218 


[  Note. -In  1700  Population  of  Ulster  Co.  wm  StKIS  of  which  324  were  SUvei . 
In  1714       •<  "  2120  of  which  433  were  Slaves. 

The  Popalatiou  of  Dutchess  Co.  in  1714,  was  443  Souls  of  whom  29  were  Slaves.  ] 


GOV.  HUNTER  TO  THE  BOARD  OF  TRADE,  APRIL:  1716. 

[  Lond.  Doc.  XX.  ] 

The  number  of  tlie  Militia  of  this  Province  by  my  last  account  is  5060.    I  cannot  say  that  the 
nhabitants  increase  in  that  proportion  (at  least)  as  they  do  in  the  neighbouring  provinces  where  the 
purchases  of  land  are  easier  liad,  than  with  us,  great  numbers  of  the  younger  sort  leave  Long  Island 
yearly  to  plant  in  the  Jerseys  &  Pensylvania. 


SAME  TO  THE  SAME.    AUGUST,  1720. 

[  Lond.  Doe.  XXI.  ] 

Query,  what  is  tlie  r  umber  of  the  Militia'? 
Aoswer,  About  Six  thousand. 


Il 


47Q  STATISTICS  OF  THB  POPULATION  OF  THE  PROVINCE  OF   NKW-TfORK. 

» 

AN  ACCOUNT 

OF  THE   FAMILIES  OF   GERMANS   SETTLED  ON   HUDSOn's    RIVER   IN   THE   PROVINCE  OF   NEW    YORK. 

[  Lond.  Doe.  XXI.  ] 
On  the  Eatt  side  of  HudiorCs  River. 


1718. 


In  Hunterstown 
Kingsbury 
Annberry 
Haysberry 
Rheinbeck 


In  Seven  Townships 

New  Town  . 
George  Town 
Elizb:  Town 
Kingstown 

Wesaels  pretended  land 
Kingstown  Sopes 
At  New  York  &  places  adjacent 


In  Schohare 
On  the  West  Side 


familial 
25 
33 
17 
IB 
i)5 


170 

14 

13 

9 

15 

7 
10 
30 

394 


PeriODt 

109 

104 

71 

75 

140 


680 

56 
52 
36 
60 
28 
40 
150 

1601 


The  widows  &  orphans  are  not  included  in  this  list. 

This  to  the  best  of  our  knowledge  is  the  Acc»'  of  those  people  settled,  amounting  to  394  families, 

containing  about  1601  persons. 

Joshua  Kocherthal 

[Endorsed]  John  Fre".  Hager. 

"  New  York,  List  of  the  Palatines  settled  in 

New  York  Province    Rec-J  w*''  Brig.  Hunters  L» 

of  7  Aug  1718" 


Ki 


•TATIITICt  or  TBI  POPULATION  OP  THE  PaOTIMCB  OF  NBW'YOMI. 


471 


AN  ACCOUNT  OF  THE  NUMBER  OF  PEOPLE  IN  THE  PROVINCE  OF  NEW  YORK  A.  D.  1723. 

[  LoBd.  Doe.  XXII.  ] 


White 


NAME  UF  THE  COUNTY 


i 


s 

I 


14«J0  J7iW 

336  32U 

4yu  47«i 

1568  15tfU 

1441  134H 

1050  Wl 

309  245 

276  237 

uFster.. 1      642  463 

Albany I    1512  1408 


New  Yoric  ... 
Riehmonil.... 

Kingi 

Queens 

Buffollc 

Westchester. 

Oranre 

Outoness . 


ToUll I    11083 


8763 


u 


1352 

306 

414 

1630 

1321 

1048 

304 

25U 

563 

1404 


P 


H500 


1348 
!»l 
3U4 

1371 

1156 
012 
23U 
268 
699 

136U 


8047 


n 


1261 
1774 

6tl6H 
62W 
8«»SI 
ItW 
1040 
2.(67 
6603 


.' 


4U8 
101 
171 

aio 

Ml 
166 
46 
3!t 
227 
307 


34.1I«         2IN6 


Nf|roai  anil  other  Slaves 


476 

la 

123 
2M 
3«7 
118 
29 
14 
126 
2U0 


220 

49 

8:1 

328 

197 

92 

42 

2 

119 

146 


1810  I  1178 


258 
42 
67 

2U8 
64 
83 
31 
6 
94 

163 


997 


1362 
256 
44t 

1123 
976 
448 
147 
43 
556 
SU8 


6171 


7248 
16U8 
2218 
7191 
6241 
4409 
1244 
1083 
2923 
60O1 


40664 


ABSTRACT  OF  THE  ACCOUNTS 

OF  THE  NUMBER  OF   INHABITANTS  OF  THE  SEVERAL  CITIES  AND  COUNTIES   IN  THE  PROVINCE  OF  NEW  YORK, 

2   NOV.  1731. 

[  MS  in  Seo'f  olT,  ] 


I '             —    ■        —  ■-  1 

Citys  and  Counties 

Sheri.^ 

n 

it 

»i 

Whites  leuales' 
above  lU 

Is 

r 

^1 

1^ 

8 
11 

■31 

Is 

n 

Is 

-1 

City  ana  County  of  New 
Yorlt 

Honry  Beeltman 

Roaen  Van  Schicli 

Thos  Hiclcs 

2628 
2481 
2239 
2144 
1879 

629 
627 
423 
570 

2260        1  Ma 

1024 
1212 
1139 
966 
707 
616 
268 
299 

298 

599 
668 
476 
239 
269 
321 
205 

86 
HI 

69 

607 

185 

363 

83 

96 

196 

146 

47 

98 

32 

186 

346 

226 

196 

176 

124 

63 

19 

51 

13 

183 

174 

199 

83 

131 

91 

76 

33 

44 

8 

8622 
8573 
7996 
7676 
6033 
3728 
2150 
1969 

City  &  County  of  Albany 

1255 
2176 
1130 

2362 
1178 

•JIUA 

KuflTolk  Countv 

David  Corey  715  Indiana 
Gilbert  Willet 

W  est  Chester  County. . . 
ITIstflr  Countv 

1701        TilAd 

John  Wyncoop 

Domini  Van  Der  Veer. . 

Wiliiam  Pullen 

Charles  Garrition 

William  Squire 

914 
618 
5;i4 
571 
481 

677 
243 
326 
263 
263 

If  inflrs  Countv. 

Riehmonil  County 

Dutchess  County 

1817 
1727 

14613 
11S29 
10243 
6673 

11529 

10243 

6673 

2932 

1853 

1402 

1044 
1402 
1833 
2932 

50289 

43S08M 

Whites 

TB-*r— -=. 

-=;.  -.rj,  ■  ■',!— 

7231 

blacks 

It  is  Remarlcable  that  in  New  Yorl<  there  are  above  ten  years  147  mali>s  k  995  females  more  than  in  Albany  [and  in  Albany] 
1029  males  &  188  females  [under  ten]  more  than  in  New  York  Which  it  Accounted  for  by  this  parts  being  a  trading  place  & 
many  of  the  males  go  abroad  of  course  many  female]  Lye  fallor  k  perhaps  In  the  County  they  are  better  breeders  &  I  believe 
many  ycunger, 


479 


■TATIITICI  or   THE   POrCLATIOM   07  TNK  PEOTIMCE  OF   NEW-TOM. 


A  LIST  OF  THE  NUMBER  OF  INHABITANTS 


BOTH    WRITE*   AND    BLACKS  ^Or    EACH    8PECIE8    WITHIN    THE    PROVINCE   OF   NEW    YORK    ABOVE   AND   UNDER 

THE   AGE  OK   TEN    YEARS    TAKEN    IN    THE    YEAH    1737. 


Ill  .>« 

y 


[  Load.  Doe.  XXVI.  ] 


Cllieiand  County* 


I    So 

I    .-  • 
I    -s  i 


New  York '  3283 

AlbMV !  32U9 

We*tCbeit«r '.  2IIU 

Oranr* I  86U 

Ulster I  »I75 

DutehMt XIU 


Riebmonil. 

Kings 

Queens  • .  •  ■ 
Hollblk...- 


4><8 

654 

2407 

2297 


■^#lr"l 


5k 

«  1) 

*l 

■^  <* 

3a64 
2U<J5 

\m) 

763 
1681 

mo 

497 

«JI 

22HU 

2353 


is 

1U88 

i4fi:i 

!«0 
501 
541 
710 
2N9 
235 
1395 
1175 


"•a 


cS 

m 


1U36 
1381 
»44 
433 
601 
646 
266 
264 
1656 
lUUN 


17393   17518  I  8347  I  8238 


674 
714 
304 
125 
378 
161 
132 
210 
460 
393 


3551 


te 

"I 

n  ft 


ft  K 

jt- 

Mo 

9 


609 
496 
254 

95 
260 

42 
112 
16'i 
370 
307 


229 

223 

163 

38 

124 

37 

62 

8t 

254 

203 


2714  I  1397 


IS 


207 

197 

140 

35 

110 

22 

63 

101 

2'27 

187 


.IS 


e 
H 


.9 

IS 


ll 


mm 

10681 
6746 
2840 
4870 
i  3418 
1889 
2348 
9059 
7923 


1279  I  60437 


86-22 
8573 
66:13 
1969 
3728 
1727 
1817 
2150 
799S 
7675 


60289 


2U42 
2108 

712 

871 

1142 

1691 

72 

198 
1064 

248 


10148 


AN  ACCOUNT  OF  THE  NUMBER  OF  INHABITANTS 

OF  THE  FROVINCE  OF  NEW  YORK  TAKEN  4  JUNE  174C,  BY  ORDER  OF  HIS  EXCELLENCY   fiOVEKNOCE  CLINTON. 

[Lond.  Doe.  XXVIII.] 


Is 

Males  white   [ 
16  bunder  60 

Mairs  white 
above  6U 

Females          i 

white 
under  16 

Females 
while  16 
and  upwards. 

Males  black 
under  60. 

Is 

Hales  black 
above  60. 

S'S 

It 

11 

«  a. 

£s 

a 
S 

1 

niivliRn  of  N.  Y 

2117 
350 

2097 
435 

149 
71 

2013 
366 

2897 
464 
.... 

419 
140 

645- 
167 

76 
32 

735 
164 

C69 

152 

11718 

KinKSton  county 

2331 

i!M6 
22<IO 
1J«7 
445 
636 
2435 
1022 

1826 
2056 
1835 
37B 
763 
2090 
1044 

233 
200 
226 
35 
67 
303 
116 

2077 

2100 

1891 

421 

871 

2095 

972 

19i4 
1760 
2016 
414 
721 
1640 
lUUO 

365 
106 
329 
92 
82 
187 
244 

466 
160 
393 
88 
99 
IKO 
331 

61 
26 
52 
13 
34 
27 
43 

391 
108 
315 
96 
61 
138 
229 

361 
UU 
310 
94 
44 
140 
264 

9640 

8806 

9264 

2073 

3268 

923.^ 

6265 

1-2938 

12522 

14U) 

12196 

12816 

1964 

2529 

364 

2JI6 

2034 

61689 

Total  white  51,872. 
•Not  possible  to  be  numbered  on  account  of  the  enemy. 


STATISTICS   or   THE   POPULATION   0>'   THE   PROVINCE  OF    NKW-YORK. 


473 


AN  ACCOUNT  OF  THE  NUMBER  OF  INHABITANTS 

IN   THE    PROVINCE  OK    NBW    YORK,  TAKEN    lO'*"    MAV    1719,    HT   ORDER  OK   HIM    KXfKI.LENCY    THE 

HONOURAHI.K   UOVKUNOL'R    CLINTON. 

[  Loml.  Dur.  XXIX.  ) 


City  &  Co.  of  N.  Y.. 

King's  county 

Albany  county 

Queena  county 

Dutchess  county  ... . 

Hiiffolk  county 

Kichmnnil county  ... 

Drange  county 

Westchester  county. 
Ulster  county 


•C     I    J!? 


M    1. 


•2MH 

!288 

224)* 

l(i3U 

1!(V)8 

4.-)! 

IIMI 

I'&ll 


2765 
4)7 

ZOi'.t 

IO(M 
■1M2U 

IWi3 
4211 

2312 
l«2 


183 

t<2 

.122 

IJI 

\m 

248 

3H 

«« 

228 

IIU 


3. 


n 


23tf4 

322 
2137 
ISSU 
ITM 
im) 

424 

uw  i 

22(i3    I 
8IU 


.'4268 

3»I 

20S7 

1778 

net 

434 

H\)9 

22:13 

97!» 


I0!>2« 
IMJU 
DIM 
HHI7 
74»l 
8UU8 
1745 
3874 
9547 
3801 


Total  number  of  white* 
Total  number  of  Inhabitants,  white  and  black,  73,448. 


(i275« 


232 
3U9 
3U() 
lo;) 
305 
88 
62 
3U3 
217 


610 
344 
424 
:i86 
155 
355 
IIU 
US 
270 
3UI 


S3 


si 


41 
21 

48 
43 
21 
41 

2<)    I 
16    1 
66 
5U    I 


556 

137 

331 

245 

63 

292 

93 

81 

238 

198 


Total  number  of  blacks 


is 


701 
149 
365 
349 

79 
293 

98 
KM 
279 
210 


i 

.a 

3 

o 
H 


2:)68 
783 
148U 
142.1 
421 
1286 
409 
360 
1156 
1U06 

10692 


O.  CLINTON. 


GENERAL  LIST  OF  INHABITANTS  IN  THE  PROVINCE  OF  NEW  YORK, 

EXTRACTED  FROM  THE  RETURNS  OF  THE  SHERIKKS  OF  THE  SEVERAL  COUNTIES,  IN  PUHSVANCE  OF  WARRANTS 

TO  THEM,  DATED  16tH  KEBHuARY,  1756. 


WHITES. 


Cities  and  Counties. 


City  and  County  of  New  York, 
City  and  County  of  Albany,  .. 

U  Ister  County 

Dutchess  County, 

Orange  County, 

Westchester  County, 

Kings  County 

Queens  County, 

(Suffolk  County 

Richmond  County, •••• 


o  «> 

a  c 

S2 


2260 
H474 
IftiS 
3910 
1213 
3153 

417 
1960 
2283 

344 


2308 
3795 
1687 
2873 

nws 

2908 

467 

2147 

2141 

411 


I- 


h  a 


So 


174' 
4.'i6 
156' 
203, 

74i 
1039 

84' 
263; 
221 
107! 


2369; 
3234; 
1489' 
3530 
1083 
2440! 

.■)58 
18921 
2265' 

3341 


3667 
3846 
1618 
2782 

9<« 
2379 

636 
2365 
2336 

471 


o 
H 


10768 
14806 

6605 
13289 

4446 
11919 


BLACKS. 


468 
658 
328 
211 
103 
296 


18621  212 

8617  581 

9245'  278 

1667  145 


o  u 
■2"= 
«  a 


786 
4,17 
270 
116 
418 
214 
663 
.97 
92 


=  "2 

1= 


68 
76 
49 
53 
24 
77 
21 
86 
40 
30 


Whites  83,223 


ss 

'<<  h 

It  « 

S^ 

§" 

£§ 

i^^ 

443 

695 

4!)6 

410 

326 

360 

163 

162 

93 

94 

267 

280 

•m 

197 

80"  I 

470 

194 

236 

97 

101 

e 


Total  96,766. 


2272 
2619 
I5U0 

K59 

4.30 
1338 

845 
2169 
1045 

465 

Blacks  13,542 


I  Vol.  1.| 


60 


474 


•TATimCt  Of  THE  rOrVLATION  OF  TW  nOTIMCB  OF  HBW-TOIIIC. 


LISrOF  INHABITANTS 

IN  TUB   KTBRAL   COVNTICS    IN  THK   PROVINCE  Ol'    NEW    TOEK,  TAKEN    IN   THE   YEAR    1771. 


KaoiM  of  tb«  I 


Kl  CoanliM. 


4 


city  k  Co.  or  N«w  York I  'i.TM  0,083 

AlbMjr tt.74U  »,He/ 

UUtcr 2,IUa   3,023 

DutehM 0,721  4,«H7 

Uranr* 3,«»l  'i.'^l 

WMlehMttr 3,813  i.'JMl 

KIniit M8      m 

QuMiM l,2&i  2,UN3 

Buflblk 2,731    2,834 

Richmond «I6      438 

Cumberland 1,071    l.au 

OloueMtar i      178       18S 


ToUlt . 


fr 


WHITJB|^ 

4 


280 
l,l3«j 
282 
384, 
lb7 
M» 
76' 
l»0l 
3471 

ue 

09 

8 


3,77H 

tf.UDH 

2,0111 

0,413 

2,IUI 

.4,483 

SI3 

2,126 

2,6&"* 

608 

Ml 

J»3 


I 

8 

I 


.9 

it 

n 


6,864 

9,046 

3,276 

4,839 

2,124 

0,266 

680 

2,332 

3,106 

696 

862 

161 


18,  rw 

38,82l« 

ll,99K 

21,044 

9,430 

18,3I» 

2,461 

8,744' 

11,676 

2,263 

3,9361 

716 


34,887):J7,302  4,3l4.33,492i.'m,l39l  148,124    4,4I6|  8,372 


T 


BLAUKI. 


S     '  <^ 


^1 

V 


668       890 


876 
618 
2H9 
162 
7«3 
2H7 
374 
3A0| 
177 


1,100 
016 
417 
184 
916 
287 
611 
889 
102 
6 
4 


II 


I 


& 


42! 
260| 
67 
34 
22 

68; 

22 

27li 

69 

22i 
1 


662 
671 
429 
282 
120 
776 
261 
646 
320 
106 

3 


848  4,0M| 


•4j 
•I 

I 

s 


1« 


J_ 

21,863 

42,70(1 

I3,96U 

23,404 

10,092 

21,746 

3,623 

10,981) 

13,128 

2.847 

3947 

722 


0,19?, 19,833  168.007 


1,080 
980 
441 
328 
174 
887 
296 
034 
334 
137 
2 


3,137 
3.877 
1,964 
1,360 

662 
3,430 
1,162 
2,236 
1,402 

694 

12 

7 


r 

! 


WM  TYRUN. 


Estimattd  amount  of  Population  in  1774. 
[  Lond.  Doe.  XLIV.  ] 

WhH« 161,098 

BlMl". 21,149 

Totel  estimated  PopuUtlon  In  1774, 182,247 


I 


li  m. 


XXIV. 


STATISTICS 


or 


Jltoenttt,  3mport0,  (Sxporto,  «pc. 


1691-1766. 


477 


THE  PRODUCE  OF  THE  REVENUE 

FROM   THE   Both   OF   JANUARY    1690   TO   THK  25th  OF   DECEMBR.  1691. 

[  Lond.  Doc.  X.  ] 

To  customs,  in,  out,  &  up  Hudsons  River JC3521.  2.11} 

To  Inland  Excise  on  retailed  Liquors 203. 12 

To  the  produce  of  the  Weigh  house 160. 

To  fines  and  forfeiture 306.10 

To  Quit-rents  received 21.1;C    '^ 

The  produce  of  one  year  ended  the  25th  of  Deer.  1692 

The  Customes,  as  above je2463.  3.11  j 

To  Excise  of  Liquors 834. 15.  8 

To  produce  of  the  Weigh  house 

To  Fines  and  forfeitures,  60.  8. 

The  year  ended  2Sth  Deer  >93 

ToCustoms i:m6.  8.    j 

To  Excise 665.16.  6 

To  Quit-rents 38. U. 

To  Weigh  house 90. 

To  Fines  and  seizures 229. 17.  Sj^ 

The  year  ended  25th  Deer.  '94. 

To  customes £3055.11.  3 

To  excise 862.  4.10 

To  Quit-rents 149.         ^ 

To  W eigh  house 218 .  3 .  2 

To  fines  and  forfeitures 15.        7 

The  year  ended  25th  Deer  >9d 

To  Customes, £2313.17.101 

To  Excise  919.18.  2i 

To  Quit-rents 36.17.  6 

To  produce  of  the  Weigh-house 66.00. Ilf 

To  fynes  and  forfeitures  264. 17.  4  j 

Totall  of  receipts 


d. 


3202.17.  6| 


3358.  T.-Ji 


2940.13. 


4299.19.11 


3601.11.11 
£17403.  9. Hi 


9, 


i'.i 


i/ii}.ki/^cdk»w^.4'^''*'W>«.»— 


liJ 


478 


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sajnzias 


MAX'S  aaoipn{] 
(in  p»!JjE3 
ipoou  lio  XltlQ 


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Efa^ESsS 
£8£S.2iSSS 

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STATISTICS   OF   REVENUE,   IMPORTS,   EXFORTS,   ETC. 


479 


1721—1725. 

AN  ABSTRACT  of  the  whoU  Amount  of  the  Djties  of  the  Several  Commoditiei  hereunder  mentioned,  from  5th  June  1721, 

until  the  5th  Day  of  June  1725  incluiive. 


[  From  Journals  of  thd  General  Assembly.] 


Ytari.  of  Wine. 

1722 X496.10.6 

1723 1493.  2.0 

1724 513.  U.U 

1725 961.  4.0 

Jt:343B.16.6 

1738 i;2913.  6.  K 

1740 2328.  4.  1 

1742 2197.  7.   i; 

1743 2402.  8.10J 

1752 2704.15.11J 

1763 1788.  8.  2* 

1764 256H.  2.  0. 

1755 2447.19.  9? 


of  Rum. 

of  iTolasa$s, 

of  SaU. 

of  Cocoa. 

of  Dry  Goods, 

£1165.14.9 

£649.12.  4 

£270.9.0 

£192.19.6 

£62.  2.  5 

1324.  1.9 

711.18.  8 

175.7.0 

130.13.9 

79.16.  4 

1782.11.6 

456.10.10 

91.5.6 

163.  3.3 

115.  2.11 

911.  8.9 

728.16.  8 

213.6.0 

665.19.0 
£1152.15.3 

95.12.  9 

£•5183. 16.9 

£2516.17.  6 

£750.7.6 

£352.14.  5 

1152.15.  3 

750.  7.  « 

2646.17.  6 

6183.16.  9 

Total 
Average 

3436.16.  6 

£13423.  7.11 

£3355.16.11 

1726. 

AN  ABSTRACT  of  the  Several  Branches  of  His  Majesty's  Revenue  for  support  of  Government  in  the  Province  of  New  Vork. 

[  From  the  same.  ] 
From  the  20th  April  until  the  1st  October  1726  (5^  months) £3825.6. 10^ 


GENERAL  ACCOUNT  of  t';e  Receipt  of  moneys,  e^ranted  for  the  support  of  the  Government  of  New  York  from  1st  Sept. 

1740,  ui,ti!  M  March  1741. 


[  From  the  same.  ] 


Receipts...... 

Ist  Sept.  1742  to  1  F<eT)t.  1743  . 


£5392.9.31 

6026. 4.:j 


■¥i 


A  GENERAL  STATE  OF  THE  PUBLIC  FUNDS  IN  THE  PROVINCE  OF  NEW  YORK, 

AND   THE   USES    TO   WHICH    THEY    ARE   APPLIED.       1767. 
[  Loml.  Doc.  XL.  ] 

Divers  sums  have  been  raised  by  different  Acts  of  Assembly.  We  have  an  Act  to  lay  a  Duty  of 
Tonnage  on  Ships,  but  tlie  money  is  applied  to  sink  certain  Bills  of  Credit.  Another  for  licencing 
Hawkers  and  Pedlars  but  it  will  expiro  soon  and  not  be  revived  ;  and  a  third,  commonly  called  the 
Duty  Act.  This  last  raises  the  money  and  for  su^^jort  of  Government  j  it  was  passed  the  12"»  Dec. 
1753,  and  was  limited  to  a  yeai-,  but  is  annually  continued.     Tis  entitled,  "  An  Act  for  granting  to 


4t0 


STATISTICS   or   REVENUE,    IMPORTS,    EXTORTS,    ETC. 


His  Majesty  the  several  Duties  &  impositions  on  Goods,  wares  and  Merchandizes  imported  into  tliis 
Colony,  therein  mentioned  "  The  Dutiable  Articles  are  Slaves,  Wine,  Cocoa,  Rum,  Brandy,  Shrub, 
and  other  distilled  Li(iuors,  and  European  and  East  India  dry  goods,  from  the  British  Islands. 

The  annual  produce  of  th(5  Duty  Act  for  ten  years  past  stands,  as  digested  from  the  Journals  of  the 
Assembly  to  whom  the  Province  Treasury  accoiuits  yearly. 

In  the  year  J755 X!M47.1!».  9.J  In  the  year  1761 : 

3171.9.2  1762 

3880.17. lOJ  1763 


1756. 
1767. 

1758 b2iT7.   6.  2J 

1769 8207.  2.  8? 

1760 10346.  9.11 


1764. 
1766. 
1766. 


XlU3l8.16.llj 
7108.12.  6; 
8674.  0.10? 
7596.12.  6| 
4920.  6.  4 
4811.  8.11.; 


74126.  3. 


1 


In  value  Sterling Jt41 180. 12. 9? 

The  last  years  amount  being  4811.8.11^  is  in  Sterling  at  the  usual  Exchange  of  X180  percent i.'2G73.  0. 

Out  of  this  money  ice  pay 
To  the  Governor 2000 

For  Fuel  and  Canillea  for  Fort  (leorgc 400 

To  the  Chief  Justice  of  Salary  &  Riding  the  Circuit ,S00 

To  3  puisne  Judges  each  X'2(H) 600 

To  the  Secretary  for  enrolling  the  Laws 30 

To  the  Clerk  of  the  Council 30 

To  the  Doorkeeper  of  the  Council 20 

To  the  Public  Printer 50 

To  the  Guager  of  Dutiable  Liquors 30 

To  the  Land  and  Tide  Waiters 50 

Te  the  Treasurers  Standing  Salary 2(X) 

To  the  same  for  Extraordinary  Services lOO 

To  the  Agent  in  England mi 

To  the  Attorney  General l&O 

To  the  Clerk  of  the  Asnenihly,  earh  iliiy  of  a  session  20s  suppose  50  days 50 

To  the  Door  K-ii-per  of  the  Assembly  each  Djiy  68  suppose  DO  days 15 

To  the  Gunner  &  Store  keeper  of  the  Colony's  Stores 20 

Allowed  for  Contingent)  in  the  Service  of  the  Colony 100 

4645  value  Sterling  £2580.11.   Ij 

i:92.  9.  5i 

The  Light  house  was  erected  in  the  year  17ti 4.  A  Duty  of  8d.  P.  Ton  was  laid  on  the  Tonnage 
of  Ships  for  maintaining  it  whidi  produced  tiie  tirst  year  ,£487.6,0.  &  the  expenses  were  X431.8.6. 

The  second  year  4ir)  l«.l.     I)"  4(»7.14.G. 

From  this  State  of  tlio  Civil  List  of  the  Province  it  appears  tli.at  there  is  even  this  year  a  surplus 
beyond  the  whole  Expeiice  of  stipporting  tlie  Government,  and  it  was  lieretofjre  very  considerable. 
This  Ballance  has  always  been  eitiier  borrowed  in  exigencies  or  applied  by  particular  Laws  to  special 
uses. 


The  Annual  account  of  Quit  rents  agreable  to  the  list  of  Patents  in  tlie  Ktceiver  Generars  office  is 
in  Sterling £1806.  7.  9 

Tlic  arrears  of  Quit  rents  agreable  U>  the  list  in  the  said  office  amounts  to      -         -         18,888.16.10 
The  above  sums  are  as  near  as  tan  Le  comjmted,  the  price  of  Wiieat,  Skins,  Lambs,  and  Pease 

difl'ering  every  year. 

The  following  sums  are  i)aid  out  of  the  Quit  Rents  on  tlie  Kings  warrants  directed  to  the  Receiver 

General. 

To  the  Honourable  Robert  Cholmondely  the  auditor  General  of  the  Plantations i-'lOO 

To  George  Clarke  Esq.  Secretary  of  New  York  on  two  warrants  for  his  salary  and  Incidents 60 

To  the  Secretary  for  Inilian  Atfiiirs 100 

To  the  Receiver  General's  Salary 200 

To  the  Honourable  Robert  Choltnonileley  a  Commission  of  X5  per  cent  for  all  monies  received  on  auditing  the  accounts. . 
The  Incidental  charges  of  the  Receiver  Genis  Office • 


STATISTICS   OF    REVENUE,    IMPORTS,    EXPORTS,    ETC. 


481 


The  owners  of  Lands  in  this  Province  have  ever  been  so  baclcward  in  the  Payment  of  their  Quit 
Rents  tliat  the  sum  collected  annually  has  never  been  sufficient  to  pay  off  the  above  mentioned 
salaries,  and  some  other  orders  which  were  formerly  granted  to  different  people  by  the  Lords  of  the 
Treasury. 


AMOUNT  OF  THE  VALUE  OF  THE  IMPORTS  AND  EXPORTS 

FROM    AND   TO    NEW    YORK,    FOR    THREE    YEARS    FROM    1717,   TO    1720. 
[  Lond.  Doc.  XXIII.  ] 


From  1717  to  1718, 
From  1718  to  1719,  , 
From  171!)  to  1720, 

Total  Imports  . 
Medium 


From  1720  to  1721,. 
From  1721  to  1722, . 
From  1722  to  1723,. 


Total  Imports, 
Medium, 


£    s.  d. 
^27.331.12.1 

19.596.  (i.5 

16.836.12.7 

63.764.11.1 
21.254. 17.0J 


From  1717  to  1718,. 
From  1T18  to  1719, . 
From  1719  to  1820,. 


Total  exports 
Medium 


The  like  account  from  1720  to  1723. 


R.  11. 

4.5 


£ 

15.681 

19.564.15.4 

28.518.12.6 

63.764.12.3 
21.254.17.5 


From  1720  to  1721,. 
From  1721  to  1722,. 
From  1722  to  1723, . 

Total  Exports , . 
Medium, 


X    s.  d. 
62.966.16.3 

56.335.  3.9 

37.397.19.5 

166.719.19.8 
5a.239.19.9i 


X  8.  d. 
80.788.10.  « 
67.889.15.10 
54.838.  9.  8 

0 
0 


Total  Export  of  tlie  tliree  last  years, 

Total  Export  of  the  three  preceding  years, 

Exceeded  in  the  Total  Exports  of    he  three  last  years 

Which  at  a  Medium  has  been  an  n-t'ual  Increase  in  ye  Exports. 


163.516.16. 
54.605.12. 

X      s.  d 
163.516.16.0 

156.719.19.6 

6.796.16.7 

2.265.12.2i 


in  account  of  the  Value  of  Furrs  imported  from  JVeto  York  for  six  years,  from  1717  to  1723. 

X      ».  d.  -C      »•»'• 

10.704.3.11  From  1720  to  1721, 6,659.4.11 

7.138.2.5  From  1721  to  1722, 7.045.3.10 

7.4S7.16.  5  From  1722  to  1723, 8.833.5.4 


From  1717  to  1718, 
From  1718  to  1719, 
From  1719  to  1720, 


Total  of  the  three  last  yc-irs. .. 
Excess  of  the  three  first  years. 


26.330.  2.  9 
22.537.14.  1 

2.792.  8.  8 


Medium,. 


22.537.14.1 
930.16.2^ 


I  Vol.  I.] 


61 


\&1 


STATISTICS   UF    UEVKNUIC,    IMI'OHTS,    lilXPOUTS,    KTC. 


i<  > 


AN  ACCOUNT 

OF  THE   ANNUAL    AMOUNT  OF  THE   IMPORTS    AND  FJ^PORTS    FROM     AND  TO   NEW     YORK,   FROM   CHRISTMAS, 

1723   TO   CHRISTMAS    1728. 

[  Lond.  Doc.  XXIV.  ] 


Bg=a=a 

The  several  years. 

Imports. 

^ 1^=—                         a 

Exports. 

**    i 

r  1723  

....          a  /'  1724 

£     s.  u. 

2II9I.  2.  3 
2a31ti.l8.  » 
383t»7.l7.10 
31617.  8.  1 
2IUU5.I2.1I 

£     s.  d. 

63020.  u.y 

i| 

k   1724  

1  V  1728    

70650.  N.U 

'   1728  

....       £  S   <   1  i2t)  

8485U.IM.O 

r"? 

1   \j-iH 

".!....           C   J  17,:7  

67373.  6.3 

^  1727  

•  • 5  C  n28 

78561.  6.4 

JOHN  OXENFU&DH  A.  I.  Gen'l. 


Custom  Mouse  Inspect'r  Gen'Is  Office  17  NoT'r  172!). 


NUMBER  OF  NEGROES  IMPOi'TED  FROM  1701—1726. 

AN  ACCO'l  ui  what  Xe^ro  Slaves  have  been  Imported  into  hi^  Majesties  Province  of  New  York  as  taken  from  the  Custom 

House  Books  between  the  yvar  17U1  &  this  present  year  1726. 

[  Lond.  Doc.  XXIII.  ] 


YEAR. 

8 
&  . 

II 

o 

IM 

1- 

c  0 

YEAR. 

From  the  West 
Indies.         ! 

From  the  coast 
of  Africa. 

1 

17U1 

:^ 

165 

16 

8 

■■"m" 

17 
1» 

53 
55 
77 

""■ss" 

43 
2Pt 

1717  

68                 266 
447                   70 
1U4 

1702 

1718  

17(J3        

1719 

1704    

1720 

SI 

1706        .     .   

1721 

76                '1 17 

17JU 

1722 

106 

1711      .' 

1723 

82             

61 

1712 

1724 

1714 

1725 

64                   69 
180 

1718 

1726 

1716 

1259 
314 

512 

290 

314 

Totall  2396. 

1573 
Shnulil 

8(2)8 
be    ri') 

N.  B.    That  all  the  Negroes  in  the  foregoin.T  ;'.cR0unt  have  been  Imported  by  Private  Traders  anO  that  none  have  been 
importod  dureing  that  time  by  the  African  Company.  ARCH'D  KE.VNSDY  Coll'r. 

New  York  15  Decembr  1626. 
•Entered  from  the  Coast  o<  Africa  but  found  afterv-'ards  to  have  been  from  Madagascar. 


'••>i'H'f 


)!t.i6bv' 


XXV. 


PAPERS 


RiXATING   TO   THE 


TRADE   AND   MANUFACTURES 


OF  THE 


|)  r  0  u  i  n  r  e   of   N  t*  tu  -  |i)  a  r  k  • 


1703—1757. 


1 

.  If 

S'' 

1   *i 

'^Ei        1 

1   it 

K 

Iuml 

JK 

Ji^ 


^xabt  aub  ilTamifocturc0  of  tl)c  province,  1705. 


iii 


LORD  CORNBURY  TO  SEC.  JIODOES. 

[  LonU,  Uoo.  XVI.  ] 

The  Trade  of  tliis  Province  consists  clut'lly  in  flower  mid  binJcott  wliich  is  sent  to  tlic  Islands  in  tlie 
West  Indians,  in  return  tliey  bring  Rum,  Sugar,  MuIassi'H,  and  sonic  times  pieces  of  Eight  and  Cocoa 
and  Logwood ;  to  Europe  Our  people  send  Skins  of  all  Horts,  Wlmlo  Oyle  and  Bone,  which  are  the 
only  Commotlity  this  Country  sends  to  Europe,  of  its  own  ]»roducc  as  yet,  but  if  they  were  encour- 
aged, tlie  people  of  tliis  Province  would  be  able  to  supply  England  witli  all  manner  of  Naval  Stores, 
Pitch,  Tarr,  Rosine,  Turpentine,  Flax  Hemp  Masts  and  Timber  of  all  Kinds  and  Sizes, and  very  good 
in  their  Kinds.  .  ......... 

When  I  said  on  the  other  side  that  if  the  people  were  encouraged  tliey  would  be  able  to  supply 
England  with  all  manner  of  Naval  Stores,  I  mean  (by  ciicou raged)  if  they  had  a  certain  sure  market 
for  their  produce;  lor  as  the  Case  now  stands,  they  aply  tlidr  land  to  Corn  of  all  sorts,  but  chiefly 
Wiieat,  because  they  have  a  certain  Market  lor  tliat  in  the  Islands,  but  if  they  liad  asure  market  for 
Hemp  and  flax  in  England,  they  would  greedily  liill  to  the  planting  of  hemp  and  Flax,  because  they 
want  Commoditys,  to  make  returns  to  England  lor  the  goods  they  take  from  thence.  Besides  if  part 
of  their  lands  were  imployed  to  those  uses,  their  Corn  would  letch  a  better  price ;  besides  the  want 
of  wherewithal!  to  make  returns  for  England,  sets  mens  wilts  at  work,  and  tliat  has  put  tliera  upon 
a  Trade  which  I  am  sure  will  hurt  England  in  a  little  time ;  l!)r  1  am  well  informed,  that  upon  Long 
Island  and  Connecticut,  they  are  setting  up  a  Wiiollen  ManulactiU'e,  and  I  myself  liave  seen  Serge 
made  upon  Long  Island  that  any  man  may  wear.  Now  if  they  begin  to  make  Serge, they  will  in  time 
make  Course  Cloth,  and  then  fine ;  we  have  as  good  fullers  earth  and  tobacco  pipe  clay  in  this  Pro- 
vince, as  any  in  the  world  ;  how  farr  this  will  be  Ibr  t\w  service  of  England  I  submit  to  better  Judg- 
ments ;  but  however  I  hope  I  may  be  pardoned,  if  I  tieclare  my  opinion  to  be,  that  all  these  Colloneys, 
which  are  but  twigs  belonging  to  tlie  Main  Tree  (EngUind)  ought  to  be  Kept  entirely  dependent  upon 
&  subservient  to  England,  and  that  can  never  be  if  they  are  suflered  to  goe  on  in  the  notions  they 
have,  that  as  they  are  Englishmen,  soe  they  may  set  up  the  same  manufactures  here  as  people  may 
do  in  England ;  for  the  consequence  will  be  that  If  once  they  can  see  they  can  cloath  themselves,  not 
only  comfortably  but  handsomely  too,  witliout  the  help  of  England,  tiiey  who  are  already  not  very 
fond  of  submitting  to  Government  would  soon  thiidc  of  putting  in  Execution  designs  they  had  long 
harbourd  in  their  breasts  This  will  not  seem  strange  when  you  consider  what  sort  of  people  this 
Country  is  inhabited  by. 


4 


486 


TRADE   AND  MANUFACTUHES   OF  THE   PROVINCE  OF   NEW-VORK. 


''J 


M"  CALEB  HEATIICOTE  TO  THE  BOARD  OF  TRADE,  3  AUG.  17u8. 

[  Load.  Doe.  XVII.  ] 

My  Lortl8— This  comes  chiedy  to  ask  i)ardon  for  all  the  trouble  I  have  given  you<  Lordships  in  my 
severall  letters  relating  to  the  Naval  Stores.  What  I  aimed  at  chiefly  therein  was  the  service  of  my 
Nation  &  I  do  assure  yo'  Lordships  (notwithstand*  I  may  have  been  otherwise  repi«'sented)  is  very 
dear  to  me.  And  wliat  in  the  first  place  I  aimed  at  by  my  proposals  was,  to  have  diverted  the  Ame- 
ricans from  goeing  on  witli  tlieir  linen  and  Woollen  Manufactorys  &,  to  have  turn'd  their  thoughts  on 
such  things  as  might  be  usefull  &  beneflciall  to  Great  Britain.  They  are  already  so  liir  advanced  in 
their  Manul'actoryes  that  3|4  of  y«  linen  and  Woollen  tliey  use,  is  made  amongst  'em  ;  espetially  the 
Courser  sort,  &  if  some  speedy  and  eflectual  ways  are  not  found  to  putt  a  stop  to  it,  they  will 
carry  it  on  a  great  deal  further,  i  perhaps  in  time  very  much  to  the  prejudice  of  om-  manufactorys 
at  home.  I  have  been  discoursed  with  by  some  to  assist  tliem  in  setting  up  a  manufactory  of  fine 
stufls,  but  I  have  for  the  present  putt  it  by,  &  will  lor  my  own  part  never  be  concerned  in  y'  nor  any 
thing  of  y'  nature,  but  use  all  the  little  interest  &  skill  I  have  to  prevent  it. ' 


ii  M 


I 


GOV.  HUNTER  TO  THE  BOARD  OF  TRADE.  12  NOV«  1715 

[Lond.  Doc.  XX.] 

The  'j'raiie  tf  this  Province  has  consisted  chiefly  of  provisions,  We  may  reckon  it  considerably 
I  decreased  I  since  the  IhUf  Teacc^  bj-  reason  that  the  Spaniards  do  not  permit  our  Vessels  to  come  on 
their  coasts,  as  they  Jid  formerly,  linving  lately ,  as  I  am  well  informed  sent  several  ships,  some  of 
which  are  French  witli  Spanisli  Commissi"  to  Guard  tlieir  Coasts  from  that  TralBck,  which  formerly 
we  had  by  private  communications  with  them;  and  these  Provinces  raising  much  more  than  serves 
for  their  own  consumption  and  that  of  the  West  Indies,  I  can  .hink  of  no  solid  way  of  prevents  the 
total  decay  of  Trade,  and  consequently  the  ruin  of  the  Provinces  but  by  setting  on  foot  and  carrying 
vigorously  the  production  of  Naval  Stores,  and  if  hemp  were  not  so  bulky  a  commodity,  we  know 
experimentally  that  our  swamps  and  low  land  will  produce  as  good  of  that  kind  as  any  in  the  world. 

Tlic  People  of  tliis  Town  (N.  York)  and  Albany,  which  make  a  great  part  of  the  Province  wear 
no  clotliing  of  their  own  manufacture,  but  if  the  letters  mentioned  in  your  Lordsiiips  mean  the 
Planters  and  poorer  sort  of  Country  people,  tlie  comj)utatn  is  rather  less  than  more,  but  tlie  several 
sorts  are  coarser  than  what  come  from  England;  I  know  no  way  to  prevent  it,  than  by  encouraging 
them  to  go  on  some  manufactures  that  may  be  useful  to  England  &  beneficial  to  themselves,  lor  liew 
that  are  able  to  go  to  the  expense  of  English  manufacture  do  wear  home  spun,  and  a  law  to  oblige 
such  as  are  not  able  to  go  to  tliat  expense  to  do  it,  under  penalties,  would  be  equivalent  to  a  law  to 
compel  them  to  go  naked,  for  yoiu-  Lordships  well  know  that  Goods  at  100  per  cent  advance  are 
reckoned  cheap  here,  nor  does  it  consist  with  ray  knowledge  that  ever  any  home  spim  was  sold  in 
the  shops. 


1  Col.  Heuthcote  the  writer  of  the  above,  wm  Member  of  the  Council,  and  an  applicant  for  a  contract  to  supply  the  Crown 
with  Naval  Stores  It  some  small  sloops  of  War  for  coasting  purposes. 


TRADE  AND  MANVrACTUEU  Or  TH£  PROVINCE  OF  NEW-YORK. 


487 


CADWALLADER  COLDEN  ON  THE  TRADE  OF  NEW  YORK;  1723 


than  to  any  one 
but  likewise  f<>i 
&  to  tiie  French  1 
&  Molasses  tlian 


[LoDil.  Doc.  XXII.] 

The  Trade  of  New  Yoric  is  chietly  to  Jiritain  &  the  British  Plaututions  in  the  West  Indies;  besides 
which  we  hav«^  our  wines  from  Madeira  &  a  considerable  Trade  witli  Curacou;  some  with  Surinam 
&  some  little  private  T  ■  'de  witli  the  French  Islands— The  Trade  tu  tlie  West  Indies  is  wholly  to  the 
advantage  of  tliis  Proviiii-o  the  balance  being  every  where  in  our  favor  so  tliut  we  have  money 
remitted  from  every  place  we  trade  with,  but  chiefly  from  Curacoa  and  .liniaica,  tl\ese  places  taking 
ofl"  great  qii.intitys  Flower  for  tlic  Spanish  trade  Tlie  Trade  to  Dtul.".i'%  is  more  considerable 
[(Test  Provisions  beintt  carried  thither  not  onl  .'1  i  Uk'  v.ipply  of  that  Island 
spi  tation  to  the  Spanish  coast  while  the  Ass!'  u'd  Fa'??oi.T  were  settled  there, 
'Is,  so  tiiat  tlio'  we  consume  more  of  the  produce  of  tlifit  Island  in  Rum  Sugar 
<•  others  put  together  we  liave  money  Irequently  remitted  from  thence  on 
Bills  of  ExchHiigc  lur  Eagliind  Tlie  Trade  to  Madeira  is  to  our  Loss  tliis  Province  consuming  more 
wine  from  thence,  than  can  be  purchased  with  our  commodities  which  obliges  the  Merchant  either 
to  send  money  or  to  pay  the  Ballance  of  Bills  of  Exchange  for  London  But  whatever  advantages 
we  have  by  the  West  India  Trade  we  are  so  hard  put  to  it  to  make  even  with  England,  that  tiie 
money  imported  for  the  West  Indies  seldom  continues  six  months  in  the  Province,  before  it  is 
remitted  for  England  Tiie  Current  Cash  being  wholly  in  the  Paper  Bills  of  this  Province  and  a  few 
Lyon  Dollars 

In  the  time  of  the  last  war  wlien  the  great  scarcity  of  provisions  happened  in  France,  we  li»d  a 
very  profitable  Trade  with  Lisbon  for  wheat,  by  which  several  have  made  estates  but  that  Trade 
was  of  no  long  duration,  for  the  Distance  made  the  carriage  so  chargeable  being  the  Siiips  were 
obliged  to  return  empty,  that  tlie  Trade  could  not  be  carried  on  any  Longer  witliout  Loss,  after 
wheat  fell  to  its  usual  price,  tho  the  Wheat  of  Amerira,  be  of  greater  value  there  than  ti.e 
European,  &  we  cannot  liope  for  a  return  of  tills  Trade  unless  such  a  general  scarcity  of  Provisions 
happens  over  Europe  as  did  then 

The  Staple  Commodity  of  the  Province  is  Flower  &  Bread  whicli  is  sent  to  all  Pails  of  the  West 
Indies  we  are  allowed  to  trade  with.  Besides  Wlieat,  Pipe  staves  and  a  little  Bees  Wax  to  Madeira, 
We  send  likewise  a  considerable  quantity  of  Pork,  Bacon,  Hogshead  Staves,  some  Beef  Butter  & 
a  few  Candles  to  tlie  West  Indies.  The  great  Bulk  of  our  commodltys  in  proportion  to  their  value, 
is  tlie  reason  we  cannot  Trade  directly  to  tlie  Spanish  Coast  as  they  do  from  the  West  Indies  it  being 
necessary  to  employ  armed  vessels  to  prevent  Injuries  from  the  Spaniards  and  Pirates,  but  we  some- 
times send  vessels  into  the  Bays  of  Campeachie  &  Honduras,  to  purchase  Logwood  &  we  have  it 
imported  from  tlience  frequently  by  Strangers.  Tliis  commodity  is  entirely  exported  again  for 
England 

From  Barbadoes  we  import  Rum,  Molasses  &  Sugar  whlcli  are  all  consumed  in  the  Province,  from 
Antigua  &  the  adjacent  Islands,  Molassus  &  some  Rum  lur  the  country  consumption,  &  sometimes 
sugar  &  Cotton  for  exportation  to  England,  From  Jamaica  some  Rum,  Molasses  &  tlie  best  Musco- 
vada  Sugar  for  the  consumption  of  the  Country  &  sometimes  Logwood,  but  the  principal  returns 
from  thence  are  in  Spanish  money.  From  Curacoa  the  returns  are  in  Spanish  money  &  Cocoa  which 
is  exported  again  for  England  Surinam  returns  notliing  besides  Molasses  and  a  little  Rum  which  are 
consumed  in  the  Province,  in  the  time  of  War  when  the  English  could  not  trade  with  the  French 
fhere  was  some  considerable  Trade  to  the  Island  of  St.  Thomas  The  Danes  from  thence  supplying 


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WfBSTIR.N-Y.  USUI 

(71«)  «73-4503 


488 


TBADE  AND  MAITDFACTURES  OF  THE  PnOVINCE  OF   NEW-YORK. 


the  French  with  our  Provisions.  We  have  Cotton  from  thence  &  now  from  the  French  Islands  we 
sometimes  have  Cocoa  Sugar  &  Indigo,  the  far  greatest  part  of  which  are  exported  again  from 
England 

Several  of  our  Neighbours  upon  the  Continent  cannot  well  subsist  without  our  assistance  as  to 
Provisions  for  we  yearly  send  Wheat  and  Flower  to  Boston  &  Road  Island  as  well  as  to  South  Caro- 
lina tho  not  in  any  great  -juantity  Pennsylvania  only  rivals  us  in  our  Trade  to  the  West  Indies,  but 
they  have  not  that  Credit  in  their  Manufactures  that  this  Province  has 

Besides  our  Trade  by  Sea  this  Province  has  a  very  considerable  inland  Trade  with  the  Indians  for 
Beaver  other  Furs  &  Peltry  &  with  the  French  of  Canada  for  Beaver,  all  which  are  purchased  with 
English  Commodity  except  a  small  quantity  of  Rum.  As  this  Trade  is  very  profitable  to  England, 
so  this  province  has  a  more  considerable  share  in  it  than  any  other  in  His  Matys  Dominions  &  is  the 
only  Province  that  can  Rival  &  I  beleive  out  do  the  French,  being  the  most  advantagiously  situated 
for  this  Trade  of  any  part  of  America 

This  Government  (since  the  arrival  of  the  present  Governor)  considering  that  tlie  French  of  Can- 
ada buy  yearly  of  the  people  of  this  Province  great  qnantitys  of  English  Groods  in  English  Cloaths 
fit  for  the  Indians  use,  &  being  convinced  that  the  French  cannot  without  great  difficulty  and  expence 
import  these  goods  directly  from  Europe  &  that  without  them  they  cannot  carry  out  their  trade  with 
the  Indians  exclusive  of  the  English:  did  by  a  severe  Law  prohibit  the  selling  of  any  Indian  Croods 
to  the  French  At  the  same  time  considerable  encouragement  was  given  to  a  number  of  young  men 
to  go  into  the  Indian  Country  as  far  as  the  Pass  between  the  great  Lakes  at  the  Falls  of  lagara,  to 
learn  the  language  of  these  Indians,  and  to  renew  the  Trade  with  the  far  Indians  which  our  Traders 
have  disused  ever  since  the  beginning  of  the  Wars  with  France  This  they  could  not  be  persuaded 
to  undertake  of  themselves  having  of  late  fallen  into  the  more  safe  and  less  toUsome  Trade  with  the 
Fre.ich  tho  less  profitable 

The  Government  has  pursued  this  with  a  good  deal  of  diligence  notwithstanding  many  difficultys 
put  in  the  way  by  the  merchants  who  trade  with  the  French  &  these  measures  are  likely  to  have  a 
very  happy  efiect,  to  strengthen  the  British  Interest  on  this  continent.  For  if  the  Indians  shall  be 
once  convinced  that  the  French  cannot  supply  them  with  the  Groods  they  want  or  that  they  are  fur- 
nished much  cheaper  by  the  Englisli  it  will  take  off  the  dependance  of  the  remote  Indians  on  the 
French,  which  has  been  increasing  of  late  to  the  Great  Danger  of  this  province,  in  case  of  a  War, 
as  well  as  to  the  loss  of  its  trade  in  time  of  Peace,  What  is  already  done  has  bad  so  good  effect, 
that  but  a  few  days  ago  80  Indian  Men,  besides  Women  &  Children  arrived  at  Albany  from  the  fur- 
thest nation  who  live  about  the  place  called  by  the  French  Missilimakenak  1200  miles  distant  from 
Albany,  they  could  not  be  stopped  in  their  design  by  all  the  art  of  tlie  French  who  in  several  places 
endeavored  to  divert  them  When  they  came  to  Albany  they  entered  into  a  League  of  Friendship 
with  this  Government  &  desired  to  be  added  to  tlie  Six  Nations  under  this  Government,  and  tliat 
they  may  be  esteemed  the  seventh  Nation  under  the  English  ^Protection — The  Language  of  those 
Indians  is  not  understood  by  any  Christian  among  us,  &  is  the  first  time  we  have  had  any  League 
with  them — It  is  the  opinion  of  many  here  that  by  tlie  arts  of  Peace,  with  the  assistance  of  a  less 
sum  than  a  tenth  of  what  the  expedition  to  Canada  cost  the  Nation  the  settlement  of  Canada  would 
be  rendered  useless  to  the  French,  and  that  they  would  be  obliged  to  abandon  it 

It  is  evident  that  the  whole  Industry,  Frugality  &  Trade  of 'this  Province  is  employed  to  ballance 
the  Trade  with  England  &  to  pay  for  the  goods  they  yearly  import  from  thence,  &  therefore  it  is 
undoubtedly  y'  Interest  of  Britain  to  encourage  the  Trade  of  this  Province  as  much  as  possible: 
For  if  the  people  here  could  remit  by  any  method  more  money  or  Goods  to  England  they  would 
proportionably  consume  more  of  the  English  Manufactures.  We  have  no  i-eason  to  doubt  that  it  is 
truly  the  desire  of  our  mother  country  to  make  her  colonys  flourish— The  only  thing  in  question,  is 


TRADE  AND   MANUFACTURES   OF  THE  PROVINCE  OF   NEW-YORK. 


489 


by  what  methods  the  produce  and  Trade  of  the  Plantations  can  be  best  encouraged  with  the  greatest 
advantage  to  England.  It  may  be  that  many  in  England  are  not  so  well  informed  what  their  colonys 
are  able  to  produce  &  by  what  means  the  people  in  the  colonys  will  most  eflectually  be  put  upon  such 
Manufacture  or  Trade  as  sliall  be  most  beneficial  to  tlie  Kingdom  for  the  Colonys  difter  very  much 
in  the  soil  &  inclination  &  humour  of  the  Inhabitants 

It  seems  to  be  the  desire  of  the  Government  of  Great  Britain  that  y''  Kingdom  be  supplied  with 
naval  Stores  from  their  Plantations,  that  tliey  may  not  rely  so  nuicli  on  the  Pleasure  of  foreign  Princes 
tor  what  is  so  neccssai-y  to  j"  Stiength  &  Wealth  of  >•  Kingdom.  Towards  this  end  none  of  His 
Matys  Provinces  can  be  more  useful  than  this  &  perhaps  no  country  in  the  World  is  naturally  better 
fitted  for  sucli  produce  or  manufactures.  There  is  not  any  where  a  richer  Soil  for  producing  Hemp 
than  in  many  places  in  tliis  Province — Siicli  Land  as  has  every  year  borne  grain  for  above  50  years 
together  without  dunging  in  which  I  believe  this  excells  all  the  other  Provinces  in  North  America. 
Oiur  barren  Sandy  Lauds  bear  great  quantitys  of  Pitch  pine  for  Tar,  The  Nortliern  parts  of  the 
Province  large  wliite  Pines*  for  Masts:  &  for  iron  we  have  great  plenty  of  that  Oai*  in  many  places 
close  by  the  Bank  of  tlie  River,  where  Ships  of  3  or  400  Tuns  may  lay  their  sides  the  ground  every 
wliere  covered  with  wood  for  the  Furnace  and  no  want  of  Water  Streams  any  where  for  the  Forge 

Tlie  reasons  whicli  liave  hindred  the  Inhabitants  from  going  upon  any  of  these  manufactures  are 
the  difficulty  with  which  people  can  be  persuaded  to  leave  the  common  means  by  whicli  tliey  liave 
supported  their  lamilysto  adventure  upon  any  new  methods  which  are  always  expensive  in  the  begin- 
ning &  uncertain  in  the  profits  they  yield  Tliis  reasoning  has  the  more  force  because  few  of  the 
Planters  have  any  stock  of  money  by  them  but  depend  yearly  on  the  Produce  of  their  Farms  for  the 
support  of  their  Families.  Nortlx  America  containing  a  vast  Tract  of  Land  every  one  is  able  to 
procure  a  piece  of  land  at  an  inconsiderable  rate  and  therefore  is  fond  to  set  up  for  himself  rather 
than  work  for  liire  This  makes  labor  continue  very  dear  a  common  laborer  usually  earning  3  shil- 
lings by  the  day  &  consequently  any  undertaking  which  requires  many  hands  must  be  undertaken 
at  a  tar  greater  expense  than  in  Europe  &  too  often  this  charge  only  overballances  all  tlie  advantages 
whicli  the  country  naturally  affords  &  is  the  hardest  to  overcome  to  make  any  commodity  or  Manu- 
facture profitable  which  can  be  raised  in  Europe 

The  Merchant  will  not  readily  adventure  his  Stock  in  raising  Hemp  or  making  Tar  being  unac- 
<|uainted  with  Imsbandry  and  will  more  difficultly  be  induced,  because  he  knows  tlic  Farmer  does 
not  gain  yearly  half  the  common  Interest  of  the  value  of  his  land  &  stock  after  lie  has  deducted  the 
charge  of  labor. 

One  of  the  methods  already  thought  of  for  making  this  Province  more  useful  as  to  Naval  Stores,  is 
a  severe  prohibition  of  cutting  any  white  Pines  fit  for  Masts,  No  doubt  the  destroying  of  so  necessary 
a  commodity  ouglit  to  be  prevented  &  it  would  be  difficult  to  frame  a  Law  for  that  end  with  many 
exceptions  or  Limitations  which  could  be  of  much  use  on  the  other  hand  when  the  literal  Breach  of 
the  Law  becomes  generally  unavoidable  it  must  loose  its  force,  Tlie  Lands  of  this  Province  are 
granted  upon  condition  that  the  Grantee  within  three  years  after  the  Grant  efiectually  cultivate  three 
acres  for  every  fifty  granted  &  it  will  not  be  supposed  that  it  is  the  intent  of  the  Law  to  put  a  stop 
to  cultivating  the  Land  which  however  cannot  be  done  without  destroying  the  Timber  tliat  grows 
upon  it  One  at  first  is  ready  to  tear  that  the  poor  Planter  is  under  a  sad  Dilemma.  If  he  does  not 
cultivate  he  cannot  maintain  his  family  &  he  must  loose  his  Land ;  if  he  does  cultivate,  he  cuts  down 
Trees,  tor  which  he  is  in  danger  of  being  undone  by  prosecution  &  fines — The  Inhabitants  cannot 
build  Houses  without  pine  for  boards  &  covering,  nor  send  Vessels  to  sea  without  masts.    It  cannot 

•  Neither  the  Pitch  Pine  nor  White  Pine  are  properly  Pine«  according  to  the  Botanists  b\it  are  put  bjr  them  under  tlic 
class  of  ye  Larix  the  White  Pine  being  called  by  Tournero'trt— i^irix or<en(a«« /ruettt  rotundiori  obtuso  b  by  J  Bonhim. 
Cedrus  magna,  Siv»  Libani,  Coi^tra,    I  have  not  seen  the  true  Pine  to  the  Northward  of  Maryland. 


■j; 


[Vol.  L] 


62 


4!;o 


TRADE  AND  MANVFACTUBES   OF  THE   PROVINCE  OF   NEW-TORK. 


surely  be  the  intent  of  the  Legislature  to  put  the  inhabitants  under  such  extreem  hardships  by  deny- 
ing us  necessary  timber  while  we  live  in  the  midst  of  such  Forests  as  cannot  in  many  ages  be 
destroyed — And  the  more  that  the  King  for  whose  use  these  Trees  are  reserved,  does  not  nor  has  not 
nnde  use  of  one  Tree  for  many  years  in  this  Province. 

Nor  need  we  mind  the  apprehensions  of  some  who  tell  us  of  what  ill  consequence  it  may  be  if  the 
People  of  the  Plantations  should  apprehend  that  the  people  of  England  design  to  cut  them  off  from 
tiie  common  body  of  English  subjects  by  denying  them  the  fundamental  English  Privilege  of  being 
fiyed  by  their  country  Our  mother  country  tlie  nursery  of  Liberty  will  never  give  up  her  children 
to  the  ravenous  appetites  of  any  one  man  nor  will  they  loose  the  surest  tye  she  has  upon  the  affec- 
tions of  the  people  in  the  plantations  especially  in  a  Frontier  Province  in  the  neighbourhood  of  so 
1»  )tent  &  cunning  a  nation  as  the  French  are  where  the  native  English  are  less  iu  number  than 
Foreigners  French  &  Dutch  who  at  present  think  themselves  happy  under  the  English  liberty,  for 
t'lo  maxim  that  free  subjects  are  more  useful  to  their  Prince  than  Slaves  will  be  tbund  as  true  in 
America  as  in  Europe. 

But  suppose  the  People  could  be  resti-ained  from  cutting  any  White  Pines  it  will  not  answer  the 
end  for  wliich  it  was  designed.  For  if  the  King  were  to  send  People  to  cut  down  Masts  in  the  place 
where  tliey  grow  and  to  transport  them  to  such  places  where  they  can  be  carried  by  water  the  charge 
will  amount  to  treble  the  sum  they  might  be  bought  for  at  New  York,  if  the  carrying  of  them  were 
l.ft  to  the  Inhabitants  themselves  The  King  in  this  case  must  have  a  great  many  hands  &  overseers 
in  constant  pay  He  must  buy  horses.  Oxen  &  Carriages  &  maintain  them  or  hire  them  after  the,  most 
chargeable  manner — whereas  the  country  people  carry  these  Trees  in  the  Winter  upon  the  Snow  & 
loo  when  they  cannot  labor  in  the  ground  &  are  glad  to  make  a  little  profit  at  any  rate. 

To  balance  any  hard  ship  which  the  Colonys  may  apprehend  themselves  to  be  under  The  British 
Parliament  has  given  such  rewai-ds  &  encouragements  t.)  their  Plantations  as  no  other  nation  has 
done  the  like  for  the  manufacture  of  Hemp  &  Tar.  The  benefit  of  this  however  does  not  so  immedi- 
atoly  reach  the  Planters  as  the  before  mentioned  penalties  affect  him,  There  is  a  considerable  differ- 
ence between  encourageing  the  exportation  &  sale  of  a  commodity  which  is  already  the  manufacture 
of  the  country  &  engageing  people  to  go  upon  a  new  commodity  or  manufacture  in  the  first  it  is 
sufficient  to  give  the  merchant  encouragement  to  buy  &  export  in  the  other  the  encouragement  would 
be  more  effectual  if  it  were  immediately  ai>plied  to  tlie  persons  who  were  to  begin  the  Manufacture 
&  run  the  whole  risque  of  its  turning  to  advantage  or  not. 

Now  I  shall  mention  tlie  means  which  I  think  most  probable  to  make  this  Province  useful  in  pro- 
ducing Naval  Stores  &  which  may  with  the  least  difficulty  be  put  in  practice — In  the  first  place,  to 
prevent  the  decay  of  Timber,  fit  for  masts  every  one  that  improves  Lands  on  which  white  Pines 
grow  ought  to  be  obliged  to  plant  white  Pines  at  proper  distances  all  round  his  fields  &  enclosures 
wlien  any  of  these  shall  dye  or  be  cut  down  to  put  another  in  its  place  and  some  officer  be  obliged  to 
sec  this  punctually  observed  and  for  the  encouragement  of  such  as  shall  n  Temp  that  the  Receiver 
General  be  directed  to  receive  Hemp  when  offered  in  lieu  of  money  fo*  Kings  Quit  Rents  at  an 
encouraging  price  which  Price  the  Receiver  General  ought  to  publisli,  pursuant  to  the  directions  he 
s'lall  receive  from  England — The  Commissioners  of  the  Navy  to  appoint  a  Factor  at  New  York  whose 
credit  must  be  punctually  kept  up  to  purchase  Masts  &  Tar,  made  according  to  the  direction  of  the 
Act  of  Parliament,  who  shall  yearly  publish  tlie  prices  he  will  give  for  any  of  these  commoditys  & 
t!ie  (Jovernment  to  save  themselves  the  Benefit  of  the  Bounty.  For  some  years  the  price  to  be 
allowed  be  above  the  intrinsic  value  of  the  commoditys,  the  loss  of  which  to  be  defrayed  by  some 
publick  fund,  which  I  believe  without  great  difficulty  may  be  found  &  if  these  proposals  be  thouglit 
practicable  &  useful  shall  be  the  subject  of  another  paper. 


TRADE  AND  MANUFACTURES  OF  THE  PROVINCE  OF  NEW- YORK. 


491 


The  Parliament  appears  desirous  to  encourage  the  importation  of  materials  for  dyeing  whieli 
hitherto  liave  been  only  brought  from  Foreign  Parts  I  have  seen  fine  Reds  and  Yellows  &  good  blaclc 
(the  Country  people  say  they  have  seen  all  colors)  died  by  the  Indians  with  some  roots  &  weeds, 
which  grow  plentifully  in  the  country.  As  the  Indians  know  very  little  of  the  art  of  dying  from 
what  I  have  seen  of  their  Reds  I  am  apt  to  believe  the  root  they  dye  that  color  with,  may  be  very 
valuable  &  we  may  find  some  commoditys  which  at  present  are  not  in  the  Least  thought  of— When 
I  go  next  to  the  Indians  country  I  intend  to  procure  some  quantity  of  them  suflScient  to  make  a  few 
experiments.  • 


!t 


GOV«  COSBY  TO  THE  BOARD  OF  TRADE. 

[Lond.  Doc.  XXIV.] 

New  York  18th  Deer  1732. 
My  Lords — I  acknowledge  tlie  receipt  of  your  LordPp"  to  me  of  the  16'h  of  June  last,  and  in  pur- 
suance of  His  Maty  directions  to  your  Lordi'P"  Board  have  made  the  strictest  inquiry  in  respect  to 
manufactures  sett  up,  &  Trade  carryed  on  in  this  Province  of  New  York  &  can  discover  none  that 
may  in  any  way  affect  or  prejudice  the  Trade,  Navigation  &  Manufactures  of  the  Kingdom  of  Grent 
Britain.  As  to  the  Laws  made  liere,  I  beg  leave  to  refer  your  Lordpp»  to  the  acts  which  I  shall  tran?^- 
raitt  to  your  Lordrp»  so  soon  as  tliey  are  engrossed  wliich  I  fear  I  cannot  have  time  to  have  done  (o 
send  by  this  opportunity.  The  inhabitants  here  are  more  lazy  &  inactive  than  the  world  generally 
supposes,  &  their  manufacture  extends  no  farther  than  what  is  consumed  in  their  own  famillys,  a  few 
coarse  Lindsy  Woolseys  for  clothing,  and  linen  for  their  own  wear :  the  hatt  makeing  trade  her'j 
seemed  to  promise  to  make  the  greatest  advances  to  the  prejudice  of  Great  Britain,  but  that  tlie 
Parliament  having  already  taken  into  their  consideration,  needs  no  more  mention,  whatever  new 
springs  up  that  may  in  the  least  affect  or  prejudice  the  Trade  or  Navigation  of  Great  Brittain,  shnll 
be  narrowly  inspected  &  annual  returns  of  your  Lordpp"  querries  constantly  sent  In  the  mean  time 
I  have  the  honor  to  be  witli  the  greatest  respect  imaginable 

My  Lords 
Your  Lordpp^  most  obedient 

&  most  humble  servant 

(signed)  W.  Cosby. 


SAME  TO  THE  SAME  6  DEC.  1734. 

[  Lond.  Doc.  XXV.  ] 

Wheat  is  the  staple  of  this  Province,  and  tlio'  that  comodity  seem  literally  to  interfere  with  the 
product  of  Great  Britain,  it  do's  not  so  in  fact,  for  it's  generally  manufaclur'd  into  flower  and  bread, 
and  sent  to  supply  the  sugar  Collouys,  and  whenever  a  market  in  Spain  Portugal  or  other  parts  cif 
Europe  has  encouraged  the  sending  it  thither  in  Grain,  the  adventurers  have  often  suffered  by  tie 
undertaking,  for  at  this  remote  distance,  the  intelligence  of  a  demand  reaches  us  so  late,  that  the 
marketts  are  supplyed  before  our  vessells  come  there,  and  even  if  it  were  otherwise  our  merchants 


^ii' 


492 


TRADE  AMD  MANUFACTIU.ES   OF  THE   PROVINCE  OF   MEW-YORK. 


lye  under  vast  and  certain  disadvantages  besides  for  freight  of  wlieat  from  lience  in  time  of  warr  was 
at  least  two  shillings  and  six  pence,  and  in  time  of  peace  is  eigliteen  pence  sterling  per  bushell,  and 
by  the  length  of  tlie  passage  it  often  grows  musty,  at  least  cannot  come  so  frcsli  to  markett  as  from 
Great  Britain ;  whence  freights  (as  it's  said)  are  not  above  one  quarter  part  of  what  they  are  here. 

Tiie  main  bent  of  our  farmers  is  to  raise  wheat,  and  they  are  like  to  remain  in  thut  way  until  tlie 
price  of  it  becomes  so  low,  that  necessity  puts  upon  some  other  way  of  Cultivation ;  whif '<  'n  iirocess 
of  time  is  like  to  hapjien,  because  the  Sugar  Islands  cannot  increase  in  the  proporti( ..  >viiich  the 
Noitiiern  Collonys  do,  and  whether  some  other  encouragement  may  bring  tliem  over  sooner  I  cannot 
affirm. 

In  this  Collony  are  a  great  many  lands  extream  fit  lor  liemp,  and  there  is  not  one  farm  in  it  but 
has  land  proper  to  raise  flax ;  but  little  more  of  either  is  raised  than  what  is  for  private  use,  the 
former  they  apprehend  to  require  more  hands  tlian  tliey  have  to  spare,  and  labour  is  still  so  dear 
that  they  cannot  afford  to  hire  people  tor  that  purpose.  Nor  do  they  (as  I  believe)  well  understand 
how  to  rest  [rot !]  and  dress  it. 

Tarr  Pitch  and  Turpentine  may  be  got  here,  but  more  plentifully  in  some  of  the  otlier  Northern 
Collonys,  in  greater  quantitys  tlian  can  be  made  use  of  by  tlie  Navy  or  Nation  of  Great  Britain,  if 
the  price  at  liome  will  encourage  it,  whicli  I  am  informed  it  has  not  done  for  several  years  past, 
notwitlistanding  the  bounty  allowed  on  tlie  importation. 

I  am  told  your  Lordships  formerly  sent  hitlier  the  method  used  in  Russia  for  making  of  Tar  and 
that  upon  tryal  tiiereof  it  was  Ibund  not  to  answer  here,  which  is  attributed  more  to  tlie  ditlerence 
of  the  nature  of  their  pitch  pine  and  that  of  this  Country,  than  to  the  unskillfulness  of  our  people. 

In  the  Jerseys  is  an  extraordinary  rich  mine  and  some  others  are  discovered  there  wliicli  afford  a 
good  prospect  but  in  this  Province  none  Imvc  as  yet  been  discovered,  tho'  a  good  deal  of  money 
has  been  expended  in  search  of  them. 

Some  lead  mines  have  been  found  in  several  pai-ts  of  this  Collony  but  they  liitlierto  not  by  larr 
quitted  tlie  cost  expended  on  them,  and  if  they  hajjpen  to  prove  good,  I  believe  the  proi)rietor  will 
rather  send  it  home  in  Oar  than  be  at  the  charge  to  erect  smelt  houses  here. 

We  have  a  great  many  Iron  mines  both  of  the  bogg,  and  of  the  Mountain  Ofir  but  as  yet  no  Iron 
Work  is  set  up  in  tills  province  if  any  encouragement  was  given  upon  the  importing  of  it  in  Piggs 
and  Bars,  at  least  that  it  might  be  free  of  dutys,  It  is  very  probable  that  in  a  few  years  the  Nation 
might  be  amply  supplyed  from  lier  own  Plantations  and  it  is  evident  that  tlie  wliole  amount  thereof 
wo'd  be  paid  in  the  manufactures  of  Great  Britain,  who  now  paj  s  ready  money  (as  I  am  informed) 
for  greatest  part  of  the  Iron  It  has  from  Sweden. 

I  am  informed  that  when  the  Dutch  were  in  possession  of  tills  Collony  they  sett  up  a  Pottash  work 
at  vast  expence  but  found  it  wo'd  not  answer,  about  twenty  five  yeais  agoe  it  was  attempted  here 
again  at  tiie  expense  of  a  Gentleman  in  London  but  dropt  for  the  same  reason,  and  a  like  essay  is 
lately  set  on  foot  in  Jersey ;  whicli  it  is  feared  will  be  attended  with  tlie  same  liite. 


TRADE  AND  MANUFACTURES  OF  THE  PROVINCE  OF  NEW-TORK. 


498 


ANSWER  OF  THE  COLLECTOR  OF  NEW  YORK  TO  QUERIES  OF  THE  BOARD  OF  TRADE.— 1747. 

L  Lond.  Doc.  XXVIII.  ] 

The  referred  queries  from  the  Lords  of  Trade  and  Plantations  and  the  required  Answer  from  the 
Collector  of  the  Customs  here  as  by  direction  of  his  Excellency  the  Governour  of  His  MjO'i"* 
Province,  viz'.  


THE  ANSWER  THEREUPON  AS, 


THE  QUERIES. 


TRADING  IN  GENERAL 


INWARDS. 


What  is  the  trade  of. 
this  Province,  the 
number  of  Shipping,, 
their  tonnage  and] 
the  Number  of  seai 
farini;  men  with  thej 
respective  increase' 
or  dimlniilion  within; 
lU  years  past? 

What  quantity  and 
sorts  of  British  Man-i 
ufactures  do  the  In-! 
habitants  annually' 
talce  from  hence}        | 

What  trade  has  the' 
Province  under  your: 
Governt  witii  anyj 
Foreign  Pianlationsj 
or  any  part  of  Europe 
beside  j  Great  Britu  in  ?  I 
iiow  is  that  tradeciir- 
ried  on?  what  com- 
modities do  the  peo- 
ple under  your  Gov- 
ernt send  or  receive 
from  Foreign  Plan- 
tat'nsl 

What  is  the  natural 
produce  of  the  Coun- 
try, staple  commodi- 
ties and  Manufac- 
tures? and  what  val- 
ue thereof  in  sterling 
money  may  you  an- 
nually export. 


First  :    From  Great  Bri 
tain :  European  goodsand 
those    India     with    8ill< 
manufactures  chiefly 

From  Ireland :  Imnen  and 
canvass  as  duly  certifyed 

From  British  Colonies 
ennumeratcd  commodi 
ties,  Hum,  Limejuice, 
snuff,  piemento,  sulphur, 
straw-plat,  deer-skins, 
conch-shells,  mahogany, 
ebony  and  Negroes. 

From    Europe    and    both 
English  and  Foreign  set 
tiemcnts  in  America  to 
gether  in  Africa:  Salt. 

From  Africa,  within  the 
proper  limits  directed, 
Negroes  now  less  than 
formerly  bro't  hither. 

From  Madeira :  W  ines  the 
growth  thereof. 

From  Northern  &  South 
ern  parts  of  this  Conti- 
nent: Cyder.OII, Blubber. 
Whale-fins,     Flax-seed, 
hops.  Flax,  Bricks,  Seal 


OUTWARDS. 


_  «   i;  ho  3  -i 


£»g£,S"o 


First :  To  London  &  out 
ports  thereof,  the  latter 
seldom,  the  enumerated 
goods  &  other  Merchan 
dizo  legally  imported. 

To  Ireland  :  Flax-seed, 
Rum,  Sugar,  being  prize 
effects  &,  staves 

To  other  parts  of  Europe 
grain,  hides.  Elk-skins, 
Deer-skins,  Ox-horns, 
logwood,  Indico,  cocoa 
nutts,  ettc,  of  foreign 
produce,  lumber  also,  Su 
gar.  Colic,  wines  &  other| 
goods  as  prize  effects  be| 
brought  &  in  the  Vicej 
Admiralty  Court  adjudi-l 
cated  upon  proper  cer-| 
tifying.  | 

To  Madeira  &  Azores  : 
Grain  and  other  provisi-j 
ons.  Bee-wax  and  staves. 

To  English  districts  North! 
&  South  of  this  Contt-' 
nent&  West  Indies:  pro-| 
visions,  chocolate,  lum-i 
ber,    European  &    India 


PRODUCTION  A  MANUFACTURE. 


I 


Skins  &  certain  Wrought    goods  wilh  those  species 
Iron,  Brasury  &  Tin.  enumerated  Si  such  oth- 

Lastly    from    Plantations   ers  as  brought   here  for 
not    under    His    Majtiesj  export  regularly. 
Dominions:  small  quan-j  Lastly  :     to    the    neutril 


titles  of  Molasses,  Sugar 
&  Rum,  since  the  Act  im- 
posing new  duties  there- 
on, Snufi*,  Lign'vitffi,  In- 
dico, Logwood  &  other 
dying  wood,cotton  wool 
cocoa  nuts,  ettc. 


Ports:  as  St. Thomas, Cu- 
racoa&Siirrcnhaim:  pro- 
visions, Lumber  Nt  Hor- 
ses with  provender. 


First:  The  Country  people  here 
have  for  many  years,  b  yet  their 
home  spun  (so  termed)  of  wool  h 
flax  to  supply  themselves  lome- 
what  with  the  necessaries  of  cloth- 

\  ing  ettc. 

[From  the  year  1715  or  thereabout!, 
have  been  raised  Linseed  &  milled 
into  oil :  hats  made  of  Beaver-fur, 
the  exporting  whereof  prevented 
by  the  Act,  from  Michelmat  17d!t, 
also  Lamp-Black  work'd  up. 
From  the  year  173U  Sugar  baking  Si 
its  refining  have  b<en  for  home  con- 
sumption, &  transportation  hence 
to  other  districts  on  the  Continent 
U  to  the  West  Indies  by  regalar 
certificates,  &  latterly  the  distil- 
ling of  Rum  U  other  Spirits,  for 
994513  755{  there  are  three  houses  erected. 

In  this  Province  are  mines  of  Iron 
&  Lead  ores,  the  manufacturing  of 
which  have  been  of  late  proposed 
&  the  raising  of  Hemp  likewise. 
Lastly :  of  these  several  besides,  of 
grain  wt  all  sorts  &.  other  provi- 
sions, with  Tobacco  a  diminutive 
quantity  naturally  produced  out  of 
this  Eoil,  yet  being  with  such  like 
brought  hither  from  the  Eastern  & 
Western  parts  of  this  continent  are 
saleable  &  indeed  abroad  cannot  be 
distinguished  as  to  asce.'tain  the 
annual  exporting  of  thei"  value: 
neither  practicable  could  it  be  from 
the  imports  thereof  separated;  be- 
cause their  prices  according  to  the 
Markets  currently  vary  in  the  re- 
spective species. 


What  method*  are 
there  used  to  prevent 
illegal  Trade,  and  are 
the  same  effectual? 


These  on  each  column  are  particularized  as  to  the  quantities  as  qualities  in  the  quarterly  lists  of 
Trading  Vessels:  the  transmitting  whereof  to  their  Lordshipps,  is  from  the  Naval  Officer  here,  con- 
stituted by  the  Governour  &  also  such  Lists  duly  to  their  Honours  the  Commissioners  of  the  Customs 
from  their  Officers,  hence,  thereby  may  appear,  that  within  the  queries  mentioned,  time,  how  the 
increase  or  diminution  diU'erenceth  respectively. 

^uch  as  are  prescribed  in  the  principal  Laws  of  trade  &  aptly  used  hereat,  whereby  to  effect  the 
intended  preventing  any  what  contrary  to  those  Laws:  &  that  upon  any  breach  thereof  carefully 
inquired  after  by  the  deputed  officers,  process  is  issued  against  the  same  in  the  Vice  Admiralty :  or 
it  happening  sometimes  in  the  Courts  of  records  of  this  Province,  for  the  Recovery  of  the  subjected 
penalty  on  the  fraud  or  abuse  committed. 


Examined  and  compared  at  the  Custom  House  of  New  York  with  the  Books  of  Reports  and  entries  therein  by 

ARCH'D  KENNEDY  CoUofr. 
5  January  1746-7. 


w 


i 


« 


u 


494 


TRADE  AND  MANVFACTVaCS   OF  THE  PROVINCE  OF  NEW-YORK. 


NEW  YORK  IN  AMERICA. 

THE   REFERRED  QUERIES  FROM  THE  LORDS  OF  TRADE  AND  PLANTATIONS  ;    AND  THE  REQUIRED  ANSWER    FROM 
THE   BOOKS  OF  REPORTS   AND   ENTRIES  IN  THE  CUSTOM   HOUSE  AT  ITS  PORT  BY  DIRECTION  OF  THE  UOV'  OF 


THIS  HIS  majesty's  PROVINCE.       1749. 


[Lond.  Doc.  XXtX.] 


Qre.  What  is  the  Trade  of  the  Province,  the  Number  of  Shipping,  their  Tonago  and  the  iiuinber 
of  Seataring  Men  with  the  respective  Increase  or  Diminution  within  tlie  years  past '{  What  Quantity 
and  Sorts  of  British  Manufactures  do  the  Inhabitants  Annually  take  from  hence  1  What  trade  has 
the  Province  with  any  Foreign  Plantations  or  any  part  of  Europe  besides  Great  Britain  t  How  is 
that  Trade  caryed  on  ?  What  Commodities  do  the  People  send  to  and  receive  from  Foreign  Planta- 
tions 1    What  methods  are  there  used  to  prevent  Illegal  Trade  and  are  the  same  effectual  ? 

Ansr.  The  Inward  Trading  in  General  is  from  Great  Britain,  European  Goods,  k  those  India  with 
Silk  Manufactures  chiefly.  From  Ireland  Linnen  and  Canvas  Manufacturies  certified  duly.  From 
British  Colonies,  enumerated  Commodities,  Piemento, Sulphur,  Strawplating,  Lime  juice,  Coflieo  growth 
thereof.  Hides,  Deer  Skins,  Conch  Shells,  Mahogouie,  Plank,  Ebonie,  &  Negros.  From  Europe  and 
Africa,  besides  from  English  Foreign  Settlements  in  America,  Salt.  From  the  African  Coast  within 
the  proper  limits  Directed,  Negr/is :  now  less  than  formerly.  From  tlie  Northern  &  Southern  parts 
of  this  Continent;  Fish,  Oil,  Bluber,  Whale  fins.  Turpentine  oil,  Seal  Skins,  Hops,  Cyd«'r,  Flax, 
Bricks,  Cole,  Lamp  Black,  certain  wrought  Iron,  Tin  &  Braziery,  Joinery,  various  Carriages  and 
Chairs.  From  Plantations  not  under  his  May^  Dominions,  Molasses,  Sugar,  &  Uum  in  no  great 
Quantitys,  since  tlie  Act  imposing  the  new  Dutys  thereon,  Lign.  Vita',  Drugs,  Logwood  and  other 
Dying  Wood,  Indlco,  Cocoa  Nutts,  Cotton  Wool,  Snuft"  &c».  And  tiie  Outward  is  to  London  and  its 
Outports,  tlie  latter  nuffe  seldom,  Naval  Stores,  Copper  Ore,  Furs  and  other  tiie  enumerated  species, 
with  the  legal  Import  of  divers  Mercantile  Wares,  Plantation  Iron,  Oil,  Spermaceti,  Whale  Fins, Lime 
Juice,  Siirutt",  (snuff  ?j  Myrtle  Candles,  Mahogany  &  Walnut  planks,  Kceds  and  Drugs.  T(»  Ireland 
Flax  Seed,  Rum,  Sugar,  being  Prise  effects,  and  Staves.  To  sev'  Parts  in  Europe,  Grain,  Ili(l«'S,l)eer 
&  Elk  Skins,  Ox  Horns,  Sarsajierila,  Indico,  Logwood,  Cocoa  Nutts  &ca.  And  Foreign  Producie  &, 
Lumber,  Moreover  Argent  Vivum,  Coffee,  Anatts,  Elephant's  Teeth,  Beewax,  Leatlier,  Sarsaf'rax, 
Casiafistula,  Wines  &  other  goods  as  Prise  effects  hitherto  brought  and  in  tlie  Vice  acliuiralty  Courts 
here  and  els  where  adjudicated  upon  proper  certifying.  To  Madeira  &  tlie  Azorts,  Grain  and  other 
Provisions,  BeeWax  &  Staves.  To  English  Districts  North  &  South  of  this  Continent  &  West  Indies, 
Provisions,  Chocolate,  Lumber  European  &  India  Goods  with  those  enumerated  in  tiie  Plantation 
Trade  Acts,  and  such  other  Imported  here  for  Conveyance  home  regularly  To  neutral  J'orfs  as 
Curacoa,  Suranhaim,  &  Saint  Thomas ;  Provisions,  Lumber,  Horses,  Sheep,  and  other  live  Stock  with 
their  Provender.  All  whicli  are  particularized  as  to  the  Quantitys  and  Qualitys  in  the  Quarterly 
Lists  of  Vessells :  the  due  transmitting  whereof  to  their  honours  tlie  Commissioners  of  the  Customs 
from  the  offices  hereat ;  therel)y  may  appear  within  the  Queries  signifyed  time  what  the  Increase  or 
Diminution  respectively  dilTerenceth  ;  Therefore  upon  comparing  wliicli  it  '1  be  thus  considerate,  that 
the  first  is  somewhat  more  than  the  other.  As  to  the  Shipping  which  at  present  belong  here,  tho 
Number  whereof  is  157,  the  tons  for  registry  6406  &  Navigated  with  1228  men  of  Sea  Employ,  and 
for  the  preventive  method  of  which  happening  illicite  here,  such  prescribed  in  tlie  principal  Jiaws 
and  aptly  made  use  of,  whereby  to  effect  the  same  as  contrary  thereto ;  so  that  upon  any  Breach 
carefully  inquired  after  by  the  Deputed  Officers,  process  is  issued  against  the  like  in  the  Vice  Adml- 


TRADE   AMD  MANVFACTURES   OF   THE   PROVINCE  OF   NEW-YORK. 


405 


ralty,  or  sometimes  in  the  Courts  of  Record  bolden  hereat,  fur  recovery  of  the  subjected  Penalty  on 
the  Committed  fraud  &  abuse. 

Qre.  Wliat  is  tlic  natural  produce  of  the  Country,  Staple  Commodities  and  Manuiacture,  and  what 
Value  thereof  in  Sterling  Money  may  you  actually  export  ? 

Jlnsr.  1  he  production  and  Manuiacture  is  that  tiie  people  in  the  Country  liere  for  many  years  & 
yet  liave  their  liome  spun,  so  termed,  of  Flux  and  Wool  to  supply  themselves  somewhat  witli  neces- 
saries of  Clotliing  &c.  That  for  thirty  four  years  or  tliereubouts,  liave  been  raised  Linseed  &  mil'd 
into  Oil,  Hats,  made  of  beaver  Furs,  tlieir  Exportation  prohibited  by  tlie  act  from  Michaelmas  1730, 
also  tlie  working  of  Lampblack.  Tiiat  for  nineteen  years.  Sugar  baking  and  its  relining  in  order  to 
consumption  liere  &  transiHirtation  for  otlier  Districts  on  the  Continent  &  tlie  West  Indies  upon  regu- 
lar certificate ;  And  Erecting  Six  liouses  latterly  tliat  rum  and  otlier  Spirits  may  tlieirein  Distillable. 
Tliat  in  the  said  Province  are  Aiinea  of  Lead  &  Iron  ores ;  tlie  Manufacturing  of  wliicli  hatli  been  of 
late  proposed ;  likewise  Hemp  raised ;  And  that  besides  tliere  are  Grain  of  all  kinds  &  other  Provi- 
sions witli  Tobacco,  u  small  (juantity  out  of  soil  naturally  productive :  Yet  such  witli  tlie  like  hither 
brouglit  from  tlie  Western  &  Eastern  parts  of  this  Continent  being  Vendible  abroad  cannot  be  dis- 
tiiiguislied  as  to  ascertain  the  Prices  of  Annual  Export,  neither  could  be  practicable  if  from  the 
seperated  Exportness,  because  their  current  value  according  to  tlie  Markets  in  their  respective 
Species  vary. 

G  Clinton. 

New  York  23''  May,  1749. 


GOVERNOR  CLINTON'S  CERTIFICATE  ABOUT  IRON  ROLLING  MILLS,  fiw.,  1750. 

[  Lond.  Doc.  XXIX.  ] 

By  His  Excellency  Honble  Gkouge  Clinton  Captain  General,  and  Governor  in  Chief  of  the  Province 
of  New  York  and  territories  thereon  depending  in  America,  Vice  Admiral  of  the  same  and  Admiral 
of  the  White  S(iuadron  of  His  Majesty's  Fleet. 

In  Obediknck  to  an  Act  of  Parliament,  Entitle<?  '  \n  Act  to  Encourage  the  Importation  of  Pig 
and  Bar  Iron  from  His  Colonies  in  America ;  and  to  i  "event  the  erection  of  any  Mill  or  other  Engine 
tor  Slitting  or  Rolling  of  Iron ;  or  any  plating  Forge  to  work  with  a  Felt  Hammer,  or  any  Furnace 
for  making  Steel  in  any  of  tlie  said  Colonies"  passed  in  the  twenty  third  year  of  His  Majesty's  Reign 
His  said  Excellency  doth  hereby  certify,  that  there  is  erected  witliin  the  said  Province,  in  the  County 
of  Orange,  at  a  place  called  Wawaganda,  about  twenty  six  miles  from  Hudsons  River,  one  plateing 
Forge  to  work  witli  a  Tilt  Hammer,  whicli  belongs  to  Lawranee  Scrauley  of  tlie  said  County  a  Black- 
smitli ;  lias  been  built  about  four  or  live  years,  and  is  not  at  present  made  use.  And  further  that 
there  are  not  erected  in  his  said  Excellency's  Government,  any  other  or  more  plateing  Forges,  to  work 
witli  a  Tilt  Hammer  or  any  Mill  or  Mills,  or  other  Engine  for  Slitting  or  Rolling  of  Iron,  or  any 
Furnace  or  Furnaces  for  making  Steel.  In  Testimony,  whereof  his  said  Excellency  hath  subscribed 
these  Presents,  and  caused  the  Great  Seal  of  the  Province  of  New  York  to  be  hereunto  affixed.  At 
Fort  George  in  tlie  city  of  New  York  the  fourteenth  day  of  December  in  the  year  of  Our  Lord  one 
thougaod  seven  Hundred  and  Fifty,  and  in  the  seventy  tburtli  year  of  His  Majestys  Reign. 

G.  Clinton. 


<!lil 


!!!■ 


496 


TRADE  AMD  MAMUFACTrUES  OK  THE  PROVINCE  OF   NEW-YORK. 


J  1 


AN  ACCOUNT  OP  IRON  MADE  AT  ANCHAM, 

IN    THE   MANUUR  OF   LIVINGSTON,   BY    KOB*    LIVINGSTON   JLN'    ESQ'. 
(  Lond.  Doo.  XXXIV.  ] 


MADE  INTO  BARS. 

YMr. 

T       ! 

0 

qri. 

1      Ibt. 

T 

0 

Oaitlngi. 

mgu 

43    1 

606    { 
304 
22 

3 

6 
7 
U 

3 
3 
3 
2 

13 

1         " 

IHft 
164 
18J 
2IS 
311 
14» 

1ft 
12 
14 

6 

ft 

16 

0 

s 

6 
3 
2 
4 

36 
10 

2 
1 
2 
3 
2 
2 
0 

3 
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m" 

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u 

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17MI,, 

0 

Tottl 

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8 

3 
0 

,    '15 

1302 

8 

66 

16                0        1       21 
Pr  DiRCK  Jansen, 

3318    1 

12 

3 

1       16 

Biure  keeper. 

JAMES  DE  LANCEY  TO  BOARD  OF  TRADE. 

New  York  lit  December  1787. 

My  Lords — I  had  the  honour  of  your  Lordships  letter  of  the  9W>  of  June  directing  me  forthwith 
upon  the  receipt  thereof  to  take  the  most  effectual  method  for  obtaining  an  account  of  the  quantity 
of  Iron  made  in  this  Province  from  the  year  1749  to  the  b^^  of  January  175C.  I  accordingly  wrote 
to  Mr.  Robert  Livingstone  who  has  the  only  Iron  work  in  this  Province  which  is  carried  on  &  I  send 
your  Lordships  enclosed  the  account  received  from  him  as  soon  as  it  came  to  ray  hands.  This  Coun- 
try abounds  in  Iron  ore  especially  in  the  Highlands,  &  several  works  have  been  begun  but  were  dropt 
through  the  mismanagement  or  inability  of  tiio  undertakers ;  of  these  there  were  two  Furnaces  in 
the  Mannor  of  Cortland  &  several  Bloomeries;  but  they  have  not  been  worked  for  several  years  past; 
it  is  probable  after  the  war  upon  the  Encouragement  the  Parliament  of  Great  Britain  are  giving  the 
Colonies  in  this  Article  these  and  several  others  will  be  carried  on  in  this  Province. 

I  have  the  honor  to  be,  Your  Lordship's 

most  obed^  &  most  humble  servt 

James  De  Lancy. 
Right  Honorable  Lords  Commissioners  of  Trade. 


[  Council  Min.  XXIII.  ] 

'  At  a  Council  held  at  Fort  George  in  the  city  of  New  York, 

Wednesday,  a?""  May  1761. 
The  Petition  of  William  Hawkshurst  praying  a  Grant  for  the  sole  making  of  Anchors  and  AnvillS 
within  this  Province  for  the  Term  of  Thirty  years,  or  sucli  other  Term,  and  under  such  Regulations 
as  shall  be  thought  meet,  was  presented  to  the  Board,  and  being  read  was  rejected. 


TRADE  ANT)  MAKVPACTCRtS  OV  THI  PKOVtMCC  OF  MEW-TOBK.  497 


CIRCULAR. 
THE   BOARD  OF  TRADE  TO   ALL   THE  SOVERNORS  ON   THE  CONTINENT    OF   AMERICA. 

(  Lond.  Dm.  XXXIX.  ] 

WhitbhAi.i.  August  I.  1766. 

In  pursuance  of  an  Address  of  the  House  of  Commons  to  His  Mi^esty  on  the  27"»  March  last,  and 
of  his  Mc^esty's  Commands  thereupon,  signified  to  us  by  his  Grace  the  Duke  of  Richmond,  in  a  letter 
to  us  dated  tlie  ll<i)  ultimo,  you  are  forthwith  to  prepare,  and  as  soon  as  possible  transmit  to  us,  in 
order  to  be  laid  before  the  House  of  Commons  in  the  next  Session,  a  particular  and  exact  Account  of 
the  several  manufactures  which  have  been  set  up  and  carried  on  within  the  Colony  under  your 
Government  since  the  year  1734  and  of  tlie  Public  Encouragement  which  have  been  given  thereto. 

You  are  also  from  time  to  time  Annually  to  transmit  the  like  Account  of  any  Manutuctures  which 
shall  be  hereafter  set  up,  and  of  the  Public  Encouragement  which  have  been  given  thereto. 

We  are  &c. 

Dartmouth. 

Ed.  Elliot. 
John  Kobghts. 
Wm.  Fitzherbeht. 
Palmerston. 


[Couneit  Min.  XXVI.  ] 


At  a  Council  held  at  Fort  George  in  the  City  of  New  York 
on  Friday  the  T*  day  Nov  1766. 
Present — His  Excellency  Sir  Henry  Moore  Baronet,  Capt.  Genl  &c 

M'  Horsmanden  M'  Read  M'  Apthorpe 

M'  Smith  Mr  Morris 

His  Excellency  communicated  to  the  Council  a  Letter  to  him  of  the  1"  of  August  from  the  Right 
Honble  the  Lords  Commissioners  for  Trade  &  Plantations  requiring  his  Excellency,  in  pursuance  of 
the  Address  of  the  House  of  Commons  io  his  Majesty  on  the  27  March  last,  and  of  his  Majesty's 
Commands  thereupon,  forthwith  to  prepare  and  transmit  to  their  Lordships,  in  order  to  be  laid  betbre 
the  House  of  Commons,  at  their  next  Sessions,  a  particular  and  exact  Account  of  the  Several  Manu- 
factures &c.     [Jls  in  the  preceding  Letter.] 

The  Council  declared,  that  no  manutactures  had  been  set  up  within  this  Colony  since  that  Peroid, 
or  received  any  public  encouragement;  nor  did  they  know  of  any  Manufacture  of  Wool  or  Woolen 
Clotli,  but  wliat  was  principally  confined  to  private  Families,  for  their  own  particular  Consumption. 


u 


fi, 


[Vol.  I.l 


68 


if 


I)' 


TRADE  AND  MANrrACTVMU  Or  THC  PROTINCB  OF  NtWVORK. 


GOV.  MOORE  TO  TH£  LORDS  OF  TRADE. 

[Lend.  Dm.  XL.] 

Korl  a«orr«i  New  York,  12  Jasy  17S7. 

My  Lords— Haviug  reed  your  Lordslilps'  commands  in  a  letter  dated  the  first  of  August  last,  in 
whicli  I  was  directed  to  prepare  and  transmit  as  soon  as  possible  an  account  of  the  Several  Manufac- 
tures Set  up  and  carried  on  within  this  Colony  since  the  year  1734, 1  took  tlie  liberty  of  giving  M' 
Peter  Hasenclaver  a  Letter  of  Introduction  to  your  Lordships  as  he  was  titen  leady  to  sail  for 
England,  imagining  that  from  bis  Character  and  Knowledge  of  the  Country  a  more  perfect  Account 
might  bo  obtained  from  him  of  what  was  rwiuired  in  the  beforementioned  Letter,  than  I  could  possi- 
bly give  by  that  opportunity.  I  have  since  made  all  the  Inquiries  I  could,  and  the  whole  of  the 
Information  given  to  me  may  be  reduced  to  the  followina;  Heads. 

There  is  a  Small  Manufactory  of  Linen  in  this  City  under  the  Conduct  of  one  Wells,  and  supported 
chietly  by  the  Subscriptions  of  a  set  of  men  who  call  themselves  the  Society  of  Arts  and  Agriculture. 
No  more  than  fourteen  Looms  are  employed  in  it,  and  it  was  established  in  order  to  give  Bread  to 
several  poor  families  which  were  a  considerable  charge  to  tlie  city  and  are  now  comfortably  supported 
by  their  own  daily  Labour  in  Spinning  of  Flax.  It  does  not  appear  that  there  is  any  established  Fabric 
of  Broad  Cloth  here;  and  some  poor  Weavers  from  Yorkshire,  who  came  over  lately  in  expectation 
of  being  engaged  to  make  Broad  Cloths  could  find  no  Employment.  But  there  is  a  general  Manufac- 
tory of  Woolen  carried  on  here  and  consists  of  two  sorts,  tlie  first  a  coarse  cloth  entirely  woolen  j  of 
a  yard  wide;  and  another  a  stuff  which  they  call  Linsey  Woolsey.  The  Warp  of  this  is  Linen,  and 
the  Woof  Woollen,  and  a  very  small  quantity  of  it  is  ever  sent  to  market.  Last  year  when  the 
Kiots  and  Disorders  here  were  at  their  height  on  the  occasion  of  the  Stamp  Act,  these  manufactures 
were  greatly  boasted  of,  and  the  quantity  then  made  greatly  magnified  by  those,  who  were  desirous 
of  distinguishing  tliemselves  as  American  Patriots,  and  would  wear  notliing  else;  Tliey  were  some- 
times sold  for  three  times  their  value;  but  the  manufacturers  tliemselves  shewed  tliat  tliey  had  more 
good  sense  than  the  persons  who  employed  them;  for  they  never  cloathed  tliemselves  with  the  work 
of  their  own  hands,  but  readily  brought  it  to  market,  and  selling  it  at  an  extravagant  price  there, 
bouglit  English  Cloths  for  themselves  and  their  families.  Tlie  Custom  of  making  these  Coarse  Cloths 
in  private  lamilies  prevails  throughout  the  whole  province,  and  almost  in  every  House  a  sufficient 
quantity  is  manufactured  for  the  use  of  the  Family,  without  the  least  design  of  sending  any  of  it  to 
market.  This  I  had  an  opportunity  of  Seeing  in  the  late  Tour  I  made,  and  had  the  same  Accounts 
given  nic  by  all  those  persons  of  whom  I  made  any  inquiry,  for  every  house  swarms  with  children, 
who  are  set  to  work  as  soon  as  they  are  able  to  Spin  and  Card,  and  as  every  fHmily  is  iUrnished  witii 
a  Loom,  tlie  Itinerant  Weavers  who  travel  about  the  Country,  put  tlie  finishing  liand  to  tlie  Work. 

There  is  a  Manufactory  of  Hats  in  this  City,  which  is  very  considerable;  for  the  Hats  are  not  so 
good  as  those  made  in  England,  and  are  infinitely  dearer.  Under  such  disadvantages  as  these  it  is 
easy  to  imaginejwith  what  difficulty  it  is  supported,  &  how  short  the  duration  of  it  is  like  to  be;  the 
Price  of  Labour  is  so  great  in  this  part  of  the  World,  that  it  will  always  prove  the  greatest  obstacle 
to  any  Manufactures  attempted  to  be  set  up  here,  and  the  genius  of  tlie  People  in  a  Country  where 
every  one  can  have  Land  to  work  upon  leads  them  so  naturally  into  Agriculture,  that  it  prevails 
over  every  other  occupation.  There  can  be  no  stronger  Instances  of  this,  than  in  the  Servants  im- 
ported from  Europe  of  different  Trades;  as  soon  as  the  time  stipulated  in  their  Indentures  is  expired, 
they  immediately  quit  their  masters,  and  get  a  small  tract  of  Land,  in  settling  which  for  the  first 
three  or  four  years  they  lead  miserable  lives,  and  in  the  most  abject  Poverty;  but  all  this  is  patiently 


TRAUE  AND  MANUrACTUREI  Or  THE  PROVINCE  OK  NEW-YOBK. 


4M 


bcrne  and  submitted  tu  with  the  greatest  cheerfYilness,  the  satltkction  uf  b«inf(  Landholders  sniootlis 
every  difficulty,  &  makes  them  prefer  this  manner  of  living  to  that  comfortable  subsistence  wliich 
they  could  procure  fur  themselves  and  their  families  by  working  at  the  Trades  In  wlilcli  they  were 
brought  up. 

The  Master  of  a  Glass-house;  which  wus  set  up  here  a  few  years  ago  now  a  Bankrupt,  assured  mo 
that  his  ruin  was  owing  to  no  other  cause  than  being  deserted  In  this  manner  by  tiie  Servants,  which 
he  had  Imported  at  a  great  cxpence;  and  that  many  others  had  sutfered  and  been  reduced  as  he  was, 
by  the  same  kind  of  misfortune. 

The  little  Foundry  lately  set  up  near  this  Town  for  making  Small  Iron  Potti  is  under  the  directiou 
of  a  few  private  persons,  and  as  yet  very  inconsiderable. 

As  to  tlie  Foundaries  which  Mr  Hasenclaver  has  set  up  in  the  different  parts  of  this  Country,  I  do 
not  mention  them,  as  he  will  be  able  to  give  your  Lordships  a  full  account  of  tliem  and  of  the  pro- 
gress he  has  already  made;  I  can  only  say  that  I  think  this  Province  is  under  very  great  obligations 
to  him  for  the  large  sums  of  money  he  has  laid  out  here  in  promoting  the  Cultivation  of  Hemp,  and 
Introducing  the  valuable  Manufacture  of  Iron  and  Pot  Ash. 

I  have  the  honor  to  be  &c. 

H.   MoORE. 


GOV.  MOORE  TO  LORD  HILLSBOROUGH. 

[Lond.  Ooo.  XLl.] 

Fort  Oaorce,  New  York,  7  Miy .  1768. 

My  Lord — I  have  the  honor  to  transmit  to  your  Lordship  the  copy  of  a  letter  I  wrote  in  the  be- 
ginning of  the  last  year  to  the  Lords  Commissioners  for  Trade  and  Plantations,  in  answer  to  a  letter 
I  received  from  their  Lordships  in  con§equence  of  the  Address  of  the  House  of  Commons  to  His 
M^esty  concerning  the  Manufactures  of  this  Country,  dated  March  27""  1766.  Another  copy  of 
this  Address  has  been  inclosed  to  me  in  your  Lordships  Letter  marked  N*  3,  to  which  I  must  make 
the  same  answer,  as  the  Progress  of  Manufactures  in  tiiis  part  of  the  world  by  no  means  corresponds 
with  tlie  pompous  accounts  given  of  them  in  the  public  papers 

No  mention  is  made  in  the  former  Letter  of  the  great  quantities  of  Leather  being  tanned  in  tliis 
Country,  as  this  branch  of  business  has  been  carried  on  for  many  years;  the  leather  is  greatly  inferior 
in  quality  to  that  made  in  Europe;  and  they  are  not  yet  arrived  to  the  perfection  of  making  Sole- 
leather.  Your  Lordship  may  be  assured  that  I  shall,  from  time  to  time,  give  every  due  information 
required  in  this  address,  and  be  particularly  attentive  to  any  new  Establishments  of  wliicli  we  have 
no  instances  since  my  last  letter,  except  in  tlie  paper-Mill  begun  to  be  erected  within  these  few  days, 
at  a  small  distance  from  the  Town. 

I  am  &c,  H.  MooRE. 


tj  I 


XX VT 


REPORT 


OF 


GOVERNOR    WILLIAM    TRYON, 


It 


ON   THE   STATE  OF  THE 


|)rauince   of  Nctu-^ark, 


17751. 


REPORT  OF  HIS  EXCELLENCY  WILLIAM  TRYON,  ESQUIRE, 

CAPTAIN  GENERAL  AND  GOVERNOR  IN  CHIEF  IN  AND  OVER  THE  PROVINCE  OF  NEW  TOHK  AND  THE 
TERRITORIES  DEPENDING  THEREON  IN  AMERICA,  CHANCELLOR  AND  VICE  ADMIRAL  OF  THE  SAME — ON 
CERTAIN  HEADS  OF  ENQUIRY  RELATIVE  TO  THE  PRESENT  STATE  &  CONDITION  OF  HIS  MAJESTt's 
SAID   PROVINCE. 

[  Lond.  Doe.  XLIV.  ] 

Question  Mo  1 . 
What  is  the  situation  of  the  Province  under  your  Government,  the  nature  of  the  Country  soil  and 
Climate :  the  Latitudes  and  Longitudes  of  the  most  considerable  places  in  it :  have  those  Latitudes 
and  Longitudes  been  settled  by  good  Observations,  or  only  by  common  Computations,  and  from  whence 
are  the  Longitudes  computed? 

.Answer. 

The  Province  of  New  York  is  situated  on  the  Atlantic  Ocean  which  wtshes  its  Southern  shores : 
Situation  of  The  Coloulcs  of  Conuecticut,  Massachusctts  Bay  and  New  Hampshire,  lying  to  the  East, 
the  province.  Qyg^jgg  ^^  ^.j^g  North,  and  New  Jersey,  Pensylvania  and  the  Indian  Country  to  the  West. 
The  Face  of  the  Country  is  everywhere  uneven,  with  all  the  variety  of  Soil  to  be  found  any  where 
Nature  of  the  In  the  Northcm  Parts  are  lowlands  enriched  by  the  overflowing  of  Rivers,  but  little  of  this 
its  wii?' ""  sort  lies  within  seventy  miles  of  the  City  of  New  York  tlie  Metropolis — The  soil  in  general 
is  much  thinner  and  lighter  in  the  Southern  than  in  the  Northern  Parts  and  having  been  longer  under 
Culture  and  subject  to  bad  Husbandry,  is  much  more  exhausted. 

The  Province  extending  nearly  Four  Degrees  and  a  lialf  of  Latitude  the  difference  of  Climate 
ciimaie.  bctwcen  the  Southern  and  Northern  Parts  is  remarkable.  In  Summer  the  Heat  is  sometimes 
excessive,  and  in  general  much  greater  than  in  England — Melons  and  many  other  things  are  raised 
here  by  the  natural  warmth  of  the  Climate  which  in  England  will  require  the  aid  of  Hot  Beds  and 
Glasses— The  Winter  in  all  parts  of  the  Province  is  more  severe  than  in  England,  tho'  the  Latitude 
of  London  is  about  ten  Degrees  more  North  tlian  the  City  of  New  York — Even  in  the  Southern  Part 
the  Mercury  in  Farrenhight's  Thermometer  sinks  some  Degrees  below  0  and  rises  to  90°  but  these 
extremes  are  always  of  short  Duration. — At  Albany  and  to  the  Northward  of  that  City  the  Harvest 
is  about  a  Month  later  tlian  at  New  York,  and  the  Winter  is  much  earlier.  Hudson's  River  is  gene- 
rally frozen  over  many  miles  below  Albany  before  the  middle  of  December  but  no  Quantity  of  Ice 
is  found  in  tlie  River  within  thirty  miles  of  the  City  of  New  York,  earlier  than  the  Month  of  January — 
In  March  tlie  Navigation  is  again  open  up  to  Albany ;  And  it  is  observed  the  Seasons  both  as  to  Heat 
and  Cold  grow  more  temperate. 
LatiiudM.  The  Latitudes  of  tlie  following  places  have  been  determined  by  good  observations. 


' :  I 


«'<  i 


I, 


1' 

Si 


504 


GOVERNOR  TRYON'S   REPORT  ON    THE   PROVINCE  OF  NEW-TORS. 


Tho  Light  House  at  Sandy  Hook       -----..  40' 27' 40" 

Fort  George  City  of  New  York  -  -  40  41  50 

Mouth  of  Mackbacamac  Branch  of  Delaware,  where  the  Line  settled  between  New  Tork 

&  New  Jersey  terminates    -  -  -  -  -  -  -  41  21  37 

City  of  Albany  -  -  -  -  -  -  -  -  -  42  36  00 

The  South  End  of  Lake  George  -  -  -  -  -  43  16  12 

Crown  Point  -  -  -  -  -  -  -  -  -  43  50  07 

Windmill  Point  -  -  -  -  -  -  -  -  -  44  57  18 

Port  au  Pine  -  -  -  -  -  -  -  -  -  44  58  48 

Moores  Point  -  -  -  -  -  -  -  -  45  00  00 

The  Longitude  of  the  City  of  New  York  has  been  /ound  by  good  Observation  of  the  Satellites  of 
Longiinde.  Jupiter  to  be  74°  38  West  from  London. 

Question  JVo.  2. 
What  are  the  reputed  Boundaries,  and  are  any  parts  disputed  and  by  whom 

Answer. 
The  Boundaries  of  the  Province  of  New  York  are  derived  from  Two  Sources. — First,  the  Grants 
Bonndaricior  from  Kiug  Charles  the  Second  to  his  Brother  James  Duke  of  York  dated  the  12»'»  March 
the  Province.  igg3|4  ^nd  the  29  June  1674,  which  were  intended  to  convey  to  the  Duke  all  the  Lands 
claimed  by  the  Dutch,  the  first  occupants  of  this  Colony, — Secondly,  from  the  Submission  and  Sub- 
jection of  the  Five  Nations  of  Indians  to  the  Crown  of  England. 

The  Descriptive  part  of  both  the  Duke's  Grants  is  In  the  same  Words  and  exclusive  of  the  Territory 
At  nded  Eastward  of  Connecticut  River,  since  granted  to  the  Massachusetts  Bay  by  their  Charter  of 
ftSi''*c^'.'S'e1 1691,  comprehends  "  All  that  Island  or  Islands  commonly  called  Mattawacks  or  Long  Island, 
ja*iiiM'°Duie  together  with  Hudson's  River,  and  all  the  Land  from  the  West  side  of  Connecticut  River  to 
or  York.  jjj^  g^j  gj^jg  ^f  Delaware  Bay."  Connecticut  River  extends  beyond,  and  Hudson's  River 
takes  its  rise  a  little  to  the  Southward  of  the  Forty  fifth  Degree  of  Northern  Latitude ;  And  as  a 
Line  from  the  Head  of  the  River  Connecticut  to  Delaware  Bay,  would  exclude  the  greatest  part  of 
Hudson's  River,  which  is  expressly  granted  to  the  Duke  of  York,  the  Boundary  most  consistent  with 
the  Grants  to  the  Duke,  and  the  claim  of  New  York  founded  thereon,  is  a  Line  from  the  Head  of  the 
Connecticut  River  to  the  Source  of  Hudson's  River,  thence  to  the  Head  of  the  Mohawk  Branch  of 
the  Hudsons  River  and  thence  to  the  East  side  of  the  Delaware  Bay. 

That  this  has  Iseen  the  reputed  Boundary  under  the  Duke's  Title  has  been  confirmed  by  the  Grants 
of  this  Government  extending  Westward  nearly  to  the  Head  of  the  Mohawk  Branch  of  the  Hud- 
son's River,  and  Southward  of  that  Branch  to  within  a  few  miles  of  the  North  Boundary  of  Pensyl- 
vania. 

No  other  Construction  will  justify  the  Terms  of  the  Grants  to  the  Duke,  nor  any  Lines  less  com- 
prehensive include  the  Lands  patented  by  this  Province  or  ceded  to  the  Crown  by  the  Indians,  at  the 
Treaty  of  Fort  Stanwix  in  1768. 

And  M  groan.  The  Sccoud  source  of  the  Title  of  this  Government  is  grounded  on  the  Claim  of  the 
claim  or  ihe  Flvc  NatloHs  who  are  in  the  Treaty  of  Utrecht  acknowledged  by  France  to  be  subject 
or  indiin..    to  Great  Britain. 

Soon  after  the  English  conquered  tliis  Country  from  the  Dutch,  piu-suing  their  System  of  Policy, 
they  entered  into  a  strict  Alliance  with  the  Natives  who  by  Treaties  with  this  Colony,  subjected  them- 
selves to  the  Crown  of  England,  and  their  Lands  to  its  protection,  and  from  this  Period  were  always 
treated  as  Subjects,  and  their  Country  considered  by  this  Grovernment  as  part  of  the  Province  of 


OOVERNOR  T»TOS'»  KePORT  ON  THE  PROVINCE  OF  KEW-YORK. 


S06 


New  York,  which  probably  gave  rise  to  the  exteuded  Jurisdiction  of  the  Colony  beyond  the  Duke's 
Grants,  signified  by  the  Words  "l.ie  Territories  depending  thereon"  which  are  found  in  all  the 
Commissions  of  the  Crown  t  j  its  Governors.  Nor  has  the  Crown  except  by  tlie  Confirmation  of  the 
Agreement  fixing  the  Boundary  of  Connecticut  at  about  Twenty  miles  East  of  Hudson's  River  at  any 
Time  contracted  the  jurisdiction  of  the  Colony  Westward  of  Connecticut  River  &  Southward  of  the 
Latitude  45  the  Pruclamation  of  His  present  Majesty  of  the  7'h  of  October  1763,  leaving  the  juris- 
diction Soutliwavd  of  that  Latitude  as  it  stood  before,  tho'  it  prohibits  for  the  present  the  further 
Extention  of  tlie  Grants  and  Settlements  into  the  Country  tliereby  reserved  to  the  Indians,  to  avoid 
giving  Umbrage  to  that  People  who  complained  they  were  too  much  straitned  in  their  hunting 
grounds.  It  is  uncertain  to  this  Day  to  what  Extent  the  Five  Nations  carried  their  claim  to  the 
Westward  &  Northward  but  there  is  no  doubt  it  went  to  the  North  beyond  the  45  Degree  of  Latitude 
and  Westward  to  Lake  Huron,  their  Beaver  Hun;, ng  Country  being  bounded  to  the  West  by  tliat 
Lake,  which  Country  the  Five  Nations  by  Treaty  with  the  Governor  of  this  Province  at  Albany  in 
1701,  surrendered  to  the  Crown  to  be  protected  and  defended  for  them — Mitchel  in  his  Map  extends 
their  claim  much  furtlier  Westward  and  he  is  supported  in  this  opinion  by  Maps  and  other  Authorities 
very  Ancient  and  Respectable. 

Tlie  above  Treaty  of  1701  is  to  be  found  among  tlie  Records  of  Indian  Transactions  but  it  is 
recited  and  the  Surrender  made  thereby  confirmed  in  a  Deed  dated  the  14">  September  172C  by  wliicli 
the  Seneca,  Cayouga  and  Onondaga  Nations  also  surrender'd  their  Habitations  to  King  George  the 
first,  a  Copy  whereof  is  inserted  in  the  article  of  the  Appendix,  Number  1 . 

Oswego  on  the  South  side  of  Lake  Ontario  was  first  established  by  this  Colony  about  1724,  a  Gar- 
rison of  the  King's  Troops  supported  there  at  the  Expence  of  this  Government,  and  the  Jurisdiction 
of  New  York  actually  exercised  Westward  to  Oswego  and  its  Vicinity  until  the  Commencement  of 
Hostilities  in  the  late  war. 

His  Majestys  Order  of  the  20  July  1764  confirming  the  Ancient  Limits  as  granted  the  Duke  de- 
clares "  The  Western  Banks  of  the  River  Connecticut  from  where  jt  enters  the  Province  of  the 
«  Massachusetts  Bay  as  far  North  as  the  Forty  fifth  Degree  of  Northern  Latitude,"  to  be  the  Boundary 
Line  between  the  two  Provinces  of  New  Hampshire  and  New  York :  And  if  the  Agreement  lately 
concluded  at  Hartford  should  finally  be  ratified  by  the  Crown,  tlie  Eastern  Limits  of  this  Colony 
where  it  borders  on  the  Massachusetts  Province,  will  extend  about  twenty  miles  only  East  from 
Hudson's  River. 

S'iu'iliwr"'"'^  Without  any  view  to  the  more  Westerly  claim  of  the  Five  Nations,  supposing  the  Colony 
Say'i"  i"'-"  *^  comprize  within  its  Limits  or  Jurisdiction  the  Country  those  Nations  Surrendered  to  the 
vl"r'humii^''""Crown  by  the  Description  of  tlie  Beaver  Hunting  Country  as  before  mentioned— The  Boun- 
^olHier^d  w''  daries  of  the  Province  of  New  York  are  as  follows. 

ihe  Crown  liy 
Tremv  with 

jh  B  I'lnviiiec  (Jn  the  Sout/i 

ill  iTill. 

Tiie  Atlantic  Ocean,  including  Long  Island,  Staten  Island  and  others  of  less  note. 

On  the  West 

The  Banks  of  Hi^dson's  River  from  Sandy  Hook,  on  the  Ocean,  to  the  41  Degree  of  Latitude, 
thence  the  Line  established  between  New  York  and  New  Jersey  to  Delaware  River — Thence  the  River 
Delaware  to  the  North  East  Corner  of  Pcnsylvania  or  the  Beginning  of  the  Latitude  43,  which  in 
Mitchcl's  Map  is  by  mistake  carried  thro'  the  whole  of  that  degree — Thence  the  North  Boundary 
Line  of  Pensylvania  to  tlie  Northwest  Corner  of  that  Province,  and  continuing  the  same  Line  to  a 
point  in  Lake  Erie  wliich  bears  due  South  from  the  East  Bank  of  the  Streights  of  D'Etroit  and  of 
Lake  Huron  to  the  Forty  Fifth  Degree  of  Northern  Latitude. 

[VoL.L|  84 


i    1 


-1 


I] 


50« 


•OT.   TkTOM'S  KZFOBT  OM  THE  PKOtlMCE  OF  MW^TOBK. 


•  On  the  JVorth 

A  Line  from  a  point  on  the  East  bank  of  Lake  Huron  in  the  Latitude  of  F>  ttj  Five  East  to  the 
River  St  Lawrence,  or  the  Soutli  Boundary  Line  of  Quebec ;  Thenre  along  tlie  Sc/Uth  Boundary  Line 
of  thatTrov'uce  across  the  River  St  Lawrence  to  the  Monument  on  the  East  Bank  of  Lake  Champlain 
fixed  there  in  the  45  Degree  of  Northern  Latitude ;  Thence  East  along  the  Line  already  run  and 
marked  to  tie  Monuxent  or  Station  fixed  en  the  West  Bank  of  the  River  Connecticut  in  the  same 
Latitude.       ,..  . 

On  the  East 
The  Western  Banks  of  the  River  Connecticut  from  the  last  mentioned  Station  to  the  South-west 
comer  of  the  Province  of  New  Hampshire,  in  the  North  boundary  Line  of  the  Ma  i^sachusetts  bay ; 
and  from  thence  along  that  Line,  (if  continued)  and  the  Western  limits  of  the  Privince  of  Massa- 
chusetts Bay,  and  the  Colony  of  Connecticut. 

In  the  Appendix  N»  4,  is  a  Map  of  the  Province  of  New  York  according  to  the  preceding  Descrip- 
tion of  its  Boundaries. 

The  Boundary  of  the  Province  of  New  York  (in  respect  to  the  other  Grovemments)  being  established 
in  every  part  except  where  it  borders  to  the  East  on  the  Massachusetts  Bay,it  was  conceived 
mifrtmiiri"  ^^®  ^*®  agreement  with  that  Province  when  ratified  by  the  Crown,  would  extinguish  every 
rtn«if.'B?y  Controversy  respecting  the  Limits  of  New  York,  the  North  Boundary  Line  of  the  Massa- 
ii'i'/'ffiuof  <''^"8****  having  in  the  year  1740  been  ascertained  by  a  Royal  Decree  of  the  King  in  Privy 
■hit  Proriiice.  Council  in  the  Contest  between  that  Province  &  New  Hampshire.  But  the  Massachusets 
Commissaries  at  the  late  Meeting  at  Hartford  in  1773  declared  that  they  had  no  authority  to  settle 
their  North  Boundary  which  they  considered  as  undetermined  with  respect  to  New  York,  and  one  of 
those  Gentlemen  intimated  that  they  still  lelt  open  their  Western  Claim  to  the  South  Sea. 

Hence  two  very  important  Disputes  may  still  arise  of  great  Consequence  to  the  Interests  of  the 
Crown,  as  well  as  the  property  of  His  Majesty's  subjects  of  this  Colony. 

The  Massachusetts  Northern  Claim  beyond  the  Line  settled  between  that  Province  and  New  Hamp- 
obMrviiiion.  shire,  extends  north  from  that  Line  about  Fifty  miles,  and  from  thence  Westward  to  within 
"Iwws^-  Twenty  Miles  East  of  Hudson's  River,  and  after  passing  tliis  Province,  is  commensurate 
iherncuim  ^.^j^  ^j^^jj.  ^gg^gj^  Qjajm  jq  tjig  ^y^^^  Sca— The  immediate  object  of  their  Northern  Claim 
is  a  Country  between  Connecticut  &  Hudson's  Rivers  about  Fifty  Miles  in  length  and  about  Forty  in 
breadth  and  includes  not  only  the  greater  part  of  the  County  of  Cumberland,  but  a  large  District  of 
the  Counties  of  Albany  and  Charlotte. — The  Lands  there  in  question  are  wholly  appropriated  under 
Grants  of  this  Province  fandlj  of  New  Hampshire,and  the  Families  settled  thereon  are  not  less  than 
Two  Thousand,  tho'  they  probably  exceed  that  number. 

The  Massachusetts  Bay  long  acquiesced  in  the  Royal  Decree  of  1740,  the  Line  established  by  that 
Decision  hath  actually  been  run  and  marked  from  the  south  West  Corner  of  New  Hampshire  West- 
ward, to  within  about  Twenty  miles  East  of  Hudson's  River,  and  the  Inhabitants  of  New  York  and 
the  Massachusetts  Bay  have  deemed  that  Line  to  be  the  utmost  Extent  of  the  Massachusetts  North 
Boundary,  whatever  might  have  been  determined  as  to  their  Western  Limits.  And  that  this  was  the 
sense  of  the  General  Court  of  that  Province  soon  after  the  Treaty  of  1767,  for  settling  the  Boundary 
of  the  Two  Provinces,  appears  clearly  by  their  Resolution  of  the  23'>  January  1768  in  these  Words 
'■'■  Resolved  that  this  Court  will  concede  to  and  confirm  the  last  proposal  made  by  their  Ccumission- 
ers  on  the  part  of  New  York  at  their  late  Conference  in  the  Words  of  the  Report  of  the  Lords  of 
Trade  and  Plantations  in  May  1757,  That  a  Streight  Line  be  drawn  Northerly  from  a  point  on  tlie 
Southern  Line  of  the  Massachusetts  Bay  Twenty  Miles  due  East  from  Hudson's  River,  to  another 
point  Twenty  Miles  due  East  from  the  said  River,  ore  the  Line  which  divides  the  Province  of  the  Mas- 
sachusetts Bay  from  JVew  Hampshire,  be  the  Eastern  Boundary  of  New  York." 


mum 


*ifffP* 


GOV.  tryon's  report  on  tue  province  of  new-yohk. 


m 


Nor  can  any  Line  more  favorable  to  the  Massachusetts  Colony  be  hereafter  established,  without 
subverting  the  Principles,  and  calling  in  question  the  Justice  of  the  Royal  Decree  pronounced  in  1740 
after  full  liearing  of  the  merits  of  the  Massachusetts  claim  on  the  appeal  of  both  parties  to  the  King 
in  Privy  Council ;  and  whicli  could  it  now  be  eifected,  must  not  only  prove  highly  injurious  to  the 
Crown  in  respect  to  the  right  of  Soil,  its  Quit  Rents  &  Escheats,  but  be  productive  of  the  greatest 
disorder  &  confusion  in  that  Country. 

The  Province  of  Massachusetts  Bay  ground  their  claim  Westward  to  tlie  South  Sea  on  the  Deed  dated 
RcmnriKon  19"i  Mafch  162718  from  the  Council  of  Plimouth  to  Sir  Henry  Roswell  &c.  and  their  asso- 
Mui>,ciiu>eii,  ciates. — As  also  on  the  Charter  or  Letters  Patent  of  Charles  the  First  dated  the  4  March 

B«f  Weal- 

SfJih  Sea'  162319— The  Lands  granted  are  the  same  in  both,  being  in  breadth  about  Sixty  Miles,  and 
ft'i"  hi"S.ei'?"  extending  as  described  in  these  Instruments  "  From  the  Atlantic  and  Western  Sea  and  Ocean 
"^I^ZuyuT  oJi  tl^«  East  part  to  the  South  Sea  on  the  West  part." 

the  proprieiy 
ot  ruUiiiK  (hit 

"on,".houid"  1620,  could  not  pass  them  by  its  Charter  of  1628|9,  which  had  no  other  operation  than  to 
ulefr  claim  to*  form  the  Massachusctts  Bay  into  a  Province,  and  to  invest  the  same  with  Powers  as  a  Body 

a  North  Buuii' 
diiry  beyond 
tile  present 
Line  EilHb- 
liihed  be- 
iweeii  iliBtl 
Province  and 
New  Hrnnp- 
■hire,  cir  iheir 
Western 
claim  10  tlie 
Houih  Sea. 


But  the  Crown  being  divested  of  these  Lands  by  the  Grant  to  the  Council  of  Plimouth  in 


Corporate. 

It  became  necessary  therefore  for  the  Massachusetts  Bay  after  they  were  incorporated,  to 
obtain  a  Conveyance  to  the  Corporation  of  the  Lands  granted  to  Roswell  &c.  and  Associ- 
ates,— That  they  obtained  such  Conveyance  has  not  been  pretend«d. — If  they  had,  the 
Crown  either  became  reseized  of  the  Lands  of  the  Corporation  by  the  Judgment  in  1684 
which  Vacated  the  Letters  Patent  of  !628|9  or  the  Property  reverted  to  the  Grantees  of  the 
Council  of  Plymouth. 

Had  the  Crown  been  reseized  it  might  have  passed  the  same  Lands  to  the  Massachusetts  Pro- 
vince by  the  present  Charter  of  1691.  But  instead  of  so  extensive  and  unreasonable  a  Grant  of 
Three  Thousand  Miles  in  length  they  obtained,  it  is  true,  by  that  Cliarter  a  great  addition  of 
Territory  Eastward,  but  were  confined  in  their  Western  limits  which  extend  "  towards  the  South 
Sea  as  far  as  the  Colonies  of  Rhode  Island,  Connecticut  and  the  Narragansett  Country.''  This 
Description  in  strict  Construction  of  Law  will  carry  the  Massachusetts  Bay  West  no  further  than 
the  Eastern  Bounds  of  Connecticut,  and  by  tlie  most  liberal  interpretation  do  not  extend  their  Boun- 
dary beyond  the  West  Line  of  Connecticut,  then  and  for  some  years  before  determined  by  Agreement 
between  that  Colony  and  New  York  to  be  upwards  of  Twenty  Miles  East  of  Hudson's  River. 

On  the  other  hand  admitting  the  Massachusetts  Bay  after  their  charter  of  1628|9,  and  before  it 
was  vacated  in  1684,  did  not  obtain  a  Conveyance  of  the  Lands  granted  to  Roswell  &c.  and  Associ- 
ates, the  Judgment  which  vacated  that  charter  did  not  affect  the  Lands  but  left  the  Title  in  Roswell 
&c.  and  Associates,  and  the  Crown  could  not  by  the  Charter  of  1691 ,  grant  them  to  the  Massachusetts 
Colony ;  So  tliat  the  Title,  if  any  exists,  must  at  this  day  be  vested  in  tlie  heirs  or  assigns  of  Roswell 
&c.  and  Associates  in  their  private  Right,  and  not  in  the  Government  of  the  Massachusetts  Bay, 
unless  transferred  to  or  vested  in  the  latter  by  some  act  of  their  Provincial  Legislature,  if  sucli  an 
Act  could  possibly  have  any  Efficacy. 

It  is  liowever  presumed  no  Law  of  that  Tendency  has  been  passed,  and  if  any  should  hereafter  be 
presented  lor  His  Majesty's  approbation,  that  it  will  be  objected  to  (so  far  as  it  may  countenance  tlie 
extension  of  their  Nortliern  or  Western  claims  beyond  the  Limits  of  their  present  Charter)  as  a 
measure  calculated  to  divest  the  Crown  of  the  right  of  Soil  in  that  very  large  and  extensive  Territory, 
which  lies  Westward  of  the  Colony  of  New  York  to  the  South  Sea. 

This  claim  had  it  been  considered  as  well  grounded  would  long  since  have  been  prosecuted  and 
brought  to  a  decision. — The  Massachusetts  General  Court  or  Assembly  assert  it  in  a  Resolve  they 
passed  on  the  23d  of  January  1768,  but  whether  with  an  intention  to  maintain  it,  Tim«  must  dis- 


I 


508 


GOV.  TRYON'8   report  ON  THE  PROVINCE  OF  NEW  YORK. 


Gover. — A  claim  so  long  dormant,  can  hardly  be  expected  under  any  circumstances  to  be  now  revived 
with  a  prospect  of  success,  &  whatever  Judgment  tlie  Assembly  of  the  Massucliusetts  iiay  muy  liave 
formed  certuinly  their  present  Governor  had  no  opinion  of  its  solidity,  wlieu  at  a  lute  Mvctiiig  of  tlie 
Commissai'ies  of  both  Provinces  at  Hartford  in  1773  he  declared  ''  Tiiat  it  was  a  mere  Ideal,  Visiunury 
project,  in  which  he  believed  Nobody  to  be  sincere,"  and  discovered  an  anxiety  lcai«t  it  '''  :' I  inter- 
rupt the  progress  of  t!io  Treaty. 

Quettion  JVo.  3. 
What  is  the  size  and  extent  of  the  Province,  the  number  of  Acres  supposed  to  be  coutaiuvd  therein ; 
What  part  tliereof  is  cultivated  and  improved;  and  under  what  Title  do  the  inhabitants  hold  their 
possessions  ] 

jinswer. 

The  Extent  of  the  Province  from  North  to  South  is  about  3UU  Statute  miles.  Nassau  Island 
Size  and  fx-  (commouly  Called  Long  Island)  is  situated  to  the  South,  its  lengtli  irom  East  to  West,  is 
proviuro.  about  150  milcs,  and  its  breadth  on  a  medium  fifteen  miles;  The  breadth  ol'  tlie  Province 
Northward  of  this  Island  is  various.  From  the  City  of  New  York  North  about  20  miles  up  the  Country, 
the  breadth  does  not  excted  14  miles,  and  lies  wholly  on  the  East  side  of  Hudson's  Klvrr,  New 
Jersey  being  bounded  by  the  opposite  shore — From  the  41»'  Degree  of  Latitude  the  Province  extends 
on  botli  sides  of  that  River;  soon  widens  to  about  GO  miles;  and  increases  in  br(>adt!i  up  to  the  H*^ 
Degree,  where  it  is  about  80  miles  wide ;  supposing  the  Western  Boundary  to  extend  to  tlio  lino 
mentioned  in  the  Answer  to  the  preceding  Question  No.  '2,  the  extent  from  tlie  42<i  Degree  to  tlie 
North  Line  of  Massachusetts  Bay  (a  distance  of  49  miles)  is  about  45G  miles,  and  I'rom  thence  to  the 
45">  Degree,  it  extends  East  &  West  on  a  Medium  about  500  miles,  and  on  the  like  sup]K)8ition  the 
number  of  square  miles  contained  within  this  Province  exclusive  of  tlic  Lakes  is  82,1 13  or  52,551,080 
acres,  whicli  is  one  fourtli  less  than  the  number  contained  in  tiie  Province  of  Quebec. 
Nassau  or  Long  Island  which  contains  Kings,  Queens  and  Suffolk  Counties. — Staten  Island  which 
Paruruiiivoied  fomis  Richmoud  County  and  the  Counties  of  New  York,  Westchester,  Dutchess,  Orange 
and  Ulster,  are  all  well  inhabited,  and  not  many  large  Tracts  of  improvcable  land  are  lel't  unculti- 
vated.— Tlie  County  of  Albany  tho'  the  Inhabitants  are  numerous,  and  the  Lands  in  general  under 
Cultivation  in  the  South,  contains  extensive  and  valuable  Tracts  unimproved  in  the  Nortli  Part.' — 
Tryon  County  tho'  tliinly  settled,  as  its  extent  is  great,  has  many  Inhabitants."  The  cultivated 
parts  of  Cliarlotte  County  are  inconsiderable,  compared  with  what  remains  to  bu  settled  and  the 
same  may  be  remarked  with  respect  to  the  Coimties  of  Cumberland  and  Gloucester.' — In  the  Appen- 
dix is  a  list  of  the  Inhabitants  White  and  Black  in  the  respective  Counties,  according  to  tho  returns 
of  tlieir  numbers  in  1771,  since  which  they  are  greatly  augmented,  but  it  is  to  be  observed  that  the 
new  counties  of  Charlotte  and  Tryon  were  then  part  of  Albany.* 

1  Albftny  County  at  this  date  inelnUed  the  preient  Counties  of  Greane,  Columbia,  Albany,  Renaielaer,  Sohensntady  and 
Saratoga. 

2  Thin  County  wa*  talcen  from  Albany  County  in  1772,  and  named  in  honour  of  Wm.  Tryon  then  the  Governor  of  the 
Province.  In  1784  it  wat  changed  to  that  of  Montg^omery.  When  formed  it  embraced  all  that  part  of  the  State  lying  Wait 
of  a  line  running  North  U  South  nearly  through  the  centre  of  the  preicnt  County  of  Schoharie.— CamptxN't  Aniijit  tf  Trioh 
CouiUy,  A'lie  York  1S31.  p.  27. 

'i  Charlotte  County  embraced  what  now  are  Franklin,  Clinton,  Euex,  Warren  b  Waihington  Countiei  In  this  Stats,  and 
the  West  half  of  tho  State  of  Vermont ;  Cumberland  &  Gloucester  lay  on  the  West  bank  of  the  Connecticut  river  and  ex- 
tended from  Canada  to  the  Massachusetts  boundary  ;  the  South  line  of  the  towns  of  Tunbridge,  StralTord  and  Thetford  being 
(he  division  between  the  two.  Westward  they  ran  to  the  East  bounds  of  Charlotte.  Cumberland  was  sreetsd  ia  176tt  i 
Gloucester  in  177U,  and  Charlotte  was  taken  from  Albany  in  1772,  at  the  same  time  aa  Tryon. 


4  For  the  Census  t*ble  sea  ante  p.  474. 


GOV.  tryon's  report  on  the  province  or  new-york. 


509 


The  proportion  of  the  cultivated  to  the  uucultivated  parts  of  the  Province  (tlie  Limits  as  stated  in 
No.  2)  is  as  one  to  four ;  or  one  flith  only  improved. 

With  respect  to  the  Titles  under  which  the  Inhabitants  hold  their  possessions ;  Before  the  Province 
TitiMuiidKr  was  granted  on  VI  March  1C63|4  by  King  Charles  the  Second  to  his  brother  James  Duke  of 
aithrur"  *  York,  the  Dutci.  «Vest  India  Company  liad  seized  it,  made  settlements  and  Issued  many 
Grants  of  Lund.  In  August  lOQ-i  the  Country  was  surrendered  by  tlio  Dutcli  to  the  English,  and  by 
the  3^1  Article  of  the  Terms  of  Capitulation  it  was  stipulated  '<  Tliat  all  People  shall  continue  free 
Denizens  and  shall  enjoy  their  Lands,  Houses,  and  goods,  wlicresoever  they  ore  within  this  Country 
and  dispose  of  them  as  they  please."  Some  lands  of  the  Province  ore  held  under  the  old  Dutch 
Grants  without  any  confirmation  of  their  Titles  under  the  crown  of  England,  but  tlie  ancient  Records 
are  replete  witli  confirmatory  Grants,  which  tlie  Dutcli  Inhabitants  were  probably  tlie  more  solicitous 
to  obtain  from  an  Apprehension  that  tlio  Dutch  conquest  of  the  Province  in  1673,  might  render  their 
Titles  under  tlie  former  articles  of  Capitulation  precarious ;  tho'  the  Country  was  flnjUly  restored  to 
the  English  by  the  Treaty  signed  at  Westminster  the  9"'  Feb)  IG71. 

From  that  period  it  has  remained  in  the  possession  of  the  English,  and  the  Duke  of  York  on  the 
29<>>  of  June  1C74,  obtained  a  new  Grant  from  the  King,  of  all  tlie  Territories  included  within  the 
former  Letters  Patent  in  166314. 

During  tho  life  of  King  Charles  the  Second,  the  Duke  of  York  as  proprietor  of  the  Soil,  passed 
many  Grants  (by  his  Governor)  in  Fee,  and  since  his  accession  to  the  Throne,  Grants  have  continued 
to  issue  under  the  Great  Seal  of  the  Province,  in  consc«iuence  of  the  Powers  given  the  several 
Governors  by  their  Commis.^ions  and  Instructions  from  the  Crown — Two  instances  only  occur  of 
Grants  or  Letters  Patent  lor  Lands  under  the  Great  Seal  of  Great  Britain. — One  to  Sir  Jcseph  Eyles 
and  others  on  the  Ib*^  May  in  the  4"'  year  of  His  late  Majesty  King  George  the  Second  for  a  Tract 
of  62,000  acres,  called  the  Equivalent  Land  from  its  having  been  ceded  to  New  York  by  the  Colony 
of  Connecticut  (on  the  settlement  of  the  boundary  between  the  tv  >  Provinces)  in  lieu  of  a  like 
quantity  yielded  up  to  Connecticut  by  tho  Province  of  New  York— Tlie  other  lately,  to  Sir  William 
Johnson  Baronet — The  Lands  granted  to  Sir  Joseph  Eyles  and  his  associates  are  not  possessed  by 
them  or  their  assigns,  Letters  Patent  under  the  Great  Seal  f  f  the  Province  of  New  York  having 
passed  to  otliers  Ibr  the  same  Lands,  before  it  was  known  here  that  the  Royal  Grant  was  obtained ; 
and  the  Lands  are  now  in  possession  of  the  New  York  Patentees  or  their  assigns. ' 

These  are  all  the  different  modes  by  which  the  Inhabitants  liave  derived  any  iegal  Titles  to  their 
Lands  within  the  Limits  of  this  Province,  whence  it  appears  that  all  their  lavful  titles  to  Lands  in 
Fee,  except  in  cases  of  old  Dutch  Grants  unconfirmed,  originated  from  ilie  Crown  either  mediatdy 
thro'  the  Duke  of  York  betbre  liis  Accession  to  the  Throne,  or  hnmediafely  by  Grants  under  the 
Great  Seal  of  Great  Britain  or  of  this  Province. 

Purchases  from  the  Indian  Natives,  as  of  their  aboriginal  right  have  never  been  held  to  be  a  legal 
Title  in  this  Province,  the  Maxim  obtaining  here;  as  in  England  that  the  King  is  the  Fountain  of  all 
real  property,  and  that  from  this  source  all  real  Titles  are  to  be  derived. 

Question  Mo.  4 
What  Rivers  are  there  and  of  what  Extent  &  Convenience  in  point  of  Commerce? 

1  Thi»  tract,  otherwUe  called  "The  Oblong,"  lies  along  the  eastern  line  of  Putnam  and  Dutcheis  counties,  extending 
from  the  north  line  of  Cortland  Manor  to  about  the  south  bounds  of  Livingston  Manor  in  Columbia  co.,  as  laid  down  in  Le 
Rouge's  Map  of  the  Prov.  of  N.  Y. ;  also  in  Saulhier'n  Map  of  New  York,  1776,  1779.  Further  particulars  regarding  the 
controversy  may  be  learned  by  reference  to  Book  of  Patents  xi.,  1. ;  Deed  Books  xiv.  133  ;  xvii.,  467, 471.  (in  Sac's  Uffic*.) 
Also  Smith's  History,  ad.  1829-30. 1.,  '.i8S-a88  ;  li.,  13,  a». 


i 


no 


n 


UOV.    THYOM'a    REPORT   ON    Till:    PROVIIfCK  Of   MKW-TORK. 


Hudsons  River  is  tl>e  ouly  Navigable  River  in  the  Province,  and  affords  a  safe  and  easy  Passage  for 
RivtN.  Vessels  of  Eisthty  Tons  Burthen  to  the  city  of  Albany,  which  is  about  180  miles  from  the 
sea— It  has  alremly  been  mentioned  that  it  extends  nearly  to  the  Latitude  of  15— but  the  Navigation, 
except  for  small  Vessels  terminates  at  or  near  that  City. — To  tlie  Northward  of  Albany  altout  Ten 
Miles  tills  River  divides.  Tlie  Western  Branch  whlcli  (above  the  Great  Cahoo  Falls)  Is  called  the 
Mohawk  River,  or  the  Mohawk  Branch  of  Hudson's  River  leads  to  Fort  Stanwix,  and  a  short  cut 
across  the  carrying  Place  there  might  be  made  into  Wood  Creek  which  runs  into  the  Oneida  Lake, 
and  thence  thro'  the  Onondaga  River  into  J^ke  Ontario. 

The  otiier  Branch  being  the  continuation  of  the  main  River  tends  to  Fort  Edward,  to  the  North 
of  which  it  seems  practicable  to  open  a  passage  by  Locks  kc.  to  the  Waters  of  Lake  Champlain 
which  communicate  with  the  River  St.  Lawrence,  passing  over  the  Falls  at  St.  Johns. 

Both  Branches  are  interrupted  by  Falls  and  Rifts,  to  surmount  tliese  obstructions  an  Expense 
would  be  required  too  heavy  for  the  Province  at  present  to  support,  but  when  eifected  would  open  a 
most  effective  inland  navigation,  equal  perhaps  to  any  as  yet  known. 

Between  Nassau  or  Long  Island  and  the  Continent  the  greatest  Distance  scarcely  exceeds  Twenty 
Miles.  Near  the  City  of  New  York  it  is  less  than  one  Mile,  and  is  there  called  the  East  River,  and 
from  thence  bears  the  appellation  of  the  Sound.  The  River  and  Sound  afford  Navigation  for  Vessels 
of  any  Burthen  towards  the  Collonies  of  Connecticut,  Rliode  Island  and  the  Massachusetts  Bay,  in 
some  degree  hazardous  however  at  the  noted  place  distinguished  by  the  name  of  Hell  Gate  about  six 
'  :iles  East  of  the  City  of  New  York. 

Connecticut  River  where  it  divides  this  Province  from  New  Hampshire  is  included  within  the 
Limits  of  the  latter. 

Question  JVo.  5. 

What  are  the  Principal  Harbours,  how  situated  and  of  what  extent;  and  what  is  the  Depth  of 
Water  &  nature  of  Anchorage  in  each'? 

^ruwer. 

There  is  but  one  principal  Harbour  which  is  the  Port  of  New  York  being  that  part  of  the  East  River 
lUrbniiM.  fronting  the  City  and  lying  between  that  and  Long  Island. — The  harbour  is  in  length  from 
the  North  East  to  the  Southwest  about  two  miles,  and  its  Breadth  across  to  Long  Island  about  one 
mile.  Tlie  Depth  of  water  from  Four  to  Eiglit  Fathom,  tho'  at  some  places  no  more  at  low  Water 
than  Ten  Feet.  In  Nip  Tides  the  Water  rises  about  Four  Feet  and  an  half,  at  the  Full  and  Change 
of  tlic  Moon,  Six,  and  if  at  those  Seasons  a  strong  Easterly  Wind  prevails  the  rise  of  the  Tides 
increase  to  Eight  Feet.  Tiie  Ancliorage  is  good  in  a  bottom  of  mud;  there  is  only  one  remarkable 
Reef  of  Rocks  about  mid-cliannel,  half  a  mile  within  the  Entrance;  And  the  Harbour  being  siielter'd 
in  front  by  Long  Island;  to  the  East  by  a  sudden  bend  in  tlie  River;  and  to  the  West  by  Nutten 
Island;  Vessels  during  the  hardest  Gales  ride  in  great  safety,  and  are  only  incommoded  a  few  days 
in  the  Winter  by  the  floating  Ice. 

The  Map  in  the  Appendix  marked  N"  3,  presents  a  full  view  of  the  Harbour,  the  situation  of 
Sandy  Hook,  and  shows  the  Depth  of  Water  from  thence  up  to  tlie  Port. ' 

Question  JVb,  0. 
Wliat  is  the  Constitution  of  the  Government? 


I  Nod*  of  th*M  Mapi  ara  in  tha  London  Doeumantt.    ▲  aopjr  of  Sauthiar't  lug*  Map,  raduaad  ona-half,  angrarad  aa- 
paaUUjr  for  thia  Vol.  will  ba  found  at  Uia  and  of  Uiia  Raporl. 


•OT.    TUTON'i   BCrOKT  ON   TtlC  PIIOVINCB  (it   NEW-YORK. 


511 


Jintwtr. 
By  the  Orants  of  this  ProTinco  and  other  Territories  to  the  Duke  of  Torlc  in  1603|4  and  1671,  the 
cnnttiiution  powers  of  Oovemment  were  vested  in  him,  and  were  accordingly  exercised  by  liis  Oovem- 
ounrnment.  ors  Until  he  ase«nded  the  Throne  when  liis  Riglits  as  Proprietor  merged  in  his  Crown, 
and  the  Province  ceased  to  bo  a  oliarter  Governm' 

From  that  time  it  has  been  a  Ruyal  Governmeut,  and  in  its  Constitution  nearly  resembles  timt  of 
Great  Britain  and  tlie  other  Koyal  Governments  in  America.  Tlie  Governor  is  appointed  by  the 
King  during  liis  Koyal  Will  and  pleasure  by  Letters  Paltent  under  the  Great  Seal  of  Great  Britain 
with  very  ample  Powers.  He  has  a  Council  in  Imitation  of  His  Majesty's  Privy  Council. — This 
Board  when  full  consists  of  Twelve  Members  who  are  also  appointed  by  the  Crown  during  Will  & 
Pleasure;  any  three  of  whom  make  a  Quorum. — The  Province  enjoys  i  Legislative  Botly,  which 
consists  of  the  Governor  as  the  King's  Representative;  the  Council  in  the  place  of  the  House  of 
Lords,  and  the  Representatives  of  the  People,  who  are  chosen  us  in  England:  Of  these  the  City  of 
New  York  sends  four. — All  the  other  Counties  (except  the  New  Counties  of  Charlotte  &  Gloucester 
ns  yet  not  represented)  send  Two. — The  Borough  of  Westchester,  the  Township  of  Schenectady  and 
the  three  Manors  of  Rensselaerwyck,  Livingston  and  Cortlandt  each  send  one;  in  the  whole  form- 
ing a  Body  of  Thirty  one  Representatives. 

The  Governor  by  his  Com.naisslon  is  authorized  to  convene  them  with  the  advice  of  the  Coiuicil, 
and  adjourn,  prorogue  or  dissolve  the  General  Assembly  as  he  shall  judge  necessary. 

This  Body  has  not  power  to  make  any  Laws  repugnant  to  the  Laws  and  Statutes  of  Great  Britain. 
All  Laws  proposed  to  be  made  by  this  Provincial  liCglsIature,  pass  thro'  each  of  the  HousesJ  of 
Council  and  Assembly,  as  Bills  do  thn*'  the  House  of  Commons  and  House  of  Lords  In  England,  and 
the  Governor  has  a  Negative  voice  In  the  making  and  passing  of  all  such  I..aws.  Every  Law  so 
passed  is  to  be  transmitted  to  His  Majesty  under  the  Great  Seal  of  the  Province,  within  Three  months 
or  sooner  after  the  making  thereof  and  a  Duplicate  by  the  next  conveyonce.  In  order  to  be  approved 
or  disallowed  by  his  Majesty;  And  if  His  Majesty  shall  disallow  any  such  Law  and  the  same  is  sig- 
nified to  the  Governor  under  the  Royal  Sign  Manual  or  by  Order  of  his  Majesty's  Privy  Council 
from  thenceforth  such  law  becomes  utterly  void. — A  law  of  the  Province  luis  limited  the  duration 
of  the  Assembly  to  seven  years. 

The  Common  Law  of  England  Is  considered  as  the  Fundamental  law  of  the  Province  and  It  Is  the 
received  Doctrine  that  all  the  Statutes  (not  Local  in  their  Nature,  and  which  can  be  fitly  appllal  to 
the  circumstances  of  the  Colony)  enacted  before  tlie  Province  had  a  Legislature,  are  binding 
upon  the  Colony,  but  that  Statutes  passed  since  do  not  affect  the  Colony,  unless  by  being  specially 
named,  such  appears  to  l)e  the  Intentions  of  the  British  Legislature. 

The  Pi-ovlnce  has  a  Court  of  Chancery  In  which  the  Governor  or  Commander  in  chief  sits  as 
Chancellor  and  the  Practice  of  the  Court  of  Chancery  in  England  is  pursued  as  closely  as  possible. 

Tiie  officers  of  this  Court  consist  of  a  Master  of  the  Rolls  newly  created — Two  Masters. Two 

Clerks  in  Court. — A  Register. — An  Examiner,  and  a  Serjeant  at  Arms. 

Of  tlie  Courts  of  Common  Law  the  Chief  is  called  the  Supreme  Court. — The  Judges  of  which 
have  all  the  jwwers  of  the  King's  Bench,  Common  Pleas  and  Exchequer  in  England.  This  Court 
sits  once  every  three  months  at  the  City  of  New  York,  and  the  practice  therein  is  modelled  upon 
tliat<»f  the  King's  Bench  at  Westminster. — Tho'  the  judges  have  the  powers  of  the  Court  of  Ex- 
chequer they  never  proceed  upon  the  Equity  side.  The  Court  has  no  Officers  but  one  Clerk,  and  Is 
not  organized  nor  supplied  with  any  officers  in  that  Department  of  the  Exchequer,  which  in  Eng- 
land has  the  care  of  the  revenue. — The  judges  of  the  Supreme  Court  hold  their  offices  during  the 
King's  Will  and  Pleasure  and  are  Judges  of  Nisi  prius  of  Course  by  act  of  Assembly,  &  Annually 
perform  a  Circuit  through  the  Counties. — The  Decisions  of  this  Court  in  General  are  final  unless 


)i 


1  I 


1,V 
)  4 


M9 


•or.    TRVON  ■    RErORT   ON   THE   PHOTINCE  Of   NCW-TORK. 


where  the  Value  exceeds  JE.IOO.  Sterling,  In  which  casn  the  subject  may  be  relieved  from  Its  ernirs 
only  by  an  application  tf>  the  Governor  and  Council,  and  where  the  Value  exceeds  XBOO  sterling  an 
appeal  lies  from  the  Judgment  of  the  latter  to  His  Majesty  In  Privy  Council. 

By  an  Act  of  the  Ix-gislature  of  the  Province  suits  are  prohibited  to  be  brought  In  the  Supreme 
Court  where  the  Value  demiiruird  does  not  exceed  X20.  Currency. 

The  Clerk's  Olfice  of  tlie  Supreme  Court  has  always  Ijeen  held  as  an  Appendage  to  that  of  the 
Secretary  of  the  Province. 

There  is  &]m  in  each  County  an  Inferior  Court  of  Common  Pleas,  which  has  the  Cognlzjince  of  all 
actions  real,  personal  &  mixed,  where  the  matter  in  demand  is  above  X5.  in  vafUc. — The  practice  of 
these  Courts  is  a  mixture  between  tlio  Kings  liench  and  Common  Pleas  at  Westminster. — Their  Er- 
rors are  corrected  in  tlie  first'  Instance  by  Writ  of  Ermr  brought  Into  tlie  Supreme  Court ;  and  the 
Judges  hold  their  (ilHces  during  pleasure. — The  Clerks  of  these  Courts  also  liold  their  oflices  during 
pleasure  and  are  appointed  by  the  Governor,  excejjt  the  Clerk  of  Albany  who  Is  ajtpointed  under  the 
King's  Mandate. 

Besides  these  Courts  the  Justices  of  peace  are  by  Act  of  Assembly  empowered  to  try  all  causes  to 
the  amount  of  X5.  Currt;ncy,  (except  where  the  Crown  is  concerned  or  where  the  Title  of  Lands 
shall  come  into  Question ; — and  Actions  of  Slander)  but  the  parties  may  eitlier  of  them  demand  a 
jury  of  Six  Men  — If  wrong  is  <lone  to  either  party,  the  person  injured  may  have  a  Certiorari  from 
tlie  Supreme  Court,  tho'  tlie  remedy  is  very  inadequate. 

Tlie  Courts  of  Criminal  Jurisdiction  are  Correspondent  to  those  In  England.— The  Supreme  Court 
exercises  it  in  the  City  of  New  York,  as  the  King's  Bench  does  at  Westminster. — The  Judges  when 
they  go  tlie  Circuit  hive  a  Commisfiion  of  Oyer  and  Terminer  and  General  Goal  Delivery ;  and  there 
are  Courts  of  Sessions  held  bv  llie  Justices  of  the  peace  ;  the  powers  of  which  and  their  proceedings 
correspond  with  the  like  Courts  in  England. — The  OUice  of  Clerk  of  the  Sessions,  is  invariably  con- 
nected with  that  of  the  Clerk  of  the  Inferior  Court  of  Common  Pleas  in  the  respective  Counties. 

By  acts  of  the  Provincial  Legislature  the  Justices  of  the  Peace  have  an  extraordinary  Jurisdiction 
with  respect  to  some  oflences  by  wliich  any  three  Justices,  (one  being  of  the  Quorum)  where  the 
oflender  does  not  find  Bail  in  48  Hours  after  being  in  tlie  Custody  of  the  Constable,  may  try  the  party 
without  any'  or  a  jury,  for  any  olVeuce  under  the  Degree  of  Grand  larceny ;  and  inflict  any 

punishment  for  these  small  olVences  at  their  Discretion,  so  that  it  exceeds  [qy  ?  extends]  not  to  Life 
or  Limb. — And  any  three  Justices  of  the  Peace  (one  being  of  the  Quorum)  and  Five  Freeholders 
have  power  without  a  Grand  or  Petty  Jury  to  proceed  against  and  try  in  a  Summary  Way,  Slaves 
offending  in  certain  cases,  and  punisli  them  even  witli  death. 

The  Duty  of  His  Majesty's  Attorney  General  of  the  Province  is  similar  to  tlie  Duty  of  that  Oflicer 
in  England,and  the  Master  of  the  Crown  Office :  Ho  is  appointed  by  the  Crown  during  Pleasure, and 
His  Mtyesty  ha*  no  Sollicitor  General  nor  Council  in  the  Province,  to  assist  the  Attorney  General 
upon  any  Occasion. 

There  are  two  otiier  Courts  in  the  Province.  Tlie  Court  of  Admiralty  which  proceeds  after  the 
Course  of  the  Civil  Law  in  matters  within  its  Jurisdiction,  which  has  been  so  enlarged  by  divers 
Statutes  as  to  include  almost  every  breach  of  the  Acts  of  Trade. — From  this  Court  an  appeal  lies  to 
a  Superior  Court  of  Admiralty,  lately  established  in  Nortli  America  by  Statute ;  belbre  this  Establish- 
ment an  appeal  only  lay  to  the  High  Court  of  Admiralty  of  England. 

The  Prerogative  Court  concerns  itself  only  in  the  Probate  of  wills  and  in  matters  relating  to  the 
Administration  of  the  Estates  of  Intestates  and  in  granting  Licenses  of  Marriage.  Tlie  Governor  is 
properly  the  Judge  of  this  Court  but  it  has  Iteen  usual  for  him  to  act  in  general  by  a  Delegate. 


1  Blank  in  (he  Urig. 


UOV.    TRVON'v   RKPORT  on   TUR   PROVINCK  01    MKWyORK. 


51  ;l 


The  Province  Ih  at  present  divided  Into  luurteen  Countlcti,  vlz»— The  City  and  County  ol"  New 
York— The  County  of  All xtny— Richmond  (which  comprehends  the  whole  of  Staten  Island)  Kings, 
Queens  &  Suffolk  (whirh  Include  tht-  whole  of  Nnsiau  or  Ix)ng  Island)  Westchester,  Dutches,  Ulster, 
Orange,  Cunifu'rland,  tilotiresfer,  Charlotte  and  Tryon.— For  each  of  these  Counties  a  Sheriff  and  one 
or  more  Coroners    le  apiwlntm  liy  the  Governor  who  hold  their  ofilcas  during  pleasure. 

As  to  tile  Military  jMiwer  of  the  Provifipe,  the  Governor  for  the  time  being  Is  the  Ca|)tMln  General 
uud  Commander  In  Chief  and  apiioints  all  the  Provincial  Military  officers  during  pleasure. 

Question  JVb.  7. 
What  Is  the  Trade  of  the  Province,  the  Number  of  shipping  belonging  thereto,  their  Tonnage,  aiul 
the  number  of  seafaring  Men  with  respect  to  the  Increase  and  Diminution  wltliin  ten  years  past  I 

Jlntwtr. 
The  Province  carries  on  a  considerable  Trade  with  the  British  Settlements  on  the  Continent  of  North 
Tf.d.  »f  Ih,  America,  supplying  some  of  them  with  the  pnxluco  of  the  Colony,  others  with  British  Manu. 
p„.»i,.c.  fectures  and  West  India  goods.  The  Trade  to  the  British  West  Indies  is  extensive  they 
having  a  constant  demand  for  provisions  and  Lumber  of  all  kinds,  which  articles  are  the  natural  pro- 
duce of  this  Province. 

The  returns  from  the  American  Ports  and  West  India  Islands,  are  made  in  such  prodiice  and 
manufactures  of  the  Provinces  and  Islands,  as  best  suit  the  Trade  and  consumption  of  this  Colony — 
There  are  also  fitted  out  from  the  Port  of  New  York  several  Whaling  and  Fishing  Vessels. 

The  above  together  with  the  Trade  of  Great  Britain,  Ireland,  Afl'rica  and  the  foreign  ix)rt8 
in  Europe  and  the  West  Indias  as  stated  in  the  Answers  to  Questions  No.  8,  and  No.  0,  In- 
clude the  whole  Trade  of  the  Province  which  employed 

In  (he  yaw  Vatiali  Tom  Burthen  Men 

1762  -  -  -        477  19,614  3,552 

In  1772  -  -  -        709  29,132  3,374 


Nnmhar  of 
V«wel>  * 
Uumiliiy  of 
Tniiiiaia  ft 
Numlier  of 
Huafurliiii 
Men. 


232  9,618  178 

So  that  the  increase  of  shipping  in  that  period  of  Ten  years  is  232  Vessels  and  of  tlie  Tonnage  or 
Burthen  9,618  Tons — And  the  Decrease  of  men  178.  A  less  number  of  Hands  being  employed  ou 
board  of  Vessels  in  peace,  than  they  sail  with  in  time  of  War. 

Q,ueition  J^o,  8. 

What  Quantity  or  sorts  of  British  Manufactures  do  the  Inhabitants  annually  take  from  hence.  What 
Goods  and  Commodities  are  exported  from  thence  to  Great  Britain,  and  what  is  the  annual  Amount 
at  an  average  1 

Answer. 
More  than  Eleven  Twelfths  of  the  Inhabitants  of  this  Province  both  in  the  necessary  and, ornamental 
im  rt.  from  P*'*'  °*  *'^**''  '''^^s  are  cloathed  in  British  Manufactures,  except  Linen  from  Ireland  and 
oreai  Britain.  H^ts  and  Shoes  manutactuTed  here.    The  same  proportion  of  Houses  are  in  like  manner 
furnished  with  British  Manulactures,  except  Cabinet  &  Joiner's  Work,  which  is  Generally  made  here. 

When  the  number  of  Inhabitants  are  considered  a  better  idea  may  be  formed  of  the  Quantity  and 
variety  of  sorts  of  British  Manu&ctures  used  in  this  Province,  than  can  be  done  by  enumerating  the 
names  under  which  they  are  imported. 

Besides  the  Articles  necessary  for  Cloathing  and  Furniture,  there  are  imported  from  Great  Britain, 
large  Quantities  of  all  kinds  of  East  India  Goods. — Grocery  of  all  sorts  (except  Sugars,  Coffee,  and 

[Vol.  L)  65 


514 


GOV.    TRTON'S   report  on   the  province  of   NEW-YORK. 


1.1 


I 


Ginger)  Ironmongery,  Arms,  Gunpowder,  Lead,  Tin,  Sheet  Copper,  Drugs,  Brimstone,  Grindstones, 
Goals,  Glialk,  Sail  Clotli,  Cordage,  Paints,  Malt  Liquors  &  Cheese. — There  are  indeed  few  articles  the 
British  Market  affords,  but  what  are  in  some  proportion  imported  here,  except  such  as  are  among  our 
Staple  Commodities,  particularly  mentioned  in  the  Answer  to  No.  11. 

If  the  Brokers  in  Great  Britain  employed  as  shippers  of  goods  were  for  one  year  obliged  to  give  in 
the  value  of  the  Croods  when  they  apply  for  Cockets,  the  exact  amount  of  what  the  Inhabitants  of 
each  Province  in  America  take  from  thence  would  be  easily  ascertained.  In  this  Country  it  is  not 
possible  to  make  such  a  calculation  with  any  Degree  of  Precision,  for  as  the  Amount  of  Goods  never 
appears  in  the  Cockets,  no  Judgment  can  be  formed  of  their  Value  from  the  Quantity  or  Numl>er  of 
pieces. — Silks  for  Instance  come  out  from  25s  to  2  shillings  per  yard,  and  in  general  the  other  Articles 
differ  in  the  same  proportion  iVom  tlie  first  cost  of  the  highest  to  that  of  the  lowest  in  quality. 
v»ineof«ru.  Wlicu  uo  particular  stop  is  put  upon  Trade  with  Great  Britain,  it  is  generally  estimated 
ft^moreiu"^  here  that  the  Annual  Imports  from  thence  into  tliis  Colony,  amount  on  an  average  to  Five 
Briiain.         Huudrcd  Thousaud  Pounds  Sterling. 

The  Goods  exported  from  hence  to  Great  Britain  that  are  the  produce  of  this  Colony,  are  chiefly  pot 
Einorwio  *°*^  pearl  ashes.  Pig  and  Bar  Iron,  Peltries,  Beeswax,  Masts  and  Spars,  with  Timber  and 
Great  Briitin.  Lu^ijef  of  aU  klnds  : — And  of  the  produce  of  the  West  Indies  and  Honduras  Bay,  Log 
Wood  and  other  Dye  woods  and  Stuffs,  Sarsaparilla,  Mahogany,  Cotton,  Ginger  &  Pimento  with  some 
Raw  Hides — And  Tar,  Pitch  &  Turpentine,  the  produce  of  North  Carolina. 

The  Annual  Amount  of  Exports  to  Great  Britain  on  an  Average,  is  One  Hundred  &  Thirty  Thou- 
sand pounds  Sterling  exclusive  of  the  Cost  of  Ships  built  here  for  the  Merchants  in  £ng- 


Valnc  ihcreor 


land  to  the  Amount  of  Thirty  Thousand  pounds  Sterling  annually. 


Question  JVo.  9 

What  trade  has  the  Province  under  your  Government  with  any  Foreign  Plantations,  or  any  part  of 
Europe  l)esides  Great  Britain  ;  how  is  that  Trade  carried  on,  what  Commodities  do  the  People  under 
your  Government  send  to  or  receive  from  Foreign  Plantations,  and  wliat  is  the  annual  Amount 
thereof  at  an  Average  ? 

^Tuwer 

A  considerable  Trade  is  carried  on  fh)m  this  to  the  Foreign  West  India  Islands,  Surrinam  and  Hon- 
duras Bay.    Provisions  and  Lumber  are  the  principal  Articles  with  which  they  are  supplied 

Foreign  pieii-  ffom  hcuce. — The  returns  are  generally  in  Sugar,  Molassseg,  Dye  Woods,  Mahogany,  Hides, 
Silver,  and  Bills  of  Exchange. 

There  are  a  few  vessels  employed  annually  in  the  African  Trade,  their  Outward  Cargoes  are  chiefly 
Rum  and  some  British  Manufactures. — The  high  price  and  ready  sale  they  meet  with  for 
their  Slaves  in  the  West  Indies  induce  them  always  to  dispose  of  their  cargoes  among  the 

Islands. 

To  Madeira  &  Teneriffe  the  Trade  from  hence  is  considerable.  The  outward  Cargoes  are  composed 
of  Wheat,  Indian  Corn,  Flour,  Provisions  in  General,  Lumber  and  Beeswax. — The  returns 
are  made  in  Wines,  the  greatest  part  of  which  are  carried  directly  from  Madeira  to  the 

British  and  foreign  West  India  Islands,  there  sold  and  West  India  Cargoe  purchased  with  wliich  the 

Vessel  returns. 

When  Grain  is  Scarce  in  Europe  there  is  also  a  very  considerable  Trade  from  hence  to  the  Spanish 

u  h""  F*e     ports  in  the  Bay  of  Biscay  and  to  otiier  Foreign  ports  in  Europe  lying  to  the  Southward  of 

ro  "*  simh.'    Cape  Finnistre. — To  these  places  are  exported,  Wlieat,  Rye,  Flour,  Indian  Corn  &  Beeswax  ; 

Fnmu"re°"*  A^d  the  rctums  are  in  Specie,  Bills  of  Exchange  and  large  Cargoes  of  Salt.    Sometimes  the 


With  Africa. 


Madeira  k. 
Tenenfle. 


GOV.  tryom's  report  on  the  province  of  new-tork. 


515 


Vessels  employed  in  this  Trade  take  in  a  Load  of  Wines  and  Fruit,  and  call  at  some  of  the  Outports 

in  England  for  Clearances  agreeable  to  Law. — The  Trade  is  Carried  on  in  Ships  belonging  to  British 

Subjects  and  navigated  conformable  to  the  Acts  of  Trade. 

The  Annual  Amoimt  of  the  Commodities  exported  from  hence  to  Foreign  Countries  is  on  an  average, 

Value  of  For.  ^°®  Huudrcd  aud  Fifty  Tliousand  Pounds  Sterling ;  and  the  Foreign  Imports  on  an  Ave- 

eig.iE»po,i.  j.j^gg  Qjjg  Hundred  Thousand  Pounds  Sterling. 

Besides  the  Trade  to  the  Foreign  Ports  in  Europe,  tliere  is  every  year  a  great  Quantity  of  Flax  seed 

Ex  ruto     '^^^  Lumber  and  some  Iron  sent  to  Ireland,  in  sliips  generally  belonging  to  that  Kingdom, 

ireiuiHi        which  come  out  annually  with  passengers  and  Servants,  as  also  Linen,  Beef  and  Butter, 

The  Province  hath  likewise  some  Trade  with  Gibralter  and  Minorca,  the  Cargoes  out  generally  con- 

„  ^.,  ,      sist  of  Grain,  Flour,  Provisions  of  other  Kinds,  Liunber,  Naval  Stores,  and  Rice. — As  they 

To  Gibralter  '  '  /  /  > 

and  Minorca,  ^jg  BritJsh  Ports,  it  has  cvcr  been  the  practice  here  to  allow  enumerated  Goods  to  be  ship- 
ped to  them,  the  Master  of  the  vessel  giving  the  enumerated  Bond  at  the  Naval  Office. — The  Returns 
are  Specie,  Bills  of  Exchange  and  Salt. 

Question  JVo.  10. 
What  Methods  are  there  used  to  prevent  illegal  Trade,  and  are  the  same  effectual  1 


Answer 

At  this  Port  there  is  generally  one  of  His  Majesty's  Ships  of  War,  stationed  near  its  principal 
Mroiutopre.  entrance,  except  during  the  Four  Winter  Months,  when  she  is  obliged  on  accoimt  of 
Trade.  the  sevcre  Weather  and  the  Ice  to  come  to  the  Wharf.  The  Custom  House  Officers 
are  Eight  in  Number ;  viz.  The  Collector,  Comptroller,  Surveyor,  and  Searcher,  Land  Waiter, 
Tide  Surveyor  and  Tliree  Tide  Waiters ;  There  is  also  a  Naval  Officer.  The  Tide  Waiters  are 
mc  'tly  employed  on  Board  of  Vessels  that  arrive  with  dutiable  goods,  so  that  there  are  but  three 
other  out  door  officers  to  look  after  the  business  of  a  very  extensive  Harbour,  lying  on  two 
sides  of  the  Town,  which  is  situated  on  a  point  between  two  large  Rivers. 

As  all  Articles  of  Commerce,  Provisions  and  Fuel  are  conveyed  to  Town  by  Water  in  a  number  of 
Small  Boats,  from  Landings  that  lay  on  each  side  of  both  entrances  to  the  Port,  the  strictest  attention 
of  the  officers  of  His  Majesty's  sliip,  or  the  Vigilance  of  the  Collector  &  Comptroller,  (who  speak 
favourably  of  their  present  Outdoor  officers)  cannot  altogether  prevent  the  illegal  Trade  in  a  port 
situated  as  this  is;  there  can  be  no  doubt  therefore  but  that  Assistfince  different  from  what  the  officers 
have  at  present,  would  be  very  necessary,  and  tend  much  to  tlie  increase  of  His  Majesty's  Revenues 
in  tliis  Province. 

Question  JVo.  11. 
Wliat  is  the  Natural  produce  of  the  Country,  staple  Commodities  and  Manufactures,  and  what 
Value  thereof  in  Sterling  Money  may  you  annually  Export? 

Answer. 
The  Natural  produce  &  Staple  Commodities  of  this  Province  are  Wheat,  Indian  Corn,  Oats,  Rj'e, 
Produce  sta.^^^^®'  ^^^^Y  ^^^  Buck  Wheat,  Live  Stock,  Masts  &  Spars,  Timber  &  Lumber  of  all  sorts, 
P>^J';j^;;Furrs,  Skins,  Beeswax,  Iron  Ore,  Pork,  Beef,  Flour,  Pot  &  Peail  Ashes.— And  its  Manu- 
ufuciure..  ti^ctuTes  are,  tlie  making  of  Pig  and  Bar  Iron,  Distilling  of  Rum  and  Spirits,  Refining  of 
Sugar,  and  making  Chocolate;  from  Molasses,  brown  Sugar  and  Cocoa  imported. — The  Making  of 
Soap  and  Candles,  Hats,  Shoes,  Cordage  and  Cabinet  Ware,  Tanning,  Malting,  Brewing  &  Ship 
Building. 


vW 

m 


616  GOV.   TBYOm's   REPO&T  OM  the  PRuVINCE  Oir  MtW-YORk. 

Value  of  ihoM    The  Annual  Amount  of  the  above  mentioned  Articles  Exported  (Hats  excepted)  ■  is  on 
Bij^rTmi.     an  average  Four  Hundred  Thous^  Pounds  Sterling. 

Question  JVo.  12. 
What  Mines  are  there? 

Answer. 
There  are  few  Mines  yet  discovered  in  the  Province. — One  of  Iron  Ore  in  the  Manor  o"  I.: ,  ingston 
MiiiM.  in  the  County  of  Albany  belonging  to  Robert  Livingston  Esquire, — Another  of  Iron  also 
in  Orange  County,  the  property  of  Vincent  Matthews  Esquire  and  one  in  the  Manor  of  Philipsburgh 
in  the  County  of  Westchester  lately  leased  for  99  years  (pursu.Hnt  to  the  Boyal  Order)  to  Frederick 
Philispe  Esquire. — It  is  called  a  Silver  Mine,  but  from  the  small  Quantity  of  Silver  the  Ore  has 
hitherto  yielded,  may  perhaps  more  properly  be  classed  among  the  Richer  sort  of  lead  Mines. — The 
Works  belonging  to  the  First  are  carried  on  to  great  advantage. 

Question  JVo.  13. 
What  is  the  Number  of  Inhabitants,  Wliites  &  Blacks'? 

.Answer. 

ilihilbituut.       By  the  last  account  taken  in  1771,  the  number  of  Inhabitants  stood  thus. 

Whites 148,124 

Blacks 19,883 

Total  Number  of  Inhabitants  in  1771 168,007 

Supposing  the  Increase  from  1771  to  1774  to  have  been  no  more  than  the  average  Pro- 
portion of  the  Increase  between  1756  and  1771,  tliere  must  be  added  to  compleat  the 
Number  of  Inhabitants  to  the  present  Time 

Whites 12,974 

Blacks 1,266 

14,244" 

Total  Number  of  Inhabitants  in  1774  .        .        -  182,2513 

Question  JVo.  14. 

Are  the  Inhabitants  increased  or  decreased  within  the  last  Ten  years ;  liow  much  and  for  what 
Reasons'? 

1  In  Feb.  1731  the  Haiter  Wanleni  aad  Aniitanti  of  the  Companjr  of  Feltmakeri  of  London  petitioned  Parliamont  to 
pata  a  law  to  prevent  the  Inhabitants  of  the  American  Colonies  exportin|r  Hate  of  American  Manufacture  to  any  place 
vrhatioever,  ai  the  foreign  Marlcets  were  then  almoit  altogether  lupplied  from  the  Plantation!  ai  well,  alio,  as  Great 
Britain  to  the  great  prejudice  of  the  Trade. 

This  petition  was  referred  to  a  Special  Committee  who  reported  the  Evidence  in  which  the  number  of  Beaver  Hats  then 
Manufactured  in  New  York  b.  New  Elngland  was  estimated  at  ]U,UOO  yearly ;  In  Boston  there  were  16  Hatters  one  of  whom 
was  stated  to  have  commonly  finished  40  hats  a  week.  The  Exports  were  to  the  Southern  Plantation*,  the  West  Indies  and 
Ireland. 

A  law  was  accordingly  passed  the  same  Session  (5.  Geo,  II.  c  xzii.,)  "to  prevent  the  Exportation  of  Hats  out  of  any  of 
His  Majesty's  Colonies  or  Plantations  in  America  and  to  restrain  thajnumber  of  Apprentices  taken  by  the  Hatmakers  in  said 
Colonies"  &c  All  such  exported  hats  were  declared  forfeit ;  the  exporter  sut|jected  to  a  fine  of  i.'SUUand  every  Master, 
Mariner,  Porter,  Carter,  Waggoner,  Boatman  lie  aiding  and  assisting  him  became  liable  to  a  fine  of  Forty  pounds ;  any 
offlcar  of  CuitoKs  passing  an  Entry  for  such  Export  was  to  be  fined  also  JC500.  No  person  was  to  make  Hats  in  the  Colonies 
ua  less  he  served  seven  years  to  the  Trade  &  no  manter  could  take  more  than  two  apprentices.  This  law  continued  in  force 
in  this  country  as  long  as  it  belonged  to  Great  Britain  and  is  still  applicable  to  the  existing  Colonies.  This  explains  the 
c  xception  above  made  In  Oov.  Tryon's  Keport. 

2  Incorrect :  ought  be  14,24U,  3  Ought  to  be  182,247. 


GOV.   TKYOn's  SSPORT  on  +HK  *R0V1HCB  OF  NEW-tOHKi  61't 

Jinswer. 

h"biS!:!i°''""    The  number  of  Inhabitants  in  1771  as  appears  in  No.  13  was         -       -       -    168,007 

By  the  returns  in  1756  from  which  year  to  1771  no  Census  was  taken,  the  numbers  appear 

to  have  been 

,-Rg  J  Whites 83,233 

f  Blacks 13,542 

96,775 

Which  shews  the  Increase  from  1756  to  1771  to  be 71,232 

Admitting  the  Increase  for  the  succeeding  tliree  years  to  be  no  more  than  the  average  pro- 
portion of  tins  number  which  is  much  less  than  the  Proportion  at  which  it  ought  to  be 
rated,  there  must  be  added  for  the  Increase  from  1771  to  1774 14,244 

Increase  of  Inhabitants  from  1756  to  1774  a  Period  of  18  years 85,476 

Hence  by  taking  the  proportion  of  the  last  mentioned  number  it  is  found  that  the  Inhabitants  of 
this  Colony  are  incretised  during  the  last  Ten  years  according  to  tlie  lowest  Calculation  47,480. 
caiues  or  tba    The  reosous  commonly  assigned  for  the  rapid  population  of  the  Colonies,  are  doubtless 
iiliiiibitanla.   the  principal  causes  of  the  Great  Increase  in  this  Province. 

The  high  price  of  Labour,  and  the  plenty  and  cheapness  of  new  land  fit  for  Cultivation,  as  they 
increase  the  means  of  subsistence  are  strong  additional  Incitements  to  Marriage,  and  the  people 
entering  into  that  state  more  generally  and  at  an  earlier  period  of  life  than  in  Europe,  the  Proportion 
of  Marriages  and  Births  so  far  exceeds  that  of  populous  Countries,  that  it  has  been  computed  the 
Colonies  double  their  Inhabitants  by  natural  Increase  only  in  Twenty  years. 

The  increase  in  this  Colony  has  been  nearly  in  same  proportion,  but  it  cannot  be  denied  that  the 
accession  to  our  own  numbers  by  Emigrations  from  the  neighboiuing  Colonies  and  from  Europe,  has 
been  considerable,  tho'  comparatively  small  to  the  number  thus  acquired  by  some  of  the  Southern 
Colonies. 

Question  JVb.  15 

What  is  the  Number  of  Militia  and  imder  what  liegulations  is  it  constituted  ? 

Answer 

Number  or  "^^c  WMtc  Inhabitants  amounting  to  161,102,  the  Militia  may  be  supposed  to  consist  of 
.he  Militia,    gj^^t  rpj^jyjy  t^Q  Thousand. 

A  law  is  passed  annually  or  every  two  years  for  regulating  the  Militia ;  The  act  now  in  force  directs 
Regulation  Tliat  cvcry  Man  from  Sixteen  to  Fifty  years  of  age  (a  few  excepted)  shall  inlist  himself 
is  cousutnied.  with  the  Commanding  Officer  of  the  Troop  of  Horse,  or  Company  of  Foot  in  the  place 
where  he  resides. — That  the  Militia  armed  and  equipped  (as  the  Law  pres  tribes)  shall  appear  and 
be  exercised  twice  a  year. — And  imposes  fines  on  both  Officers  and  Soldiers  for  every  neglect  of 
Duty,  with  other  less  material  provisions  relative  to  tlie  service.  The  Officers  are  all  appointed  by 
the  Governor,  and  the  whole  Militia  is  under  his  Command  and  subject  to  liis  Orders,  agreeable  to 
the  power  vested  in  liira  as  Captain  General  of  tlie  Province  by  the  Royal  Letters  Patent  or  Commis- 
sion. 

As  no  Act  relative  to  the  Militia  was  passed  during  the  last  Session  of  the  General  Assembly,  the 
above  regulations  will  cease  on  the  first  day  of  May  1774,  when  tlie  present  Militia  Law  expires  by 
its  own  Limitation. 

Qtiestion  J^o.  10. 

What  Forts  and  places  of  Strength  are  there  within  your  Government,  and  in  what  Condition  ? 


618 


OOy.   TKYOM^S  R^POKt  ON  THS  PROTIMCK  OF  MEW-YOKKi 


Ansvaer 
The  City  of  New  York  the  Metropolis,  is  protected  by  a  Fort  and  a  Range  of  Batteries  at  the  En- 
Fort,  ma  pi.-*'*^*'®  °^  *^®  -^^^  ^*^®'  ^^  Harbour,  in  good  order  and  capable  of  mounting  about  One 
"""'^"""'^  Hundred  pieces  of  Ordnonce.— Albany  and  Schenectady  are  defended  by  Forts,  and  both 
places  incircled  by  large  Pickets  or  stockades,  with  Blockhouses  at  proper  Distances  from  each  other, 
but  which  since  the  peace  have  been  suifered  to  go  to  Decay  and  are  now  totally  out  of  Repair. 

The  Western  Posts  are  Fort  Stanwix,  and  the  Forts  at  Oswego  and  Niagara;  the  two  former  are 
Dismantled ;  a  few  men  only  are  kepi  at  Oswego. — Niagara  is  occupied  by  a  Garrison  of  the  King's 
Troops. 

The  Northern  Posts  are,  Fort  Edward  which  is  abandoned. — ^A  few  men  only  are  kept  at  the  Works 
at  the  South  End  of  Lake  George  to  facilitate  the  Transportation  to  the  next  Posts,  which  are  Ticon- 
deroga  and  Crown  Point ;  these  are  both  Garrisoned  by  His  Majesty's  Troops,  but  since  the  fire 
which  happened  at  Crown  Point,  only  a  small  guard  is  kept  there,  the  principal  part  of  the  Garrison 
being  withdrawn  and  posted  at  Ticonderoga. 

Question  JVo.  17. 
What  number  of  Indians  have  you  and  how  are  they  inclined  ? 

Answer 
The  Indians  who  formerly  possessed  Nassau  &  Long  Island,  and  that  part  of  this  Province  which  lies 
Number  of  ^^'^^  Albany,  are  now  reduced  to  a  small  number,  and  are  in  general  so  scattered  and  dis- 
h'!JJi'"^e*he  pc'sed,  and  so  addicted  to  wandering  that  no  certain  account  can  be  obtained  of  them. — 
iiiciiutd.  ^ijgy  3j.g  remnants  of  the  Tribes — Montocks  and  others  of  Long  Island — Wappmgers  of 
Dutchess  County — Esopus,  Papagonck  &c  in  Ulster  County — and  a  few  Skachticokes. 

These  Tribes  liave  generally  been  denominated  River  Indians  and  consist  of  about  Three  hundred 
Fighting  Men — They  speak  a  language  radically  the  same,  and  are  understood  by  the  Delawai-es 
being  originally  of  the  same  Race.  Most  of  these  People  at  present  profess  Cliristianity,  and  as  far  as 
in  their  power  adopt  our  Customs — The  greater  part  of  them  attended  the  Army  during  the  late 
War  but  not  with  the  same  reputation  as  those  who  are  still  deemed  Hunters. 

The  Mohawks  the  first  in  Rank  of  the  Six  Nation  Confederacy  tho'  now  much  reduced  in  Number, 
originally  occupied  the  Country  Westward  from  Albany  to  the  German  Flatts,  a  space  of  about  90 
miles,  and  had  many  Towns ;  but  having  at  different  times  been  prevailed  on  to  dispose  of  their 
Lands  they  have  little  property  left,  except  to  the  Northward,  and  are  reduced  to  Two  Villages  on  the 
Mohawk  River  and  a  few  Families  at  Schoharie.  The  lower  Mohawks  are  in  Number  about  One 
Hundred  and  Eighty  Five,  and  the  Upper  or  those  of  Canajoharie  Two  Hundred  and  Twenty  one 
making  together  Four  Hundred  and  Six ;  this  nation  hath  always  been  Warm  in  their  attachment  to 
the  English,  and  on  this  account  suffered  great  loss  during  the  late  War. 

The  Nation  beyond  and  to  the  Westward  of  the  Mohawks  is  the  Oneidaes ;  the  Villages  where  they 
reside  including  Ouoaughquaga  are  just  beyond  the  Indian  Line  or  Boundary  establislied  at  Fort 
Stanwix  in  1768,'  and  their  property  within  that  Line  except  to  the  Northward  has  been  sold — This 
Nation  consists  of  at  least  Fifteen  Hundred  and  are  firmly  attached  to  the  English. 

The  other  Nations  of  that  Confederacy  and  who  live  further  beyond  the  Indian  Line  are  the  Onon- 
dagaes,  Cayouges,  Senecas  and  Tuscaroras  and  are  Well  inclined  to  the  British  Interest — The  whole 
Six  Nations  consist  of  about  Two  Thousand  Fighting  Men,  and  their  number  of  Souls  according  to 
their  latest  Returns  are  at  least  Ten  Thousand ;  the  Seneca  Nation  amounting  alone  to  one  half  that 
number. 


I  S«e  Ante  p.  379  for  thi*  Paper  &  Map. 


GOT.    TRTOn'S   report  ON   THE   PROVINCE  OF   NEW-TORK. 


610 


Question  JVb.  18. 
What  is  the  Strength  of  the  Neighbouring  Indians  7 

Answer 
The  Indians  North  of  this  Province  near  Montreal,  with  those  living  on  the  River  St.  Lawrence  near 
sirengiii  of  t^e  45">  Degree  of  Northern  Latitude  form  a  Body  of  about  Three  Thousand  five  Hundred. 
ho*aJing*'''  They  are  in  Alliance  with  and  held  in  great  Esteem  by  the  rest,  are  goodjWarriors,  and 
Indian,.  j^j^^g  bchavcd  Well  since  they  became  allies  to  the  English  previous  to  the  Reduction  of 
Canada. 

The  Tribes  of  Indians  within  the  Province  of  Massachusetts  Bay  and  the  Colonies  of  Conecticut  & 
Rhode  Island  &c.  are  under  similar  circumstances  with  those  denominated  River  Indians  and  the 
Stocicbridge  Indians  living  on  the  Eastern  Borders  of  New  York  may  be  considered  as  within  it,  as 
they  formerly  claimed  the  Lands  near  Albany,  and  still  hold  up  some  claim  in  that  Vicinity.  They 
served  as  a  Corps  during  the  late  War  and  are  in  number  about  three  Hundred. 

Of  the  Susquehana  Tribes  many  are  retired  further  Westward,  among  which  are  some  not  well 
aflected  to  the  British  Government — They  are  all  dependants  and  allies  of  the  Six  Nations. 
Within  the  Department  of  Sir  William  Johnson  His  Majesty's  Superintendant  of  Indian  Affairs  there 
Total  number  ^^  Twenty  Five  Thousand  Four  Hundred  and  Twenty  Fighting  Men,  and  may  be  about 
NortilemDe-  ^^^  Huudrcd  and  Tliirty  Thousand  Indians  in  the  Whole,  extending  Westward  to  the 

partment.  MlSSisippa. 

Question  JVb.  19. 
What  is  the  Revenue  arising  within  your  Government,  and  how  is  it  appropriated  and  applied  ? 

Answer. 

The  Revenue  of  the  Province  arises  as  follows — First  from  the  Duties  on  articles  imported  viz. 
Slaves — Wines,  Distill'd  Liquors,  Cocoa,  and  all  European  and  East  India  Goods  from  tlic 
British  Islands  in  the  West  Indies — ^AIso  a  Duty  of  Two  per  Cent,  on  certain  species  of 
Croods  sold  at  Public  Auction  or  Outcry,  and  from  Lycences  granted  to  Hawicers  and  Pedlars. 

The  annual  amount  of  the  several  Duties  on  an  average  of  the  last  Five  Years  is  £5000  Currency. 
Secondly  from  the  Interest  of  X120,000  in  Bills  of  Credit  emitted  by  a  Law  of  the 

Colony  passed  the  IG**"  of  February  1771  and  put  out  on  Loan  at  5  per  cent,  by 

which  a  clear  Revenue  until  1776  is  to  be  paid  into  tlie  Treasury  of       -        -       5602 

From  the  year  1776  One  Tenth  Part  of  the  Principal  Sum  is  to  be  paid  yearly  into  the  Treasury 
until  the  whole  sura  of  jS120,000  is  paid,  So  that  this  Branch  of  Revenue  decreasing  annually  in 
that  proportion,  will  totally  cease  in  1785. 

The  Revenue  arising  from  the  Articles  under  the  first  Head  as  it  is  grounded  on  Laws  annually 
A  niicaiioii  of  P^sscd,  (cxccpt  the  Duty  on  Goods  sold  at  Auction  granted  for  tliree  years)  is  appropriated 
iho  Revenue,  jjy  aunual  Laws  towards  payment  of  the  salaries  of  the  Officers  of  Government  and  other 
necessary  Expenses  for  the  Public  Service  enumerated  in  such  Laws. 

And  the  Interest  Money  arising  from  the  Loan  above  mentioned,  which  is  tlie  Second  Branch  of 
Revenue,  is  annually  applied  in  furnishing  necessaries  for  His  Majesty's  Troops  quartered  in  this 
Colony,  for  which  there  is  usually  granted  ,4i2000  Currency,  and  the  Residue  is  occasionally  applied 
to  the  payment  of  Debts  contracted  by  the  Province,  such  as  repairs  to  the  Fort  &  Batteries,  the 
Governor's  House,  the  malcing  of  gun  carriages  &c. 

A  Third  Branch  of  the  Revenue  is  the  Excise  on  spirituous  Liquors. 


Revenue. 


N. 


W: 


520 


GOT.  trton'b  bkport  om  the  faovimce  o*  hew-touc. 


By  a  Law  passed  the  S'l"  of  March  1773  This  Fund  is  appropriated  for  Twenty  Years  as  follows— The 
sum  of  X800  (part  of  XlOOO  to  be  raised  by  the  Excise  in  the  City  and  Ck)unty  of  New 
^MonSt'^otk)  is  to  be  paid  Annually  for  Twenty  years  to  the  Governors  of  the  Hospital  now  erect- 
Btr'o^'LlJul^tag  in  the  city  of  New  York  for  the  support  of  that  Institution,  and  the  remaining  sum  of 
je200  is  for  the  First  Five  years  to  be  paid  to  the  Corporationof  the  Chamber  of  Commerce, 
for  encouraging  a  Fishery  on  the  Sea  Coast  for  the  better  supplying  the  Public  Markets  of  the  City, 
and  during  the  remaining  Fifteen  Years  this  sum  is  appropriated  for  repairing  the  Public  Roads. 

By  the  same  Law  the  sums  which  shall  be  raised  by  the  Excise  in  the  other  Counties  subject  to  this 
Duty,  are  directed  to  be  appropriated  for  the  same  period  of  Twenty  years  towards  i-epairing  the 
Highways  and^defraying  the  necessary  Charges  of  the  respective  Counties. 

The  whole  produce  of  the  Excise  Fund  before  the  passing  of  this  Law  usually  amounted  to  about 
JCM50  per  annum. 

Question  JVb.  20. 
What  are  the  ordinary  and  extraordinary  Expences  of  Government? 

Answer. 

The  ordinary  Expences  are  the  Sallaries  allowed  by  the  Province  to  the  Officers  of  Government, 
oniiuary  Ex-wMch  cxcluslve  of  the  Salary  of  the  Governor  now  paid  by  the  Crown,  amounted  in  1774 

pema   of  Oo.^     ,,  <,  _ 

TtrnracDt.     to  the  siuu  of  -•-. £3120 .  2 . — 

and  will  continue^nearly  the  same  while  the  salaries  remain  on  the  present  footing. — 
The  Extraordmary  Expenses  of  Government  are  the  allowance  for  the  necessaries 
jj5j,„^i„^with  which  the  Troops  qiiartered  in  the  Colony  are  furnished  usually 

E,p«nie..    amounting  to    -        -  ...  20OO.— .— 

And  the  Expences  arising  from  the  settlement  of  the  Boundary  Lines  of  the  Colony, 
Repairs  to  the  Fortifications  &  the  Grovemors  House, — Carriages  and  Utensils 
for  Guns,  Barracks  &c.  which  in  the  year  1773  amounted  to    -        -        -        -        1807  .11.4| 
For  payment  of 4  Expresses  and  other  small  contingent  articles  of  Expence  there  is 

annually  allowed 100  . — . — 

Quesiion  JVo.  21 . 

What  are  the  Establishments  Civil  &  Military  within  your  Government  and  by  what  Authority  do 
the  Officers  hold  their  Places,  What  is  the  aonual  value  of  each  office  Civil  &  Military,  how  are  they 
respectively^appointed  and  who  are  the  present  Possessors? 

Jlnswer. 
Th«  Civil  Establishments  in  this  Province  consist  either  of  the  Officers  whose  salaries  are  paid  by 
Civil  Eitab-  *h®  Crown;  or  of  such  Officers  as  receive  their  Salaries  by  virtue  of  a  law  annually  passed 


li>hmenu. 


by  the  Provincial  Legislature. 


SOV.    TRYON's   report  on   the  province  or   NEW-YORK. 


581 


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OOVWIMOR  TRYON'i    REPORT   ON    THE   PROVINC*  or    NEW-VORK. 


523 


There  is  no  other  ProvinciHl  Civil  Establishment  in  the  Colony.  Most  of  the  abovementioned 
Officers  have  Fees  appertaining  to  their  offices,  the  aniouni  which  (if  within  the  object  of  the  pre- 
sent Enquiry)  can  only  be  ascertained  by  tlie  Respective  officers. 

The  Province  has  a  Court  of  Chancery,  the  Governor  is  Chancellor,  and  the  Officers  of  the  Court  are 
a  Master  of  the  Rolls  newly  created :— Two  Masters:— Two  Clerks :-a  Register :-Au  Examiner, 
and  a  Serjeant  at  Arms.— There  is  also  a  Prerogative  Court  of  which  tlie  Governor  is  Judge :  Its 
officers  are  a  Register  and  one  or  more  Surrogates  in  every  County.— In  each  of  tlie  Cities  of  New 
York  and  Albany  there  is  a  Mayor,  Sherltt",  Clerk  and  Corroner,  and  in  each  of  the  other  Counties  ot 
the  Province  there  are  three  or  more  Judges,  and  a  number  of  Justices  of  the  Peace :  One  Siierltr, 
one  Clerk  and  one  or  more  Coroners.— None  of  these  Officers  have  any  Salary,buthave  Fe^s  unnexed 
to  their  offices,  and  they  are  all  appointed  by  the  Governor. 

MUitary  Establishments  have  only  taken  place  in  Time  of  War.  Tlie  Province  during  the  late  War, 
Miiiur  E.  raised,  cloathed,  and  paid  a  large  Body  of  Forces,  which  was  disbanded  at  the  Peace,  and 
i.biw.m.n'.'.  tjjgfg  ig  at  present  no  Provincial  Military  Establishment  unless  the  Mllltla  may  be  regarded 
as  such ;  The  Officers  of  this  Corps  are  as  already  observed  appointed  by  the  Governor,  and  having 
no  pay  their  offices  must  be  rather  expensive  than  lucrative. 

The  Mllltla  are  not  Subject  to  Garrison  Duty,  and  all  the  posts  where  any  Garrisons  aie  Kept  aie 

occupied  by  the  Kings  Troops. 

^  Wm.  Tryon, 

LoNiX)N  ll'h  June  1774. 


1| 

11 


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In 


APPENDIX  NO.  I. 


DIED  TO  KINO  GEOROe  THE  FIRST  RECITINS  THE  SURRENDER  BY  THE  FITE  NATIONS  OF  THEIR  BEAVER  HUNT- 
INS  COUNTRY,  AND  CONTAINING  AN  ACTUAL  SURRENDER  OF  TME  CASTLES  OR  HABITATIONS  OF  THE  SENNECAS, 
CATOUGAS  AND  ON0NDASA8. 

To  all  People  to  whom  this  present  Instrument  of  Writing  shall  come. 

Whereas  the  Sachems  of  the  Five  Nations  did  on  the  19"»  day  of  July  One  Thousand  Seven  Hun- 
dred and  One  in  a  Conference  held  at  Albany,  Between  John  Nanfan  Esq'  late  Lieutenant  Governor 
of  the  Province  of  New  York  give  and  render  up  All  their  Land  where  the  Beaver  Hunting  is,  which 
they  won  with  the  Sword  then  Eighty  years  ago  to  Coorachkoo  Our  Great  King  praying  that  he  might 
be  their  Protector  and  Defender  there  for  which  they  desired  that  their  Secretary  miglit  then  draw 
an  instrument  for  them  to  sign  and  seal  that  it  might  be  carried  to  the  King  as  by  the  Minutes  thereof 
now  in  the  Custody  of  the  Secretary  for  Indian  Affairs  at  Albany  may  more  fully  and  at  large  appear— 
We  Kanakazighton  and  Shanintzarouwee  Sinneke  Sachims,  Ottsoghkoree,  DeKanisoree  and  Aenje- 
weeratt  Cayouge  Sachims,  Racl^akadorodon  and  Sadegeenagh tie,  Confirm,  Submit  and  Grant  And  by 
these  presents  do  (for  Ourselves,  our  Heirs  and  Successors  and  in  behalf  of  the  whole  Nations  of 
Sinnekes,  Cayouges  and  Onnondages,)  ratify.  Confirm  and  Submit  and  Grant  unto  our  most  Sovereign 
Lord  George  by  the  Grace  of  God,  King  of  Great  Britain  France  &  Ireland,  Defender  of  the  Faith 
&c.  His  Heirs  and  Successors  for  ever  All  the  said  Land  &  Beaver  Hunting  to  be  protected  &  Defended 
by  his  said  Majesty,  His  Heirs  and  Successors  to  and  for  the  Use  of  Us,  our  Heirs  and  Successors, 
And  the  said  three  Nations ;  And  we  do  also  of  our  own  accord  free  &  voluntary  Will  give,  render, 
submit  and  grant,  and  by  tliese  presents  do  for  Ourselves  our  Heirs  and  Successors  give,  render, 
submit  and  Grant  unto  our  said  Sovereign  Lord  King  George,  his  Heirs  &  Successors  for  ever.  All 
that  Land  lying  &  being  sixty  Miles  Distance  taken  Directly  from  the  Water  into  the  Country,  Be- 
ginning from  a  Creek  called  Canahogue  on  the  Lake  Oswego,  all  along  the  said  Lake  and  all  along  the 
Narrow  passage  from  the  said  Lake  to  the  Falls  of  Oniagara  called  Canaguaraghe  and  all  along  the 
River  of  Oniagara  and  all  along  the  Lake  Catarackqui  to  the  Creek  called  Sodoms  belonging  to  the 
Senekes  &  from  Sodoms  to  the  Hill  called  Tegerhunkserode  belonging  to  the  Cayouges  and  from 
Tegerhunckserode  to  tlie  Creek  called  Caynunghage  belonging  to  the  Onnondages  All  the  said  Land 
being  of  the  Breadth  of  sixty  English  miles  as  aforesaid.  All  the  way  from  the  aforesaid  Lakes  or 
Rivers  directly  into  the  Country  and  thereby  including  all  the  Castles  of  the  aforesaid  Three  Nations 
with  all  the  Rivers,  Creeks  &  Lakes  within  the  said  Limits  to  be  protected  and  defended  by  his  said 
Majesty  his  Heirs  and  Successors  for  ever  to  and  for  Our  Use  our  Heirs  and  Successors  &  the  said 
Tliree  Nations. 

In  Testimony  Wliereof  We  have  hereunto  set  our  Marks  and  affixed  our  Seals  in  the  City  of  Albany 
tliis  Fourteenth  Day  of  September  in  the  Thirteenth  year  of  His  Majesty's  Reign  Anno  Domini  1726. 


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INDEX. 


A. 


Accountant  General,  salary  of  the,  in  1693,  199. 

Admiralty,  the  Court  of,  in  1698,  60 ;  in  1693,  202. 

Albanel,  Rev.  Father,  accompanies  the  French  expe- 
dition against  the  Mohawks,  49. 

Albany,  a  delegation  from  the  town  of,  meets  the  French 
at  Schenectady,  50 ;  description  of  the  Garrison  at, 
51 ;  fort  at  60 ;  intelligence  from  the  Indian  coun- 
try received  at,  91 ;  description  of  the  fort  at,  in 
1686,  96 ;  town  of,  declared  bv  the  law  officers  of 
the  Crown  to  be  a  part  of  Ranslaer's  Colonie,  112; 
Ranslaer  surrenders  his  claim  to,  113;  incorporated 
ib. ;  the  pasture  granted  to  the  city  of,  ib. ;  people 
of,  in  great  consternation  in  consequence  of  a  threat- 
ened visit  from  the  French,  166 ;  M.  Calliere's  plan 
for  the  capture  of,  179 ;  number  of  houses  and 
adults  in,  in  1659,  180 ;  proceedings  of  the  autho- 
rities of,  on  receiving  intelligence  of  the  burning 
of  Schenectady,  189 ;  city  and  county  officers  of, 
in  1693,  200;  strength  of  the  militia  of,  in  1693, 
202  ;  names  of  the  militia  officers  for  the  city  and 
county  of,  in  1700,  234 ;  of  the  freeholders  of  the 
city  and  county  of,  in  1720,  241 ;  Albany  in  1691, 
268 ;  in  17S6,  341 ;  population  of  the  city  and  coun- 
ty of,  in  1698,  467 ;  in  1689,  468 ;  in  1703,  469 ; 
in  1723,  471 ;  in  1731,  ib.;  in  1737,  472 ;  in  1749, 
473;  in  1756,  ib. ;  in  1771,  474. 


Algonquins  the,  the  most  warlike  and  polished  of  the 
Indian  nations,  18. 

AUainville,  Seigniory  of,  347,  tt  seq.,  373,  375. 

Amboy,  inconvenience  of  making  a  port  of  entry  of,  98. 

Amersfort,  (see  Flatlands.) 

Anabaptists,  62,  116. 

Andaraque,  proceedings  of  the  French  at  the  Mohawk 
fort  of,  53. 

Andastogues,  conquered  by  the  Iroquois  and  the  Eng- 
lish. 66,  263. 

Andros,  Gov.,  report  of,  on  the  state  of  the  Province, 
60 ;  affords  effectual  relief  to  New  England,  99  ; 
ordered  to  put  the  Ranslaers  in  possession  of  Alba- 
ny, 112;  defeated  in  his  attempt  to  reduce  Con- 
necticut, 117 ;  notifies  M.  deDenonville  that  he  has 
taken  the  Five  nations  under  his  protection,  179. 

Angleran,  Rev.  Father,  Superior  of  the  Outaouac 
Missions,  74 ;  Missionary  at  Michilimakinac,  125 ; 
wounded  in  the  engagement  with  the  Senecas,  146. 

Army  List  of  the  Province  of  New  York  in  1700,  227. 

Assembly,  salaries  of  the  officers  of  the  New  York, 
in  1693,  200. 

Assizes,  Court  of  General,  Legislative  powers  vested 
in  the,  69 ;  how  often  it  sits,  60 ;  succeeded  by  a 
Court  of  Oyer  and  Terminer,  96. 

Auditor  General,  allowance  to  the,  in  1693,  199. 


B. 


Baptism,  scruples  of  a  Squaw  to  administer,  31 ;  first 
adult,  at  Onondaga,  ib. 

Barbadoes,  Jacob  Leisler  to  the  Governor  of,  194. 

Barre,  M.  de  la,  instructions  of  the  king  of  France  to, 
70,  72;  notifies  Gov.  Dongan  of  his  intention  to 
attack  the  Five  Nations,  67 ;  declared  by  the  king 
to  be  the  cause  of  the  trouble  with  the  Indians,  73 ; 
ordered  to  send  some  of  the  Iroquois  to  France  to 
be  employed  in  the  galleys,  ib. ;  memoir  of,  ib. ; 
starts  on  his  expedition  ngainst  the  Senecas,  74 ; 
motives  of,  for  making  peace,  75 ;  quits  Hungry 
Bay,  76 ;  arrives  at  Montreal,  77 ;  treaty  between 
tlie  Iroquois  and,  ib. ;  strength  of  his  army,  79 ; 
M.  de  Meulles'  report  against,  ib. ;  general  dissat- 
isfaction with,  ib. ;  bad  management  of,  80,  81 ; 
charged  with  having  converted  to  his  private  spec- 
ulations the  vessels  intended  for  the  conveyance  of 


supplies  io  the  army,  SO ;  and  with  having  declared 
war  on  his  own  responsibility,  81 ;  evil  effects  of 
the  policy  of,  82 ;  letters  from  M.  de  Lamberville 
to,  83  et  seq. ;  M.  de  Denonville  succeeds,  92 ;  Gov. 
Dongan's  allusion  to  the  expedition  of,  100 ;  addic- 
ted to  big  words,  130. 

Bayard,  Nicholas,  called  to  the  Council,  1818. 

Beauharnois,  M.  de,  protests  against  the  erection  of 
Fort  Oswego,  292 ;  despatches  an  officer  to  sum- 
mon Oswego,  293 ;  Gov.  Burnet's  reply  to,  295. 

Beaujeu,  M.  de,  applies  for  an  extention  of  time  to 
produce  his  titles  to  a  Seigniory  on  the  river  Sara- 
nac,  362. 

Bear,  Indian  name  for  the  tribe  of  the,  1 1. 

Beavers,  number  of  sent  from  N.  York  to  England  in 
1687,  159. 

Bellomont,  Lord,  his  design  regarding  Oswego,  291, 


528 


INDIX. 


Beschefer,  Rev.  Father,  66,  66. 

Blair,  Lt.,  killed  on  the  Oswego  River,  309. 

Board  for  the  management  of  Indian  afTairs  establish- 
ed, 21S. 

Bois,  Revd.  M.,  49. 

Boston,  Lt.  Gov.  Leisler  to  the  Gov.  of,  192. 

Boundaries  of  the  PrQv.  of  N.  Y.  in  1678,  60 ;  be- 
tween the  Indians  and  whites,  377. 

Braddock,  General,  artillery  taken  from,  used  against 
Oswego,  321. 

Bradstreet,  Col.,  advises  Sir  Wm.  Johnson  th»t  Os- 
wego is  surrounded  by  French  Indians,  308;  bat- 
tle between  the  French  and  a  party  under  com- 
mand of,  309. 

Brebeuf,  Father  de,  bible  of,  recovered,  33. 

Breucklyn,  names  of  the  inhabitants  of,  in  16S7,  429. 

Briare,  (or  Brias)  Rev.  Father,  73,  76 ;  on  the  custom 
observed  by  the  King  of  China  towards  the  Jesu- 
itcs,  165. 

Brockholles,  Mayor  of  New- York,  1 12 ;  member  of 
council,  118. 


Brookhaven,  names  of  the  officers  of  the  militia  of, 
in  1700,  229. 

Brookland,  officers  of  the  militia  of  the  town  of,  231. 

Bruvas,  Father,  87. 

Buildings  at  Niagara  in  16SS,  description  of  the,  169. 

Bull,  instructions  to  Capt.  Jonathan,  on  the  burning 
of  Schenectady,  189 ;  account  of  the  capture  by  the 
French,  of  Fort,  329,  et  teq. 

Burk,  Mr.  Edm.,  opposes  the  French  claims  for  land 
on  Lake  Champlain,  369 ;  letter  of,  to  the  Sec.  of 
the  board,  372. 

BvRNBT,  Gov.,  forms  a  settlement  in  Western  New- 
York,  289 ;  informs  the  Board  of  Trade  of  his  de- 
sign to  build  a  fort  at  Oswego,  291  ;  replies  to  M. 
de  Beauharnois,  295 ;  letter  of,  to  the  Board  of 
Trade,  297. 

Burning  of  the  Onondaga  village,  33 ;  of  Schenecta- 
dy, papers  relating  to  the,  177,  et  seq.;  of  German 
Flatts,  332,  et  seq. 

Bushwyck,  officers  of  the  militia  of  the  town  of, 
232. 


C. 


Callieres,  M.  de,  letter  from,  announcing  that  some 
Iroquois  are  to  be  shipped  to  the  French  galleys, 
146  ;  project  for  the  reduction  of  Albany  and  New- 
York  by,  179;  recommends  the  French  court  to 
obtain  James  the  Second's  approval  of  the  design, 
182;  to  be  governor  of  New- York  when  reduced 
by  the  French,  185. 

Canada,  enumeration  of  the  Indian  tribes  connected 
with,  17,  24 ;  account  of  the  march  into  the  Pro- 
vince of  New- York  of  the  Governor  of,  60  ;  the  cold 
of,  fatal  to  the  French  troops,  101 ;  population  of, 
in  1685,  ib.;  memoirs  on,  11^,  132;  state  of,  in 
1687,  141 ;  state  of  the  British  Province  in  1743, 
with  reference  to,  301. 

Cannatchocari  fort  described,  340. 

Capitulation  of  Oswego,  articles  of,  319. 

Cayugas,  numerical  strength  of  the,  16,  21,  44,  123  ; 
date  of  the  first  mission  to  the,  44. 

Census  tables,  467,  173,  237,  395. 

Champlain  Lake,  papers  relating  to  French  Seignio- 
ries on,  345. 

Chancery,  the  court  of,  who  composed  in  1687,95; 
officers  and  powers  of,  202. 

Charter  of  New- York,  antient,  389,  390,  392. 

Chassaigne,  M.  de,  sent  on  a  mission  to  Gov.  Burnet, 
293. 

Chaumont,  Father,  embarks  for  Onondaga,  35. 

Chauvignerie,  M.  de  la,  particulars  of  his  visit  to  Os- 
wego, 298. 

Chazy,  grant  of  Seigniory  at  the  river,  362. 

Chouegen,  (see  Oswego.) 

Christians,  denominations  of,  in  New- York  in  1687, 
116 

Churches  in  1678,  62. 

Civil  list  of  the  Province  of  New- York  in  1693,  197; 
in  1767,  480. 

Clarke,  Gov.,  reproves  the  commander  at  Oswego, 
300 ;  his  letter  to  the  Board  of  Trade,  301 ;  report 


of,  on  the  state  of  the  Province,  ib.;  demands  that 
a  regiment  be  sent  from  England  to  defend  the 
western  frontier,  303. 

Climate  of  the  Iroquois  country,  44. 

Colden,  Cadwallader,  report  of,  on  the  public  lands, 
247;  prejudicial  to,  256;  Board  of  Plantations,  in- 
struction to,  relative  to  lands  on  Lake  Champlain, 
347 ;  on  the  trade  of  New- York  in  1723,  487. 

Collins,  Mr.,  Collector  at  Westchester,  105. 

Colve,  Gov.,  charter  of,  to  the  city  of  N.  Orange,  392; 
to  the  towns  on  Long  Island,  426. 

Commission  of  the  board  for  the  management  of  In- 
dian affairs,  218. 

Common  Pleas,  officers  of  the  courts  of,  200. 

Confederacy,  numerical  force  of  the  Iroquois,  24;  of 
the  Ottawa,  26. 

Connecticut,  defeat  of  Sir  E.  Andros'  attempt  to  re- 
duce, 117;  Gov.  Dongan  recommends  the  annexa- 
tion of,  to  N.  Y.,  97,  117, 167, 169;  population  of, 
in  1686,  101. 

Conscience,  liberty  of,  in  New- York  in  1668,  59. 

Copper,  sample  of^  from  Lake  Superior,  148. 

Corlar,  through  respect  for  a  Dutchman  the  Indians 
call  the  Governors  of  New-York,  100. 

Cornbury,  Lord,  on  the  trade  and  manufactures  of 
the  Province  of  New-York,  485. 

Corn  forbid  to  be  exported  from  certain  places,  163. 

Cosby,  Gov.,  his  character  of  the  people  of  New- 
York,  722. 

Cosson,  Rev.  Mr.,  49. 

Cotton  imported,  488. 

Council,  names  of  the  members  of  H.  M.'s,  in  1687, 
1 18 ;  extracts  from  the  minutes  of,  160,  164,  162, 
et  seq;  members  of,  in  1693,  199  ;  officers  of  the, 
200;  minute  of  the  Quebec,  372. 

Council  of  New- York,  names  of  the  members  of  the, 
under  Dongan,  118;  members  of,  under  Fletcher, 
199;  officers  of  the,  200;  proceedings  of  the,   on 


IMDtX. 


529 


receiving  intelligence  of  the  invasion  of  the  Onon- 
daga Country,  307,  et  ttq,;  resolve  to  supply  the 
Oneidas  with  grain,  217;  concur  in  the  propriety 
of  strengthening  Oswego,  305;  names  of  the  mem- 
hers  of  the,  under  Gov.  Tryon,  367;  order  of,  noti- 
fying claimants  to  land  on  Lake  Champlain,  under 
the  French,  to  produce  their  titles,  ib.;  report  of 
the,  on  French  seigniories  on  Lake  Champlain, 
365;  minute  of  the  Quebec,  372. 

County  courts,  powers  of,  in  1603,  202. 

Courcelles,  M.  de,  expedition  of,  against  the  Mohawks, 


41,  46,  50;  a  delegation  from  Albany  meet,  50. 

Courts  of  Justice  in  16S7,  95. 

Croghan,  Geo.,  his  report  on  the  conduct  of  the  Onei- 
das, 336. 

Cross,  the,  why  selected  as  an  Indian  Totum,  20; 
planted  in  the  Mohawk  country,  53;  at  Niagara, 
169;  at  Oswego,  310. 

Cumberland,  population  of  the  county  of,  in  1771, 
474. 

Customs,  officers  of  the,  in  1693,  199;  produce  of 
the,  'rom  1690  to  1795,  477. 


Dablon,  Father  Cicude,  c  rks  for  Onondaga,  35, 
65. 

Dartmouth,  the  Earl  of,  discountenances  the  preten- 
sions of  New- York  to  all  Lands  south  of  the  St. 
Lawrence,  368,  371. 

Delancey,  Mr.  informing  the  Board  of  Trade  of  the 
burning  of  the  German  Flatts,  334. 

Delaware,  the  three  lower  counties  on  the,  recom- 
mended to  be  annexed  to  New- York,  98;  a  fort 
recommended  to  be  built  on  the,  99. 

Denonville,  M.  de,  succeeds  M.  de  la  Barre  as  Gov. 
of  Canada,  92;  letters  of,  to  Gov.  Dongan,  100, 
129,  131,  159;  instructions  of  the  king  to,  121 
endeavors  to  gain  over  the  Western  tribes,  125 
proposed  means  for  a  war  against  the  Senecas,  126, 
recommends  that  New- York  be  purchased  from  the 
English,  ib.;  attempts  to  deceive  Gov.  Dongan, 
129,  133;  complains  of  French  refugees  being  re- 
ceived at  New-York;  130;  charges  Gov.  Dongan 
with  having  caused  the  Indians  to  plunder  the 
French,  131;  and  with  entertaining  bankrupts  and 
thieves,  ib.;  memoir  of,  on  the  state  of  Canada, 
132;  designs  to  build  a  fort  at  Niagara,  135;  diffi- 
culties in  the  way  of,  ib.;  calls  for  regular  troops, 
137;  informs  the  minister  that  Crov.  Dongan  has 
sent  agents  to  winter  among  the  Senecas,  138; 
with  intention  to  proceed  to  Michilimakina,  139; 
further  instructions  iVom  the  French  king  to,  143; 
informs  the  French  minister  that  Gov.  Dongan  has 
udvised  the  Senecas  of  the  meditated  attack  on 
them,  144;  his  account  of  his  expedition  to  the 
Genesee  country,  146;  erects  a  fort  at  Niagara, 
150;  accuses  Gov.  Dongan  of  duplicity,  159;  re- 
leases Major  McGregory  and  the  other  English 
prisoners,  166. 

Desbcrgdres,  Sieur,  commandant  at  Niagara,  168. 

Detroit,  garrison  at,  136;  M.  du  Lhut  arrives  at,  138. 

Dieskau  Baron,  appointed  commander  of  the  expedi- 
tion against  Oswego,  307. 

Dionondade,  155. 

Discovery  of  the  Onondaga  Salt  Springs,  34. 

Dogs  draw  the  sleds  of  the  French  in  their  expedi- 
tion against  the  Mohawks,  50. 

Dollier,  Rev.  M..  65, 66,  73,  283. 

Dongan,  Gov.,  letters  of,  to  M.  de  la  Bane.  6S,  69, 
71 ;  forbids  the  Iroquois  treating  with  the  French 
without  his  permission,  76;  promises  the  In- 
dians a  reinforcement,  76;  sends  an  emissary  to  the 

[Vol.  LI 


•1.0  Nations,  87;  complained  of  by  the  French 
Court,  02;  Report  of,  on  the  state  of  the  Province, 
95;  recommends  Catholic  Missionaries  to  be  sent 
from  England  to  the  Five  Nations  100;  sends 
Maps  of  the  Province  to  England,  101,  102;  accu- 
sations of,  against  CoUectoi  Santen,  106;  answer 
of,  to  charges  against  him^  110,  et  ttq.;  grants  a 
Charter  to  the  City  of  Albany,  113;  fees  received 
for  Patents  by,  1 14 ;  sends  Collector  Santen  to  Eng- 
land, 118;  proposes  the  names  of  new  Councillors, 
ib.;  letters  of,  to  M.  de  Denonville,  128,  130,  139, 
145,  156;  remonstrates  against  garrisoning  Fort 
Frontenac,  and  building  a  fort  at  Niagara,  128; 
claims  25,000  liv.  from  the  French  Government, 
130 ;  charged  with  exciting  the  Indians  against  the 
French,  131,  132;  proposes  an  English  post  at 
Niagara,  134;  vindicates  his  conduct  regarding 
the  Indian  trade,  140;  propositions  of,  to  the  Iro- 
quois, 141;  the  French  king  rejects  the  claim  of, 
143;  letter  of,  to  Father  de  Lamberville,  ib.;  re- 
monstrates against  that  Jesuit  meddling  with  the 
Five  Nations,  145 ;  denies  having  ordered  the  In- 
dians to  rob  the  French,  ib.;  sends  a  present  of 
Oranges  to  M.  de  Denonville,  ib.;  letters  of,  to  the 
Lord  President,  156,165;  recommends  his  nephew 
to  be  employed  in  bringing  settlers  from  Ireland  to 
N.  York,  157 ;  proceedings  of,  on  learning  the 
French  movements  against  the  Senecas,  ib.;  pro- 
poses erecting  forts  on  Lake  Champlain,  Hungry 
Bay,  the  Mohawk  river  and  Niagara,  158;  demands 
a  surrender  of  English  taken  prisoners  by  the 
French,  165;  obtains  a  conveyance  of  the  Upper 
Susquehannah  river,  264. 

Duke's  county,  places  composing,  201. 

Duperon,  Father  Frs.,  proceeds  to  Onc.idaga,  35. 

Dupuis,  M.,  commander  of  a  French  Colony  at  Onon- 
daga, 36,  38. 

D'Urfe,  Abbe,  283. 

Dutch,  the,  supply  the  French  army  at  Schenectady 
with  provisions,  50;  supposed  to  be  friendly  to 
William  HI.,  182. 

Dutchess  county  forms  part  of  Ulster,  201 ;  names  of 
the  militia  officers  of,  in  1700,  233;  names  and 
number  cf  the  inhabitants  of,  in  1714,  240;  popula- 
tion of,  in  1723, 471 ;  in  1731,  ib.;  in  1737, 472;  in 
1746,ib.;  in  1749,473;  in  1756,473;  in  1771,474. 

Duties  on  imports  and  exports  in  1679,  61 ;  tariflT  of, 
in  1686,  103. 

67 


580 


imn. 


E. 


EMt  Hampton,  officers  of  militia  in  the  town  of,  in 
1700,230;  Lion  Gardiner'a  Observations  on,  457. 

Effingham,  Lord,  Gov.  of  Virffinia,  buries  the  hatchet 
with  the  Iroquois,  00;  the  Indian  name  of,  00;  ar- 
rives at  New  York,  151. 

Elephant's  teeth  imported  into  New  Jersey,  08. 

England,  the  Church  of,  62,  116. 

English,  the,  date  when  they  first  went  beyond  the 
Seneca  country,  100;  Denonville  orders  the  seizure 
of  the,  on  Lake  Erie,  126;  accused  of  inciting  the 
Indians  against  the  French,  141 ;   design  of,  to 

^  monopolize  the  fur  trade,  170.  ,,  ., 


Enumeration  of  the  Indian  tribes  eonnaettd  with 

Canada,  17;  of  the  Northern  Indians,  94,  of  the 

Five  Nations,  46a 
Esopus  in  1601, 268;  number  of  Germans  settled  at, 

in  1718,  469. 
Estates,  value  of  the,  in  1078,  61. 
Exchequer,  court  of,  jurisdiction  of  the,  98, 
Expense  incurred  by  N.York,  through  the  French  in> 

vasion  of  the  Seneca  country,  167,  tt  uq. 
Exports,  in  1678, 61 ;  in  1686, 102;  tables  of  Imports, 

&c ,  481. 


Famine,  La,  (see  Hungry  Bay.) 

Fecundity,  remarkable  instance  of,  06. 

First  English  settlement  in  Western  New  York,  280 ; 
launch  of  the  English  vessel  on  Lake  Ontario,  305. 

Five  Nations,  the,  (see  Iroquois.) 

Flag,  the  English,  planted  m  the  Iroquois  country ,67; 
the  English,  captured  at  Oswego  deposited  in  the 
churches  in  Canada,  321. 

Flatbush,  militia  officers  of  the  town  of,  in  1700, 231 ; 
list  of  male  adults  in,  anno  1687,  4S30. 

Flatlands,  militia  officers  of  the  town  of,  231;  male 
adults  in,  in  1687,  431. 

Flbtchu,  Gov.  Benjamin,  brings  the  subject  of 
Count  de  Frontenac's  expedition  before  the  Coun- 
cil of  N.  York,  207;  his  report  thereon  to  the 
Committee  of  Trade,  216;  fails  in  obtaining  assist- 
ance from  the  neighbouring  Colonies,  ib.;  report  of 
his  proceedings  regarding  the  Indians  at  Albany, 
217;  establishes  a  Board  at  Albuny  for  the  manage- 
ment of  Indian  affairs,  218;  his  instructions  to  the 
same,  ib.;  his  letter  to  Mr.  Blathwayte  on  the 
French  invasion  of  the  Onondaga  Country,  220 ; 
a  journal  of  his  expedition  to  Albany  to  renew  the 
treaty  with  the  Five  Nations,  ib.;  extract  of  his 
speech  to  the  Assembly  of  N.  York,  226. 


Ganantaa,  Lake,  where  situate,  35. 

Gardiner,  Lion,  observations  of,  on  the  town  of  East 

Hampton,  457. 
Gamier,  Rev.  Chs.,  refere.ice  to,  33. 
Garton,  Thomas,  collector  at  Esopus,  105. 
Genesee  Country,  papers  relating  to  the  1 10  ;  Indian 

name  of  the  river,  284. 
German  Flatts,  account  of  the  burning  of  the,  332 ; 

another  attack  on,  337. 
Gloucester,  population  of  the  county  of,  in  1771, 474. 


Flushing,  officers  of  the  militia  in  the  town  of,  in  1700| 
231 ;  names  of  the  inhabitants  of,  in  1606,  439. 

Forces  levied  in  the  Province  of  New  York,  150. 

Foreigners,  the  Major  part  of  the  Province  of  New 
York  in  1686,  inhabited  by,  103. 

Forts,  description  of  the  first  on  the  Iroquois  river,  43 ; 
of  the  Mohawk  in  the  Province  of  New  York  in 
1678,  60  ;  in  1687,  06;  built  by  the  French,  158; 
between  Oswego  and  Albany,  in  1756,  338. 

Foundries  in  N.  Y.,  400. 

Freight,  price  of,  between  Montreal  and  Fort  Fronte- 
nac,  in  1686,  127. 

Freniin,  Rev.  Mr.,  65. 

French,  names  given  by  the,  to  the  several  Indian 
tribes,  17;  the,  invited  to  settle  at  Onondaga,  33;  re- 
tire from  Onondaga,  30 ;  the,  take  poesesaion  of  the 
Mohawk  country,  53 ;  canoos  of  the,  plundered,  70, 
73 ;  number  of  the  forces  brought  by  the,  from  the 
West,  to  aid  M.  de  la  Barre,  70 ;  the,  claim  as  far 
as  the  Gulf  of  Mexico,  00 ;  defeat  of  the,  on  the 
Oswego  river,  313;  capture  Oswego,  315;  Seig- 
niories on  Lake  Champiain,  345. 

Frontenac,  M.  de,  instructions  to,  183;  account  of  his 
expedition  against  the  Senecas,  205,  €t  i»q. 

Furs,  value  of  the,  exported  from  1717  to  1723,  481. 


6. 


Government,  constitution  of  the  provincial,  in  1678, 

60. 
Grant  by  the  Five  Nations  of  their  hunting  ground 

to  the  King  of  England,  525. 
Greenhalgh,  Wentworth,  observations  of,  among  the 

Iroquois,  15. 
Gravesend,  militia  officers  of  the  town  of,  in  1700, 

231  ;  first  patent  for  the  town  of,  412 ;  males  of, 

in  1687,  432. 


H. 


Hats,  manufactory  of  in  New  York,  498. 
Heathcote,  Col.,  on  the  trade  and  manufactures  of  the 

Province  of  New  York,  496. 
Hempstead,  laws  passed  at,  60;  extent  of  plain  of, 

113 ;  amount  paid  Gov.  Dongan  for  the  patent  for, 

114 ;  names  of  the  militia  officers  of,  230 ;  of  the 

inhabitants  of,  427. 


Herkimer  fort,  descriptions  of,  333,  330. 
Hillsborough,  Lord,  to  Gov.  Moore,  directing  that  the 

French  should  not  be  disturbed  in  the  possession  of 

land  settled  by  them  on  Lake  Champiain,  354 ; 

approving  of  the  boundary  line  between  the  Pro- 

nmce  of  New  York  and  Quebec,  ib. 


IITDEX. 


681 


Hiitorvof  the  firtt  nettlementof  New  Utrecht,  413; 

of  East  Hampton,  4fi7. 
Hocquart,  Seigniory  of,  349,  351,  376. 
Houies,  deicnption  of  the,  in  the  Province  of  New 

York,  in  1686,  102. 
Hugenoti,  arrival  of,  from  the  Weat  Indies,  139 ;  pro* 

posed  disposition  of  the,  in  case  N.  York  were 

conquered  by  the  French,  18S. 


Hungry  Bay,  account  of  De  la  Barre's  expedition  to, 
73 ;  the  French  encamp  at,  76 ;  sickness  amons 
the  troops  at,  76 ;  treaty  between  the  French  and 
Indians  at,  77  ;  Indian  name  of,  89,  159,  163. 

Hunter,  fort,  description  of,  340 ;  Gov.,  on  the  trade 
and  manufactures  of  New  York,  486. 

Huntington,  militia  officers  of  the  town  of,  in  1700, 
239. 


I. 


Illinois,  the,  attacked  by  Iroquois,  66 ;  M.  de  la  Barre 
abandons  the,  82 ;  distance  of  the,  from  Niagara,  126. 

Imports,  value  of,  in  1678,  61. 

Inoiana,  papers  relating  to  the  several  tribes  of,  9,  et 
ttq ;  numerical  strength  of  the,  16,  21,  24,  43,  66, 
123,  468 ;  totums  of  the,  17 ;  why  the  flesh  of  the 
French  was  considered  salty  by  the,  84 ;  their  lands 
annexed  to  New  York,  98 ;  traders  sent  by  Gov. 
Dongan  to  the  Far,  100 ;  the,  as  far  as  the  South 
Sea  claimed  by  the  English,  130,  133 ;  cruelties 
after  the  attack  on  the  Senecas,  exercised  by,  146 ; 
Indian  account  of  the  French  attack  on  the  Sene- 
ca, 151,  153;  notices  of  the,  with  pipes  through 
their  noses,  162,  164 ;  a  board  established  for  the 
management  of  the  affairs  of  the,  218 ;  proceed- 
ings at  the  conference  between  Gov.  Fletcher  and 
the,  222 ;  conveyance  of  lands  on  the  Susquehan- 
na by  the,  261 ;  complaints  of  the,  against  Penn- 
sylvania, 271,  et  i»q  ;  deed  establishing  a  line  of 
division  between  the  whites  and  the,  379. 

Ireland,  Gov.  Dongan  recommends  people  to  be  sent 
over  from,  to  colonize  New- York,  157. 

Irish  Brigade,  some  of  the,  serve  at  the  siege  of  Os- 
wego, 317,  324. 


Iron  rolling  Mills,  495,  496. 

Irondequot  bay,  85,  90,  146;  an  English  colony  sent 
to  settle  at,  289. 

Iroquois,  papers  relating  to  the,  9;  names  of  the  sev- 
eral tribes  of,  11;  customs  of  the,  12;  explanations 
of  illustrations  relating  to  the,  13,  tt  uq.;  Went- 
worth  Greenhalgh's  observations  among  the,  15; 
first  forts  on  the  river  of  the,  43;  location,  climate 
and  products  of  the  country  of  the,  44;  the  river 
of  the,  45;  the  Illinois  attacked  by  the,  66;  gene- 
ral council  convoked  at  Onondaga  by  the,  84;  the 
best  season  to  wage  war  against,  ib.;  reason  of  the 
missionaries  returning  from  among  the,  86;  plan  of 
the,  if  attacked,  90;  Gov.  Dongan's  character  of 
the,  99;  number  of  the  castles  of  the,  )00;  means 
adopted  by  the,  to  increase  their  numbers,  123;  nu- 
merical force  of  the,  123,  142;  Fort  St.  Louis,  III. 
attacked  by  the,  141;  plan  of  the  French  attack 

'  on  the,  142;  a  number  of  the,  sent  to  the  French 
galleys,  146;  the,  taken  under  the  protection  of 
Gov.  Andros,  179;  report  of  the  council  for  the  se- 
curing the  friendship  of  the,  217;  conference  with 
the,  at  Albany,  220. 


Jamaica,  names  of  the  militia  officers  of  the  town  of, 
in  1700,  230. 

Jerseys,  the,  evils  arising  from  their  being  separated 
from  New-York,  97;  their  annexatian  to  the  latter 
Government  earnestly  recommended  by  Gov.  Don- 
gan, 98,  157,  159. 

Jesuit  missions  to  Onondaga,  29. 

Jews,  62,  116. 

Johnson,  Sir  Wm.,  report  of,  on  the  numerical  force 
of  the  Indians  in  1736,  24;  remarks  of,  on  the  pro- 
ceedings of  Pennsylvania  regarding  the  Susque- 
hanna river,  270;  sends  a  party  of  savages  against 
the  French  settlement  of  Oswegutchie,  279;  gives 


the  name  of  "  George"  to  Lake  St.  Sacrament,  280; 

news  from  Oswego,  communicated  by,  308;  Indian 

name  of,  336;  description  of  the  mansion  of,  342. 
Joncaire,  M.  de,  adopted  into  the  tribe  of  the  Plover, 

21. 
Journal  of  Gov.  Fletcher's  expedition  to  Albany  in 

1691,  220;  of  the  siege  and  capture  of  Oswego, 

316. 
Juries  take  cognizance  of  all  cases  in  1668,  59. 
Justices  of  the  Peace  allowed  to  marry,  61;  names 

of  the,  in  the  Province  of  New- York  in  1693,  200; 

powers  of  the,  202. 


Kaniatarontaquat,  (see  Irondequot.) 

King's  county,  names  of  the  sherifT  and  justices  of, 
in  1693,  201;  strength  of  the  militia  of,  202;  names 
of  the  militia  officers  of,  in  1700,  231;  list  of  the 
inhabitants  of,  in  1687,  429;  population  of,  in  1698, 


467;  in  1703  '12,  469;  in  1723,  471;  in  1731,  ib.; 
in  1737,  472;  in  1746,  ib.;  in  1749,  473;  in  1766, 
ib.;  in  1771,  474. 
King's  fanri,  allowed  to  Gov.  Dongan  during  his  ad- 
ministration, 115. 


Lambeiville,  Rev.  J.  de,  74,  76;  confers  with  De  la 
Bane,  77;  letters  of,  from  Onondaga,  83,  tt  ttq; 
advises  Da  la  Bant  against  hostilities,  84;  reasons 


of,  for  such  views,  85;  suggests  mildness  towards 
the  Senecas,  ib.;  urges  the  Onondagas  to  give  sat- 
isfaction to  De  la  Bane,  ib.;  recommends  Sieur 


tMDKX. 


le  Moine  to  be  employed  aa  negotiator  with  the 
Indians,  ib.;  report!  proceeding  *  a  council  at 
Onondaga,  86;  further  reports  iiroin,  87;  distributes 
presents  among  ihe  Indians,  ib.;  counteracts  Gov- 
ernor Dongnn's  schemes,  8S;  endeavors  to  g>in 
over  the  Senecas,  89,  90;  letter  of,  to  Gov.  Don- 
gan,  122;  Indian  name  of,  123;  at  Onondaga,  125; 
bearer  of  a  letter  from  Gov.  Dongan  to  M.  de  De> 
iionville,  130;  exerts  himself  to  preserve  peace 
between  the  Indians  and  the  French,  133;  per- 
suades the  Indians  by  underground  presents,  134; 
length  of  time  ho  has  been  a  missionary  at  Onon- 
daga, ib.;  sends  M.  de  Denonville  copy  of  Gov. 
Dongan's  speech  to  the  Indians,  139,  141. 

Lands,  tenure  and  price  of,  in  1668,  69;  Cadwallader 
Colden's  report  on  thu  public,  247. 

Latitude  of  New- York  and  Albany,  60,  504. 

Laws  in  force  in  16S7,  96. 

Leather  manufactories  in  New- York,  409. 

Legislative  power  in  New- York,  in  whom  vested  in 
1669,69;  in  1678,60. 

Lcisler,  Jacob,  letters  of,  on  the  burning  of  Schenec- 
tady, 192,  tt  itq. 

Le  Moyne,  Father  Simon,  voyage  of,  to  Onondaga, 
29 ;  speeches  of,  to  the  Indians,  30,  3 1  ;  recovers 
Father  Breboufs  bible,  33 ;  discovers  (he  salt 
springs,  34  ;  returns  to  Quebec,  36,  36,  38 ;  notice 
of  the  death  of,  46 ;  Sieur,  sent  to  Onondaga,  75 ; 
result  of  his  negotiations,  76,  et  ttq. 

Lespinart,   Antoine,   communicates  Gov.    Dongan's 


movements  loM.  de  Denonville,  137  ;  gives  intelli- 
gence from  Canada  to  Gov,  Dongan,  165. 

Lighthouse,  when  erected,  480;  how  siipporttd,  ib. 

Liitlehales,  Major  John,  appointed  to  the  1st  Ameri- 
can Kegiment,  319;  capitulates  nt  Orx.-ngo,  ib.;  re- 
flections on  the  conduct  of,  322. 

Livingston,  Bobt.,  collector  and  town  clerk  of  Albany, 
105;  letters  of,  on  the  burning  of  Sc!  i  ii'iMudV, 
193,  195. 

Long  Island,  excise  of,  farmed,  105,  112;  chaructci 
of  the  people  on  the  east  end  of,  105;  in  1601,  268; 
papers  relating  to,  400. 

Longueuil,  M.  de,  obliged  by  the  English  at  Oswego, 
to  exhibit  his  pastport,  290 ;  endeavors  to  turn  the 
Indians  against  the  English,  ib.;  directs  his  son  to 
plunder  any  English  canoes  he  may  meet  with  on 
Lake  Ontario,  291. 

Lotbiniire,  M.  de,  his  representations  regarding  his 
Seigniories  on  Lake  Champlain,  360  ;  report  of  the 
Board  of  Trade  on,  373. 

Louis  XIV.,  instructions  of,  to  M.  de  laBarre,  regard- 
ing the  Indians,  66,  72;  to  his  Minister  at  London, 
to  prevail  on  the  Duke  of  York  to  order  his  Gov.  at 
N.  Y.  not  to  supply  the  Indians  with  arms,  ib.;  di- 
rects the  IroquoiM  prisoners  to  be  sent  to  the  galleys, 
73;  all  things  ^aid  to  be  possible  to,  133;  approves 
of  the  proposed  attack  on  the  Senecas,  143;  repeats 
his  orders  for  the  transmission  of  the  Iroquois  to  the 
French  galleys,  ib.;  instructions  to  Count  Fronte- 
nac  relative  to  the  conquest  of  New- York,  183. 


M. 


Mamaroneck,  names  of  the  militia  officers  of,  in  1700, 
233. 

Manaudiere,  La,  deed  of  sale  of  the  Seigniory  of, 
363;  location  of,  364,  365. 

Manufactures  of  N.  York,  papers  on  the  trade  and,  483. 

Map,  an  Italian,  of  New  Netherland,  (faea  Title ;)  of 
the  Province  and  harbor  of  New- York,  sent  to  Eng- 
land, 101,  102;  early,  of  the  Susquehanah  river 
mentioned,  260 ;  of  the  south  side  of  the  Mohawk 
river,  274;  showing  situations  of  Forts  Bull  and 
Williams,  329 ;  of  French  grants  on  Lake  Cham- 
plain,  359 ;  of  English  grants  on  Lake  Champlain, 
368;  of  the  Province  of  New- York,  in  1779,  626. 

Maryland,  Iroquois  name  for,  264. 

Mayor  of  New- York,  by  whom  appointed  in  1687, 
95  ;  powers  of  the  courts  of,  in  169S,  200,  202. 

McGregor)',  Major,  sent  by  Gov.  Dongan  to  the  Far 
Indians,  100;  taken  prisoner  by  the  French,  158; 
detained  at  Montreal,  161 ;  the  Council  propose 
measures  for  the  release  of,  162 ;  liberated  by  or- 
ders from  France,  166. 

Mercer,  Col.,  appointed  to  the  2d  American  Regi- 
ment, 319 ;  killed  at  Oswego,  ib. 

MeuUes,  M.  de,  report  against  M.  de  la  Barre,  79. 

Miamis,  numerical  strength  of  the,  25 ;  attack  the 
Iroquois,  134. 

MichilimakJnak,  the  English  visit,  133  ;  Gov.  Don- 
gan despotches  an  expedition  to,  13S ;  Indians  ar- 


rive at  Albany  from,  488. 

Militia,  number  of  the  Provincial,  in  1678,  60 ;  in 
1687,96;  in  1693,  203;  in  1700,  227;  in  1716 
and  1720,  469. 

Milet,  Rev.  Father,  missionary  among  the  Oncidas, 
74;  retires  from  that  mission,  85  ;  at  Catarakoui, 
125 ;  at  Fort  Niagara,  16S. 

Ministers,  the  several  sorts  of,  in  the  city  of  New- 
York,  in  1687,  116;  the  King's  natural  born  sub- 
jects disinclined  to  pay  their,  117;  of  the  Dutch 
Church,  list  of  the,  406. 

Missionaries,  reason  why  the  French  withdrew  from 
the  Iroquois,  86. 

Mississippi,  discovery  of  the,  101. 

Mohaws,  names  and  description  of  the  towns  belong- 
ing to  the,  15 ;  numerical  strength  of  the,  15,  21,24, 
43,468;  French  expeditions  agairst  the,  41,  tt  leq.; 
some  French  officers  murdered  b^  the,  47;  verifi- 
cation of  the  French  conquest  of  the  country  of  the, 
53 ;  the  English  flag  planted  in  the  villages  of  the, 
67 ;  map  of  the  land  on  the  south  side  of  the  river, 
■274 ;  topographical  description  of  the  valley  of  the, 
338; 

MooKB,  Gov.,  on  the  French  grants  on  Lake  Cham- 
plain, 353,  356 ;  instructions  to,  not  to  make  any 
grants  of  Land  within  the  French  Seigniories, 
north  of  Crown  Point,  356;  report  of,  on  the  manu- 
factures in  N.  Y.,  498. 


IKDIX. 


533 


N. 


1 


Namei  of  the  Iroqiioit  tribes,  11;  and  towns,  16,  tt 
itq.;  of  the  members  of  Gov.  Dongan's  Council, 
lib;  of  the  inhabitants  of  Ulster  county  in  1689, 
173;  of  those  killed  and  taken  prisoners  at  Schen- 
ectady in  1691,  190;  of  the  Indian  Board,  218;  of 
inhabitants  of  Orange  county  in  1702,  i£)9;  of 
Dutchess  in  1714,  240;  of  Albany  in  1730,  241, 
of  all  the  civil  and  militia  officers  of  the  Province 
cf  New-York  in  1693,  230;  of  the  killed  and  miss- 
ing in  an  action  near  Oswego,  309;  of  the  me- 
chanics and  sailors  taken  prisoners  at  Osweffo,  320; 
of  the  inhabitants  of  the  city  of  New- York  in  1703, 
395;  of  the  ministers  of  the  Dutch  churches,  406; 
of  the  first  patentees  of  New  Utrecht,  413 ;  of  the 
inhabitants  of  the  present  county  of  Kings  in  1687, 
429. 

Negroes  imported  into  New-York,  from  1701  to  1726, 
482. 

New  Amsterdam,  first  application  for  a  municipal 
form  of  Government  for,  386;  instructions  for  the 
Sheriff"  of,  388. 

New  England  saved  by  the  Government  of  New- 
York,  99. 

New  Orange,  charters  of  the  city  of,  ?M   392. 

New  Rochelle,  names  of  the  militia  officers  of  )::e 
town  of,  in  1700,  233. 

Newtown,  militia  officers  of,  in  1700,  230. 

New  Utrecht,  officers  of  the  mihtia  in  the  town  of, 
231;  history  of  the  first  settlement  of,  413;  inhabi- 
tants of,  in  1687,  430. 

New-York,  Courts  of  the  city  of,  59, 60, 95;  Governor's 
Reports  on  the  f -ov.  of,  57,  93 ;  boundaries,  lati- 
tude and  places  of  trade  of  the  Province  of,  60; 
population  of,  61;  description  of  buildings  in  the 
city  of,  in  1678,  ib.;  description  of  the  fort  at,  in 
1686,  96;  Dongan's  char,  of  the  people  of,  ib.; 
Maps  of  the  harbor  and  prov.  of,  sent  to  England, 
101, 102;  M.  de  Denonville  recommends  the  French 
government  to  purchase,  126;  taxes  levied  in  1688, 
for  the  support  of  the  government  of,  167;  M.  de 
Callieres'  project  for  the  conquest  of  the  province 


of,  179;  number  of  the  housex  and  adults  in,  in 
1689,  181;  proposed  disposition  of  the  people  of, 
and  their  property  when  conquered  by  the  French, 
183,  el  »tq.;  officers  of  the  corporation  of,  1693, 
200;  militia  of  the  prov.  of,  in  1693,  203;  names 
of  the  militia  officers  of  the  prov.  of,  229;  address 
of  the  Gov.  and  Coincil  on  the  stale  of  the  prov. 
of,  in  1601,  207;  city  of.  in  1691,  ib.;  first  settle- 
ment of  the  English  in  Western,  289;  papen  re* 
lating  to  the  city  of,  383;  Nichol's  charter  for  the 
city  of,  389;  Benck's  and  Evertsen's  charter,  3!ili; 
Colve's  charter,  392;  census  of  the  city  of,  in  1703, 
395;  Dutch  Ministers  of,  1758,  406;  tables  of 
population  of  the  prov.  of,  465 ;  population  of,  in 
1647,  1673  and  1712,467;  in  1723,471;  in  1731, 
ib.;  and  1737,  472;  in  1746,  ib.;  and  1749,  473; 
in  1756,  ib.;  in  4771  and  174^.,  474;  revenue,  &c., 
of  the  prov.  of,  475 ;  trade  .-md  manufactures  of, 
483 ;  Gov  Tryon's  report  on  the  sta'e  of  the  pro- 
vince of,  501 ;  civil  establishment  of  the  prov,  of, 
paid  by  the  Crown,  521 ;  do.,  paid  by  the  province, 
522. 

Niagara,  Gov.  Dongan  recommends  the  con(.'''Uction 
of  a  fort  at,  90 ;  the  Duke  of  York's  arms  put  up 
as  far  as,  100;  distance  from  Illinois  and  Lake 
Superior  to,  123;  M.  de  Denonville  recommends 
the  erection  of  a  fort  at,  127 ;  advantages  of  a  post 
at,  ib.;  situation  and  soil  of,  ib.;  Gov.  Dongan  re- 
monstrates against  tho  erection  by  the  French  of  a 
fort  at,  128 ;  the  Frenchpropose  establishing  a  post 
at,  143 ;  erection  of  a  French  fort  at,  147 ;  M.  de 
Denonville  takes  possession  of,  149 ;  date  of  the 
erection  of  La  Salle's  fort  at,  ib.;  French  garrison 
at,  150;  French  fort  at,  154,  158;  abandoned,  168; 
condition  in  1688,  of  fort,  169 ;  names  ol  the  offi- 
cers then  at  fort,  ib.;  height  of  the  falls  of,  283 ; 
the  French  erect  another  fort  at,  290. 

NicoLLs,  Gov.  to  M.  de  Tracy,  53 ;  served  in  the 
French  army,  ib.;  his  report  on  the  state  of  the 
prov.,  59 ;  his  charter  to  N.  York,  399. 


0. 


Observations  of  Wentworth  Greeuhaigh  among  the 
Five  Nations,  15. 

Officers,  civil,  in  1693,  197;  of  the  militia  in  1700, 
names  of  the,  229. 

Ogdensburgh,  papers  relating  to  an  early  French 
settlement  at,  275.     (See,  Presentation.) 

Oneagorah,  Oneigra,  Onyegra.     (See  Niagara.) 

Oneida,  strength  of  the,  in  1677,  16;  in  the  year 
1736,  21;  in  1763,  24;  speech  of  a  chief  of  the, 
33;  number  of  the,  in  1664,44;  sue  for  peace  fVom 
the  French,  4'/;  treaty  between  the  French  and 
the, 51;  acknowledge  themselves  subjects  of  France, 
52;  Father  Milet,  missionary  among  the,  74;  num- 
ber of  the,  capable  of  bearing  arms  in  1685,  123; 
M.  de  Vaudrueil  leads  an  expedition  against  the, 
213;  and  lays  waste  the  settlements  of  the,  216; 
papers  relating  to  the  countrj*  of  the,  205;  vindi- 


cation of  the  conduct  of  the,  previous  to  the  burn- 
ing of  the  German  Flatts,  336. 
Onondagas,  numerical  strength  of  the,  at  different 
periods,  15,  21,  24,  44,  468;  papers  relating  to  the 
first  French  settlement  among  the,  27;  Father  Le 
Moine's  mission  to  the,  29;  first  adult  baptism 
among  the,  31;  the  French  invited  to  settle  among 
the,  33;  discovery  of  the  salt  springs  of  the,  34; 
Jesuit  missionaries  proceed  to  the,  25;  conspiracy 
of  the,  against  the  French,  ib.;  surprise  of  the,  on 
learning  of  the  withdrawal  of  the,  40;  the  council 
of  the,  assert  their  freedom,  76;  negotiations  be- 
tween Father  de  Lamberville  and  the,  86,  88;  the, 
puTSuade  theSenecasto  accept  their  mediation,  87; 
decline  Gov.  Dongan's  belts,  SS;  papers  relating  to 
Count  de  Frontenac's  expedition  against  the,  205; 
send    intelligence  to  Albany  of  the  march  of  the 


INDEX. 


French  agtinit  them,  807;  drtailii  of  Fronlenac'i 
expedition  against  the,  *M6, 

Ontario  Lake,  44;  oxtunt  of,  4^;  distance  from  Alba* 
ny  to,  1:23;  early    aval  operations  on,  310,  311. 

Onnge,  number  of  the  inhabitants  in  16U3,  of  the 
county  of,  i201;  in  170'i,  'i3U;  population  of,  in 
1608,467;  in  1703  and '12,  469;  in  1733,  471; 
in  1731,  ib.;  in  1737,  47S;  in  1746,  ib.;  in  1749. 
473;  in  17M,  ib.;  in  1771,  474. 

Oswegatchie  Kivcr,  the  Abbu  Ficquet  forms  an  estab* 
liithment  on  the,  278;  different  namea  for  tla- ,  286. 

Oswego,  description  by  Abb6  Ficquet  of  the  fort  at, 
284:  condition  of,  in  1725,  290;  the  French  en- 
deavor to  persuade  the  Indians  not  to  permit  the 
English  to  settle  at,  ib.;  a  stone  wall  built  around 
fort,  291;  distance  from  Schenectady  to,  ib.;  M.de 
Beauharnois  protests  against  the  English  erecting 
a  fort  at,  292;  summoned  by  a  French  officer,  294; 
formalities  observed  on  that  occasion,  ib.;  visited 
by  M.  de  Chauvignerie,  304;  garrison  at,  in  787, 
891;  in  1742,  301;  the  Indian  traders,  in  a  panic, 


abandon,  304;  the  council  approve  of  strengthen* 
ing,  30A;  M.  do  Vaudreuil  determines  to  reduce, 
300;  description  of  the  furt  at,  ib.;  M.  do  Louvig* 
ny  makes  a  reconnoissancu  of,  308;  the  Frencn 
Indians  snnound,  309;  and  attack  some  ship  car* 
pantera  near,  ib.;  Lieut.  Blair  killed  in  the  vicinity 
of,  ib.;  names  of  the  killed  and  missing  at  the  fight 
near,  ib.;  early  naval  operations  before,  310;  Col. 
Bradstreel  defeats  a  French  force  above,  312;  de* 
scription  of  in  1756,  315;  journal  of  the  seige  of, 
ib.,  it  ttq.;  articles  of  capitulation  of,  319 ;  return 
of  stores  captured  at,  380;  further  particular.:  of 
the  capture  of,  321,  tt  ttq,;  names  of  tnc  mechanics 
and  sailors  taken  prisoners  at,  326;  description  of 
the  country  between  Albany  and,  338;  uistance 
from  Albany  to,  341. 

Ottawas,  confederacy  of  the,  number  of  the,  85;  first 
visit  of  the  English  to  the,  100. 

Oyer  tc  Terminer,  court  of,  erected,  95. 

Oysterbay,  officers  of  militia,  in  1700,  belonging  to, 
831. 


P. 


Palatines,  Hcttlcmcnt  of  the,  on  the  Mohawk  river, 
burnt,  332;  number  of  the,  in  1718,  468. 

Palmer,  Judge,  called  to  the  Council,  118;  vent  by 
Gov.  Dongan  ns  agent  to  England,  156;  his  in- 
structions, 157, 

Papers  relating  to  the  Iroquois,  9;  to  the  settlement 
at  Onondaga,  37;  to  French  expeditions  against 
the  Mohawka,  41;  to  the  state  of  the  province,  57, 
03,  267;  to  De  la  Barre's  expedition  to  the  Black 
River  country,  63;  to  Denonville'a  invasion  of  the 
Genesee  country,  119;  to  the  invasion  of  New* 
York,  and  the  burning  of  Schenectady,  177;  to 
Frontenac's  expedition  against  the  Onondagas,  205; 
to  the  population  of  Ulster,  Orange,  Dutchess  and 
Albany  and  Now- York  counties,  237;  to  the  Sus- 
auehannah  river,  257;  to  early  settlement  at  Og- 
densburgh,  275;  to  Oswego,  287;  to  the  Oneida 
and  Mohawk  country,  327;  to  French  Seigniories 
on  Lake  Champlain,  345;  to  the  city  of  New-York, 
383;  to  Long  Island,  409;  to  the  population  of  the 
province,  465;  to  revenue,  Ace,  475;  to  trade  and 
manufactures,  483. 

Pawling,  Mr.  Sheriff,  at  Esopus,  105. 

Pemaquid,  60  ;  recommended  to  be  annexed  to  Bos- 
ton, 97. 

Penn,  William,  endeavors  to  acquire  the  lands  on 
the  Susquenannah  river,  261,  tt  ttq, 

Pennsylvania,  evils  arising  from  its  being  independ- 
ent of  New- York,  99;  the  proposed  boundary  be- 
tween New-York  and,  ib.;  evils  arising  from  the 
purchase  of  land  on  the  Susquehannah  by,  270, 
tt  ttq. 

Ficquet  Abbj,  proceeds  iVom  Quebec  to  establish  a 
mission  among  the  Iroquois,  277 ;  selects  a  site  at 
the  mouth  of  the  Oswegatchie  river,  ib. ;  proposeaa 


mode  to  render  the  upper  part  of  the  St.  Lawrence 
navigable,  278 ;  expense  incurred  for  improve- 
ments by,  ib. ;  biographicol  sketcli  of  the,  280 ; 
leads  an  expedition  aoainst  Saratoga,  ib. ;  burns 
fort  Edward,  ib. ;  builds  a  fort,  ice,  at  Oswegatch- 
ie, 282 ;  establishes  a  form  or  government  among 
the  Indians,  283;  visits  the  boy  of  Quints,  Toron- 
to, ib. ;  measures  the  height  oi*^  the  falls  of  Niaga* 
ra,  ib. ;  explores  the  Genesee  river,  284 ;  describes 
fort  Oswego,  ib. ;  distinguishes  himself  in  the  war 
of  1755,  1^5  ;  withdraws  from  Canada  and  returns 
to  France,  286 ;  his  death,  ib. ;  plants  a  cross  at 
Oswego  on  the  reduction  of  that  place  by  the 
French,  319. 

Plan  of  La  Presentation,  281 ;  of  Oswego,  292,  318, 
315. 

Poor,  provision  for  the  maintenance  of  the,  62.  117. 

Population  of  the  Province  of  N.  York,  in  1678,  61 ; 
m  1687,  06  ;  statistics  of,  from  1647  to  1774,  467, 
tt  ttq. 

Powder,  price  of,  in  1696,  215. 

Prerogative  court,  in  1693,  officers  and  functions  of 
the,  208. 

Presbyterians,  62,  116. 

Presentation  la,  the  Abb£  Ficquet  establishes  the 
mission  of,  on  the  Oswegatchie  river,  277,  282 ; 
distance  of,  from  Montreal,  Kingston  and  Oswego, 
278 ;  post  of,  fortified,  278,  282  ;  attacked  and 
burnt,  lb. ;  latitude  and  longitude  of,  281 ;  advan- 
tages of  a  post  at,  882  ;  number  of  Indians  at,  ib. ; 
the  Bishop  of  Quebec  visits,  283;  names  of  maps 
in  which  mention  is  made  of,  886. 

Pretty,  Mr.,  sheriff  of  Albany,  112. 

Printer,  allowance  in  1693,  to  the  public,  800. 


IUDBX. 


535 


Quakeri,  63,  1 16. 

Quarter  SeMioim,  in  1699,  powen  of  the,  309. 

Queens  county,  names  of  the  sherifT,  clerk  and  justi- 
ces of,  in  1690,  I'OI ;  strength  of  the  militia  uf, 
803  ;  names  of  the  militia  offlcen  of  in  1700,  230 ; 


population  of,  in  1696,  467;  in  1703,  469  ;  in  1733, 
471 ;  in  1731,  ib. ;  in  1737,  473 ;  in  1746,  ib.  ;  in 
1749,  473  ;  in  17fl6,  ib ;  in  1771,  474. 
Quitrents,  mode  adopted  by  Oov.  Don^an  to  colk-ct, 
104 ;  amount  of,  in  1767,  4S0  ;  how  expended,  ib. 


Raflfelx,  Rev.  Father,  accompanies  the  French  expe*  | 
dilioa  against  the  Mohawks,  46,  49,  | 

Ragueneau,  Father  Paul,  35;  describes  the  expulsion  i 
of  the  French  from  Onondaga,  37. 

Ranslaer's  Colonic,  Albany  declared   to  be  within, 
118. 

Relation  of  the  Governor  of  Canada's  march  into  the 
territories  of  the  Duke  of  York,  50. 

Revenue  officers  in  1686,  104  ;  papers  relating  to  the 
provincial,  475,  tt  ttq. 

Rhode  Island,  annexation  of,  to  New  York  recom- 
mended, 97. 

Richelieu,  fort,  by  whom  built,  43 ;  river,  44 ;  why  so 
called,  45. 


Richmond  county,  names  of  the  officers  ot,  m  1693, 
200  ;  strength  of  the  militia  of,  303  ;  militia  offi- 
cers of,  in  1700,232;  population  of,  in  1698,  467; 
in  1703  and  1721,  460;  in  1723,  471;  in  1731, 
ib. ;  in  1737,  473  ■  in  1746,  ib. ;  in  1749,  473;  in 
1756,  ib.;  in  1771,474. 

Ridings,  number  of,  'n  1678,  61. 

Rigolle,  situntinn  of.  La,  311. 

Religions,  var.ety  of,  in  New  York,  in  1378,  01,  03  ; 
in  1687,  116. 

Rome,  earlv  f  ^rts  at,  339. 

Turn  consi^red  by  Ch''«tians  Mter  for  Indians  than 
brandy,  140. 


S. 


Saguinam,  location  of  the  country  called,  133. 

SaFle,  M.  de  la,  sent  back  to  France  by  M.  de  la  Bar- 
re,  67 ;  the  Cayugas  and  Senecas  demand  that  he 
withdraw  from  the  Illinois  country,  70  ;  Louis  XIV. 
directs  that  he  be  left  in  possession  of  Fort  Fron- 
tenac,  73 ;  discovery  of  a  great  river  bv,  101 ;  al- 
lusion to  his  having  built  a  fort  on  the  Illinois  river, 
141;  and  above  the  Falls  of  Niagara,  150;  his 
fort  burnt  by  the  Senecas,  ib. 

Salt  Petre,  none  found  in  the  Province  of  New  York, 
61. 

Salt  Springs,  papers  relating  to  the  discovery  of  the, 
87  ;  encampment  of  M.  de  Frontenac's  army  at  the, 
311. 

Santen,  Lucas,  collector  of  customs  at  N.  York,  104  ; 
charges  against,  106 ;  suspended  from  office  and 
imprisoned,  107 ;  Gov.  Dongan's  character  oi,  ''^?; 
a  defaulter,  ib. ;  sent  back  to  England,  lit 

Saratoga,  some  of  the  Five  Nations  establisheu  at, 
99  ;  settlement  at  destroyed,  380. 

Schenectady,  M.  de  Courcelles  arrives  with  his  army 
at,  50 ;  accounts  of  the  burning  of,  IS*.),  tt  ttq,',  de- 
scription of,  in  1756,  341. 

Schuyler,  Peter,  156,  218;  Abra.ii,  ^89. 

Scious,  French  canoes  plundered  on  their  way  to  trade 
with  the,  70. 

Seabrook,  Sir  E.  Andrew  resisted  by  the  garrison  of, 
117. 

Seigniories,  French,  on  Lake  Champlain,  instruc- 
tions to  the  government  of  New-York  not  to  make 
any  grants  within  the,  34S,  354,  356 ;  order  of  the 
king  in  council  relative  to  the,  355,  council  of 
New- York  call  on  the  owners  of  t'-j,  to  produce 
their  titles,  357  ;  Lt.  Gov.  Cramah'  communicates 
list  of  the,  358 ;  list  of  papers  relating  to  the,  359 ; 
French  ordinance  reut^iting  several  of  the,  to  the 


public  domain,  360;  report  t,.  -iie  New-Yorl,:  luun- 
cil  on  he,  '<  "^ ;  report  of  the  Board  of  Trude  on 
M.  de  Lotbinierc's,  373,  375. 

Senecas,  numerical  strength  uf  the,  16,  lil,  .4,  66, 
sue  for  peace  from  the  French,  47  ;  unito  with  the 
Cayugas  in  plundering  French  canoes,  ib.,  70,  74  ; 
account  of  M.  de  la  Barre's  operations  against  the, 
81 ;  hide  their  grain  and  prepare  for  wqi  ,  85  ;  the 
Duke  if  York's  arms  erected  in  the  country  of  tlie, 
and  torn  down,  S7  ;  description  of  the  forts  of  the, 
90;  surrender  their  country  to  the  English,  100; 
an  account  of  M.  de  Denonville's  attack  on  the, 
146;  number  of  the  killed  and  wounded,  147; 
quantity  of  grain  possessed  by  the,  ib.;  verification 
of  the  French  possession  of  the  country  of  the,  149; 
M.  de  la  Salle's  fort  burnt  by  the,  150  ;  account  of 
the  French  attack  on  the,  151,  ei  seq. 

Sessions,  County,  in  1668,  69 ;  in  1678,  60 ;  in  1687, 
95. 

Shaw,  Wm.,  Surveyor  of  Customs  in  Albany,  1 12  ; 

Shferifl*,  by  whom  appointed,  95;  in  16Ji3,  of  New- 
York,  Albany,  Westchester,  200;  of  Richmond, 
Ulster,  Suffolk,  Queens, King, 201 ;  namesof  each 
in  1731,  471. 

Ships,  number  of,  trading  to  the  Province  in  1678, 
61;  in  1686,  103. 

Slaves,  in  1678,  prices  of,  61 ;  number  of,  imported 
into  New-York,  isom  1701  to  1726,  482, 

Snow  shoes,  the  French  march  from  the  St.  Law- 
rence to  the  Mohawk  on,  46,  50. 

Southampton,  names  of  the  officers  of  militia  of,  in 
1700,  229 ;  of  the  inhabitants  of,  in  1698,  437. 

Southold,  names  of  the  militia  officers  of,  in  1700, 
239  ;  of  the  inhabitants  of,  447. 

Stanwix,  Fort,  boundary  between  the  whites  and  In- 
dians agreed  on  at,  379. 


536 


IMEEX. 


I 


i.V 


i 


¥ 


St.  Francis'  Lake,  44. 

St.  Lawrence  river,  44 ;  difficulties  of  the  navigation 
of  the,  ib.;  Abbe  Picquct  proposes  to  improve  the 
rapids  of  the,  278 ;  Gov.  Tryon  claims  for  N.  Y. 
all  the  lands  south  of  the,  368. 

St.  Louis,  Fort,  on  the  river  Richelieu,  by  whom  built, 
43 ;  in  Illinois  attacked  oy  the  Iroquois,  70,  72, 
73. 

St.  Marie  of  the  Iroquois,  where,  39. 

St.  Therese,  Fort,  when  built,  43. 

Suffolk  county,  names  of  the  civil  officers  of,  in  1693, 
201 ;  strength  of  the  militia  of,  202 ;  names  of  the 
militia  officers  of,  229 ;  population  of,  in  1698, 467 ; 
in  1703,  469;  in  1723,  471 ;  in  1731  ib.;  in  1737, 
472;  in  1746,  ib.;  in  1749,  473;  in  1756,  ib.;  in 
1771,  474. 

Superior,  Lake,  distance  from  Niagara  to,  126 ;  sam- 
ple of  the  coper  at,  148. 

i 

Tariff  of  1687,  i03. 

Toronto,  French  commander  at,  136. 

Tobacco,  the  condemned,  manufactured  for  the  Indian 
trade,  98. 

Tonty,  Ghev.  de,  commander  at  Fort  St.  Louis,  125 ; 
despatched  to  the  Illinois  country,  136 ;  proceeds 
in  search  of  M.  de  la  Salle,  ib.;  his  success  among 
the  Illinois,  147. 

Tortoise  tribe,  Indian  name  of  the,  11. 

Totums,  enumeration  of  the  several  Indian,  17. 

Towns,  number  of  the,  in  the  Province  in  1678,  61; 
in  1686,  102. 

Tracy,  Marq.  de,  expedition  of  the,  against  the  Mo- 
hawks, 41 ;  destroys  their  forts,  49 ;  suffers  from 
the  gout  on  the  march,  54;  correspondence  between 
Gov.  Nicolls  and,  55;  his  testimony  in  favor  of  the 


Supreme  court,  justices  of  the,  in  1693,  199;  powers 
of  the,  202. 

Susquehanna  river,  efforts  made  to  engage  New- York 
traders  to  move  to  the,  09;  fall  of  the,  recommend- 
ed as  line  of  division  between  New- York  and  Penn- 
sylvania, ib.;  papers  relating  to  the,  257 ;  distance 
of  the,  from  the  different  tribes  of  the  Five  Nations, 
259;  map  of  the,  sent  to  N ew- York,  260 ;  Wm. 
Penn  wants  to  purchase  the,  261 ;  belongs  alone  to 
the  Cayugas  and  Onondagas,  ib.;  price  paid  for  the 
lands  on  the,  by  the  English,  261  ;  the  Onondagas 
and  Cayugas  confirm  their  conveyance  of  their  lands 
on  the,  to  New- York,  263,  '4,  '5 ;  address  of  the 
Governor  and  council  of  New- York  in  1691,  on  the 
subject  of  the,  267 ;  letter  of  Sir  W.  Johnson  on 
the  evils  resulting  from  the  purchase  of  lands  on 
the,  270;  evils  produced  by  the  Pennsylvania  pur- 
chases on  the,  271. 

I 

Dutch  of  New- York,  ib.;  served  in  Germany,  56 ; 
vessel  belonging  to,  seized  by  the  English,  ib.; 
Gov.  Dongan  alludes  to  the  expedition  of,  100. 

Trade,  obstructions  to,  in  1686,  103 ;  papers  relating 
to,  482. 

Tribes,  Indian  names  of  the  several  Iroquois,  11,  et 
teg.;  illustration  of  the,  13,  14. 

Tryon,  Gov.,  to  Lord  Hillsborough,  claims  for  New- 
York  all  the  lands  north  of  the  river  St.  Lawrence, 
368 ;  Lord  Dartmouth  to,  reproving  such  a  preten- 
sion, ib.;  letter  of,  to  Lord  Dartmouth,  in  support 
of  his  views,  369 ;  Lord  Dartmouth  in  reply  to, 
371 ;  to  Lt.  Gov.  Cramahe,  subscribing  to  certain 
conditions  proposed  by  the  Council  at  Quebec,  373 ; 
report  of,  on  the  state  of  the  Province,  503. 


U. 


Ulster  county,  list  of  the  inhabitants  of,  in  1689,  171 ; 
names  of  the  civil  officers  of,  in  1693,  201;  Dutch- 
ess annexed  to,  ib.;  strength  of  the  militia  of,  203; 
names  of  the  officers  of  militia  of,  in   1700,  233 ; 


population  of,  in  1700,  1703,  1712  and  1714,  469; 
m  1723,  471 ;  in  1731,  ib.;  in  1737,472;  in  1746, 
ib.;  in  1749,  473;  in  1756,  ib.;  in  1771,  474. 


Vaillant,  Rev.  Father,  155. 


Van  Cortlant,  Mr.,  on  the  burning  of  Schenectady, 
194. 

Vaudreuil,  M.  de,  expedition  of,  against  the  Oneidas, 
213;  informs  the  minister  of  the  English  move- 
ments at  Oswego,  305 ;  describes  a  naval  fight  on 
Lake  Ontario,  311. 

W 


i  Vessels  captured  at  Oswego,  return  of  the,  320. 


Viele,  Amaud  Cornelis,  sent  by  Col.  Dongan  to  plant 
the  Duke  of  York's  arms  in  the  several  Iroquois 
villages,  76 ;  meets  with  opposition  at  Onondaga, 
87 ;  supposed  to  be  an  emissary  from  the  Albany 
merchants,  91. 

Virginia,  the  Iroquois  name  for,  264. 


Washington,  Col.,  272. 

Wesichestercounty,  officers  of,  in  1693,  200;  strength 
of  the  militia  of,  20i* ;  names  of  the  militia  officers 
of,  in  1700.  233;  popula:'on  of,  in  1698,  467;  in 
1703  and  '12,  469;  in  17Si3.  471;  in  1731,  ib.; 
in  1737, 472 ;  in  1746,  ib.;  in  1719. 473 ;  in  1756, 
ib.;  in  1771,  474. 


Western    New-York,   first    English  settlement    in, 

289. 
Wheat,  price  of,  in  1696,  215. 
Williams  fort,  location  of,  329 ;  abandoned,  338. 
Wolf,  Indian  name  of  the  tribe  of  the,  11. 
Wyoming,  Indian  name  for,  271. 


York  Duke  of,  applied  to  by  the  French  ambassador  I 
to  prevent  his  governor  supplying  the  Indians  with  { 


arms,  72 ;  the  arms  of  the,  erected  in  the  Iroquois 
villages,  76 ;  torn  down  by  a  drunken  Indian,  87. 


■Bill 


